Category: Daily Monitor

The 2022 presidential race marked former Prime Minister Raila Odinga’s five so-close-yet-so-far presidential bids.

Odinga, who died on Wednesday aged 80 – had become a perennial presidential contender, having contested in 1997, 2007, 2013, 2017 and 2022.

But his ambition to become the country’s president remained elusive.

Popularly referred to as the enigma of the Kenyan politics, Mr Odinga had for close to four decades amassed huge political support base spread across the country.

He became one of the most consequential political player in nearly all the General Elections, with campaign messaging either crafted around Raila-phobia or Raila-mania.

His reformist and pro-people credentials endeared him to the population, especially those who felt marginalized by successive regimes that have largely rotated between the country’s two main ethnic blocs.

In some of the presidential elections, like the 2007 contest, he entered the race as the perceived preferred candidate. He narrowly lost to incumbent Mwai Kibaki in one of the country’s closely contested presidential race. The outcome of the election highly disputed, plunging the country in one of the deadliest post-election violence in the history of the country.

His supporters believe he was rigged out in the contest. In the election, his Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) won majority parliamentary seats, beating Kibaki’s Party of National Unity (PNU).

He was named Prime Minister in the subsequent grand coalition that was formed after the peace talks mediated by late former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Anan.

In the 2022 presidential race, Mr Odinga was once again perceived as a front runner in the contest that pitted him against then Deputy President William Ruto. In the election, Mr Odinga had the backing of then President Uhuru Kenyatta, who had fallen out with his deputy, Dr Ruto.

The veteran politician’s supporters – who for years believed he had been rigged out in the previous elections – were convinced the 2022 contest was his surest bet to ascend to the presidency. They believed with his massive traditional support bases and assistance by State machinery, his victory would not be stolen again. He lost to Dr Ruto.

Dr Ruto garnered 50.49 percent of the vote against his 48.85 percent. Mr Odinga challenged the results at the Supreme Court. However, the seven-judge bench upheld Dr Ruto’s win.

He went on to forge a working arrangement with President Ruto, leading to the formation of broad-based government that has ODM members sitting in the Cabinet.

Born on January 7, 1945 to the country’s first Vice-President Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Mr Odinga, served as MP for Lang’ata between 1992 and 2013. He first won the Lang’ata seat on a Ford Kenya ticket before he retained it on a National Development Party ticket in 1997, National Alliance Rainbow Coalition (Narc) in 2002 and ODM in 2007.

Mr Odinga had his first stint in public service in 1974 when he was appointed Group Standards Manager at the Kenya Bureau of Standards (KeBS) and promoted to the position of Deputy Director in 1978 until 1982 when he was detained because of his political activity.

He was placed under house arrest for 7 months by the regime of former President Daniel Moi. He was later charged with treason, but was instead detained without trial for six years. During his time in detention, his mother died in 1984.

Moi ordered his release on February 6, 1988, but he was re-arrested in September the same year and was once again detained.

He was released on June 12, 1989, only to be incarcerated again on July 5, 1990, this time with Mr Kenneth Matiba and Mr Charles Rubia during the agitation for multi-party democracy.

He was released on June 21, 1991, but fled the country for Norway the following November amid fears of another arrest.

He returned to Kenya in February 1992, and joined Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (Ford) — where he was elected vice Chairman of the General Purposes Committee of the party.

He was elected Lang’ata MP in 1992 on a Ford Kenya ticket. When his father, Mr Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, died in January 1994, he challenged Mr Michael Wamalwa Kijana as the chair of the party but lost.

He resigned from Ford-Kenya to join the National Development Party (NDP).

He contested the presidency in 1997 and finished third but retained his position as Lang’ata MP. After the election, he led a merger between his party, NDP, and Mr Moi’s Kanu party.

He served in Moi’s Cabinet as Energy Minister from June 2001 to 2002. In the subsequent Kanu elections, he was elected the party’s secretary-general as part of the power sharing deal of the merger.

In 2002, Odinga fell out with Moi after he endorsed Mr Uhuru Kenyatta as his successor.

Mr Odinga and other Kanu members, including Kalonzo Musyoka, the late George Saitoti and the late Joseph Kamotho, opposed this step arguing that the then 38-year-old Mr Kenyatta was politically inexperienced and lacked the leadership qualities required to govern.

They joined the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which later teamed up with Mr Mwai Kibaki’s National Alliance Party of Kenya (Nak), a coalition of several other parties, to form the National Rainbow Coalition (Narc) that eventually defeated Mr Kenyatta in the 2002 poll.

He later fell out with Mr Kibaki and contested the presidential election in2007 that was marred by Kenya’s deadliest post-poll violence. He was named Prime Minister in the subsequent grand coalition that was formed after the peace talks mediated by late former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Anan.

He also lost the 2013 presidential election to Mr Kenyatta. After the Supreme Court nullified the poll results, he boycotted the repeat election held on October 2017.

In the run-up to the 2017 poll, Odinga had a strong coalition behind him – the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (Cord) – which later became the National Super Alliance (Nasa), seven months to the polls. He successfully challenged Mr Kenyatta’s re-election at the Supreme Court. He, however, chose to boycott the repeat poll, citing lack of reforms at the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC).

His death has now marked a permanent closure on his presidential ambition, but his achievements in the fight for democratic space and second liberation will continue to stand out, according to his supporters.

Uganda’s lone flag bearer on the Sunshine Tour, Ronald Rugumayo, returns to the fairways on Thursday afternoon for his fifth event of the 2025-26 season – the Fortress Invitational at Glendower Golf Club in Gauteng, South Africa.

The MTN and Johnnie Walker-sponsored professional has been on a quiet but steady rise since his 11th-place finish at the Uganda Open in Lugazi, where he huffed and puffed his way to a seven-over 291 (67, 76, 70, 78) finish.

Many felt he had punched below his weight that week, but the 31-year-old has since found his stride in the unforgiving terrains of South Africa.

Finding rhythm

Rugumayo has featured in four Sunshine Tour and developmental events since the Lugazi outing – showing remarkable consistency and improvement. His results so far read like a steady climb through the ranks.

He began at the Sunbet Challenge in Sibaya, where he missed the cut, before bouncing back impressively at the Vodacom Origins of Golf in Devonvale, finishing tied 54th on three-over 216 to make his first cut of the season.

The momentum carried into the Betway Big Easy Tour at Reading Golf Club, where he posted a two-round total of three-under 139 for a tie-for-11th finish.

His breakthrough came at the Limpopo Championship in Euphoria Estate, where he battled through four rounds to finish tied 36th on one-over 289 – his best Sunshine Tour result yet.

That run of form marked the first time the Fort Portal-born pro has made back-to-back cuts on the tour, a glowing milestone that underlines his growing patience, consistency, and mental fortitude.

Gauteng test ahead

The next test comes fast – the Fortress Invitational, a R2.5 million (UGX 388 million) purse event that draws 144 players, with the top 50 and ties making the cut.

Set at the Glendower Golf Club, ranked No.6 in South Africa, the event promises a true test of precision and endurance. The parkland course’s tree-lined fairways, firm greens, and swirling Gauteng winds demand both technical mastery and mental resilience.

‘Feeling good and ready. Different coach and caddie this season,’ said Rugumayo yesterday while announcing his tee off time (1.50pm) and revealing his new support team – coach Rob Van Velzen and caddie Ernest Guyz – both experienced professionals in the South African circuit.

Manager’s perspective

His manager Peter Mujuni believes this growing exposure is the key to unlocking Rugumayo’s full potential. ‘That is where he is destined to be playing because the more he plays regularly there, the more he will get better and improve his ranking.

If all goes well, we want him to also try his luck in the MENA Tour or India, where there is good prize money. He has to play in those events if he wants to make it to the top,’ Mujuni said.

Mujuni adds that the back-to-back cuts have boosted Rugumayo’s confidence and confirmed his ability to mix it with seasoned Sunshine Tour campaigners.

Mental shift

MTN and Johnnie Walker’s continued backing has allowed Rugumayo to focus purely on performance – and it’s starting to show. The Ugandan pro has been embracing better training routines, sharper course management, and an improved putting rhythm, all hallmarks of a player evolving with purpose.

This new chapter, under a different coach and caddie combination, may well define the next phase of his Sunshine Tour campaign.

MAYO – PERFORMANCE TRAIL (Since the Uganda Open)

1. Sunbet Challenge (Sibaya) – Missed Cut

2. Vodacom Origins of Golf (Devonvale) – T54 (+3, 216) – First Sunshine Tour Cut

3. Betway Big Easy Tour (Reading GC) – T11 (-3, 139) – Two rounds

4. Limpopo Championship (Euphoria Estate) – T36 (+1, 289) – Best Sunshine Tour Finish

Thursday at Glendower, SA

Fortress Invitational

Tee Off Time: 1.50pm

TALKING POINT

Lone Star. In a season where he carries Uganda’s hopes alone, Rugumayo’s mission has transcended personal ambition. Every grind to make the cut, echoes the progress of an entire golf nation hungry for continental recognition. His back-to-back cuts and growing confidence have reignited belief that he will rise into a regular contender – perhaps even a future winner – on one of Africa’s most competitive tours.

The Constitutional Court has dismissed a petition that sought to abolish the imposition of cash bail in Uganda’s judicial system, ruling that the practice is not unconstitutional and remains within the discretion of judicial officers when granting bail.

The five-judge panel led by Deputy Chief Justice Dr. Flavian Zeija unanimously held that Section 78(b) of the Magistrates Courts Act and the relevant provisions of the 2022 Bail Guidelines for Courts of Judicature do not contravene the Constitution. Other Justices are Fredrick Egonda-Ntende, Ketrah Kitariisibwa Katunguka, Florence Nakachwa, and John Mike Musisi.

Delivering the lead judgment, Justice Nakachwa ruled that while every accused person has the constitutional right to apply for bail, the law allows courts to impose reasonable conditions, including cash deposits, to ensure attendance at trial.

‘Although an accused person has a right to apply for bail, it does not necessarily follow that one is automatically entitled to it,’ Justice Nakachwa stated. Adding, ‘The rationale behind granting cash bail is to balance the accused person’s right to liberty with the need to ensure their appearance in court and to prevent obstruction of justice.’ She emphasized that cash bail serves as a deterrent against absconding and as a mechanism to promote respect for the law. ‘Delinquent behavior will be avoided if members of the public know that release on bail may require payment of a cash bond. This financial pinch leads to obedience to the law and the promotion of the rule of law,’ she said.

The petition had been filed by Mr. Amos Kuuku, an advocate, Mr. Ezekiel Kasule, and Mr. Frank Barnabas Kajubi, who argued that Section 78(b) of the Magistrates Courts Act and Guidelines 23 to 28 of the Bail Guidelines (Practice) Directions, 2022, were inconsistent with Articles 21, 23(6), and 28(3) of the Constitution.

They contended that cash bail discriminates against indigent accused persons, prolongs remand periods, and contributes to prison congestion since those unable to pay remain in custody despite being granted bail. In their affidavits, the petitioners cited instances where they or other accused persons remained on remand for months or years because they could not raise bail money. They asked the Court to declare the provisions unconstitutional and to direct the release of all prisoners detained for failure to pay cash bail.

However, the Attorney General, represented by Counsel Richard Adrole and Jackie Amusugut, defended the law, saying that courts retain discretion to impose bail conditions they deem reasonable under Article 23(6) of the Constitution.

‘The right to bail is not automatic; whether rich or poor, all persons have the right to apply for bail, and the decision whether or not to grant it depends on the court’s discretion after considering the circumstances of each case,’ the State argued. The State further warned that removing cash bail could undermine the administration of justice. ‘Should cash bail be scrapped, it would cause mayhem. Accused persons will not fear absconding court sittings, and the public may lose confidence in the justice system,’ the Attorney General’s lawyers submitted.

In her judgment, Justice Nakachwa agreed with the State’s position, ruling that cash bail is a legitimate and constitutional condition of release.

‘The imposition of cash bail is one of the legal considerations for bail and hence not inconsistent with or in contravention of any provisions of the Constitution,’ she held. Adding, ‘Banning cash bail would stifle court’s discretion in bail applications. Had Parliament intended that bail bond be non-cash, it would have said so.’

The Court also rejected the petitioners’ plea for compensation, finding that any person who pays cash bail is entitled to a refund upon conclusion of the case, provided they comply with bail terms.

‘The issue of compensation for property sold off in order to raise bail money is misplaced. A civil court would require proof of such allegations. The 2nd petitioner has a remedy of claiming a refund of the bail money at the end of his criminal trial if he does not abscond,’ Justice Nakachwa stated.

In a concurring opinion, Justice Egonda-Ntende agreed that the petition lacked merit but noted that an unreasonable cash bail order in a particular case could amount to a constitutional violation.

‘A wrong application of Section 78 may result in a particular decision being unconstitutional. Where an order for a cash deposit is made without inquiry into an accused’s means to pay, it may be unreasonable and potentially unconstitutional,’ he observed.

However, Deputy Chief Justice Zeija disagreed with that interpretation, stating that it would be impractical for courts to conduct financial inquiries during bail hearings. ‘It would be impractical for a judicial officer to inquire into an individual’s financial ability during a bail application. Such an inquiry would turn into a trial within a trial,’ he said.

Justices Katariisibwa and Musisi both concurred with Justice Nakachwa’s lead judgment, agreeing that the petition be dismissed and each party bear their own costs. Concluding the unanimous decision, the Court declared the petition lacks merit and is hereby dismissed with no order as to costs, since this is a public interest litigation.

The ruling, delivered at the Constitutional Court in Kampala, effectively upholds Uganda’s cash bail system, affirming that the practice remains constitutional, discretionary, and refundable, and that courts must continue to exercise that discretion judiciously and reasonably.

President Museveni’s directive to Ugandan scientists to intensify research into local herbs and natural plants empirically proven to have curative properties demands our critical attention. The president opted to use the 20th anniversary ceremony of Quality Chemical Industries Limited (QCIL)-staged last week in the Kampala suburb of Luzira-to issue the clarion call. This, in and of itself, was a significant decision.

QCIL annually produces 1.4 billion tablets. While birthdays typically bring glitz, as well as distraction, QCIL marked 20 years of existence with a groundbreaking ceremony for a new modern factory at Luzira Industrial Park. The factory signals intent to introduce new production lines for tuberculosis treatments that will, ultimately, ramp up QCIL’s annual pharmaceutical tablet numbers to an impressive 2.4 billion. By any measure, the numbers are parade worthy. We certainly agree with the considered view of Dr Jane Ruth Aceng, the Health minister, that the numbers move Uganda ‘towards self-reliance’ and underscore the need to develop homegrown solutions.

The vaccine nationalism that was on full display during the pandemic when countries from the Global South like Uganda found themselves at the back of the queue was instructive. But also an important facet in the home solutions narrative, underlined by Mr Museveni, is the thorny but critical task of strengthening the hand of Ugandans that produce natural medicine. There is no shortage of such people. If the pandemic introduced the country to Prof Patrick Ogwang and his Covidex remedy, another concoction said to have curative properties for diabetes has captured the imagination of many post-pandemic.

The concoction is the handiwork of David Ssenfuka-a Ugandan herbalist with little or no formal education, who was handed down the set of instructions for production by his kin. We agree with the President that there is a dire need to prop up producers of such herbal remedies-whether they are educated enough to be called ethnobotanists or pejoratively described as herbalists due to a dearth of formal education. The need to critically examine the historical and cultural assumptions of medicine from the Global North with the view of incorporating diverse perspectives cannot be stressed enough. Indeed, we will take great strides to decolonise medicine if and when we integrate traditional and indigenous healing practices alongside Western biomedical approaches.

The key thing will be to underscore the need for empirical evidence to shield Ugandans from rogue elements who tend to be in the habit of selling snake oil.

The good news is that the higher-ups in Uganda’s health sector appear to be alive to the fact that peril and promise do live side by side. The National Drug and Health Products Authority Bill, 2025, tabled in the House on September 4, has drawn boundaries that move to offset the peril while embracing the promising aspects of herbal medicine.

The Bill describes herbal medicine as ‘any medicine that exclusively contains as active ingredients, one or more parts of natural organic or inorganic plant materials with or without animal or mineral material in a form suitable for administration to human beings.’ If its letter and spirit are effected, the decolonisation process could transform Uganda’s healthcare system to be more equitable, culturally safe, and inclusive. This will be no mean feat.

The High Court in Kampala ordered government on October 14 to produce two Kenyan political activists who went missing about a fortnight ago, moments after they attended a campaign rally of the Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) in the eastern district of Kaliro, ‘dead’ or ‘alive’.

According to the orders issued by the presiding judge, Mr Simon Peter Kinobe, the government has been given an ultimatum to produce the two activists by October 21.

The activists are Mr Nicholas Oyoo and Mr Bob Njagi.

On October 6, the duo, through their lawyers of Kiiza and Mugisha, sued the Chief of Defence Forces, the Chief of Defence Intelligence and Security, the Inspector General of Police, and the Attorney General, seeking the court’s intervention for release from what they called incommunicado detention.

Mr Koffi Atinda, a colleague of Mr Njagi, who reportedly witnessed the alleged abduction, in his affidavit to support the court action against the State security agencies listed above, avers that the security agents abducted his colleagues after NUP presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine’s rally and that they are currently being held in Mbuya, Kampala.

‘The respondent’s military arrest and detention of the applicants at the second respondent’s detention facility since Wednesday, October 1, in Mbuya is incommunicado detention, illegal and unlawful,’ Mr Koffi asserts in his affidavit.

He adds: ‘The applicants have since been in an illegal and incommunicado detention for more than 48 hours, and they in incommunicado without trial or any charges preferred against them.’

Mr Koffi explains that his colleagues, who are Kenyan nationals and belong to the African Movement, had come to Uganda to show their support for presidential candidate Kyagulanyi, who is also their personal friend, when they were abducted.

‘It’s during their stay and visit in Uganda that they were brutally arrested by men wielding guns in both military and civilian clothes around Kaliro District at Stabex Petrol Station in eastern Uganda, where they had parked their vehicle,’ Mr Koffi avers.

He adds: ‘I witnessed the arrest and survived the arrest by a whisker. They were taken in a Toyota Hiace Van commonly known as drone and whisked away at a terrible speed to a place one of them told me was Mbuya.’

Mr Koffi says the friends and family of the duo are worried that they could be subjected to torture at the hands of the military, which he accused of having a record to harassing, and persecuting critics of President Museveni and his inner circle.

The issuance of the court directive comes barely a day after the chairperson of the Uganda Human Rights Commission, Ms Mariam Wangadya, said that despite receiving a petition from the family of the missing activists, the Commission was unable to commence carrying out investigations into their whereabouts since there was already a pending court case about the same.

‘They (family of the missing duo) applied for habeas corpus in the High Court. Article 53 of the Constitution bars us from intervening in any matter that is in court, and the moment you file a court action about any matter, then you have taken us out of the jurisdiction,’ Ms Wangadya said.

Project Affected Persons (PAPs), local residents, and key stakeholders are urging the government to fulfill President Yoweri Museveni’s longstanding pledge to construct the Ambercourt-Mbulamuti-Kamuli-Buyende road.

The road, which serves as a vital agriculture produce transport route, has remained in a deplorable state despite repeated assurances from top leadership.

Stakeholders argue that the poor road conditions continue to hamper agricultural trade, increase transport costs, and limit access to essential services such as healthcare and education.

“For three decades, I have campaigned and pushed for construction of this road from Jinja Amber Court through Mbulamuti to Bukungu. What Busoga needs now is road connectivity to access markets,” said Ms. Rebecca Kadaga, First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of East Africa Community Affairs.

However, local leaders and residents are increasingly frustrated over the delay of the road that has cut them off in accessing markets for their produce. “We love, vote, and support the NRM here, but it seems the presidential pledges have shifted from promises to lies used as bait to keep us hoping, only to be resurrected during campaign season,” said Mr. Michael Kanaku, Chairperson Buyende District.

Mr. Chris Mugweri, a former NRM cadre turned to National Unity Platform (NUP) supporter and current Mbulamuti District Councilor, echoed similar sentiments.

“There seems to be an orchestrated corruption syndicate where funds for these projects are released at the source but vanish before implementation. These perennial unfulfilled pledges are lies and a betrayal of public trust,” he said.

During a recent community engagement, PAPs emphasized the urgent need for government intervention, citing delays in compensation and lack of transparency in the road project’s implementation timeline. The Ambercourt-Buyende road remains a key test of government responsiveness and commitment to infrastructure development in rural Uganda.

Mr. Richard Gulume, Jinja Resident City Commissioner, confirmed that the road has been on the agenda of the government and recently a consultant was on ground to assess the road project as planned.

“We have continued to develop the land and property and are demanding more money. The government is committed, and efforts are underway for commencement of the project,” he said.

PAPs through their representative in Jinja, Dr. Sam Olam, said their land titles were taken by the Uganda National Road Authority for compensation verification purposes three years ago, and they have received no feedback. Dr. Olam said the PAPs demand government pronouncement as they have experienced significant losses due to the government’s actions.

The Ministry of Works and Transport has assured PAPs that all land titles are safe and will be returned to owners promptly once the required right of way is established and residue titles are prepared.

“Our team is actively on ground conducting data collection to support valuation and the eventual compensation of the project affected persons,” said Mr. Allan Ssempebwa, Senior Communication Officer of the Ministry of Works and Transport.

The Monitor has learned that the government is set to borrow money from Citibank Bank to finance and build the Jinja-Mbulamuti-Kamuli-Buyende Road.

After decades of being classified as a Least Developed Country (LDC), Uganda has now been given a green light by the United Nations (UN) to begin preparing for graduation into the developing country category, the Monitor has established.

Uganda has been part of the LDC group since 1971 after being classified as such by the UN until recently when the same body, whose work includes protecting human rights, delivering humanitarian aid, supporting sustainable development, and upholding international law, sanctioned the transition expected to be completed within the next three years.

According to the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Cooperatives, this transition is a result of meeting specific economic and development criteria and is already underway. Part of the perks that Uganda would benefit from as a result of being a developing country includes cashing in on preferential treatment, mainly through duty-free market access for goods, preferential access for services, and what the Ministry of Trade describes as “tailored technical assistance and capacity building” from developed and developing countries.

This publication has established that these international support measures are rooted in the World Trade Organization agreements, designed to help vulnerable economies integrate into the global trading system with a view to increase their participation in world trade.

The government is convinced that by graduating from the LDC category, the benefits will include economic progress, improved living standards, and increased investor confidence. Analysts, however, note the downside, including losing access to specific LDC support measures like preferential trade access and development aid, something technocrats at the Ministry of Trade and Ministry of Finance are aware of.

With the graduation from LDC to developing country category, Trade Minister Francis Mwebesa noted in a statement shared by the Ministry’s senior communications officer, Ms. Khadija Blessing Nakakande, that it translates to an improved national image of stability and development, leading to higher foreign investment and credit ratings. The focus now is towards managing the phased withdrawal of specialized support during the transition to becoming a fully developed economy, Mr. Mwebesa is quoted to have said in the statement.

Notification for graduation came in March 2024, when Uganda received a notification from the UN Committee for Development Policy that the country had fulfilled the criteria for graduation from the LDC category for the first time. Uganda, together with Rwanda and Tanzania, met the minimum two criteria for graduation, which include the human assets and the economic and environmental vulnerability indices.

Following the notification for graduation, the Monitor can reveal that Uganda is currently undergoing two assessments by the United Nations. One is expected to cover the impact of graduation on trade preferences and resilience amidst global trade dynamics, and the second assessment analyzes Uganda’s vulnerability on economic, social, and environmental aspects. This was corroborated by the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Trade, Industry, and Cooperatives, Ms Lynette Bagonza.

She said in a statement: “During the three years of assessment, Uganda has to keep its development trajectory without backtracking on the required parameters for graduation. As part of Uganda’s preparation for the transition and ultimate graduation, a National Workshop on Enhancing Trade Resilience in Preparation for Uganda’s Graduation from the LDC category was organized by the Ministry of Trade in partnership with the UN this month.”

The workshop brought together UN dignitaries, senior government officials, private sector leaders, development partners, research and civil society actors who discussed practical strategies for strengthening Uganda’s trade competitiveness and economic resilience. “Government has taken steps in enhancing the private sector competitiveness through the tenfold growth strategy, prioritizing value addition to agro-produce and manufactured products. In addition, resources are being allocated to the development of trade infrastructure among other interventions,” Ms. Bagonza said.

“We have a responsibility to prepare the private sector for this transition. Trade resilience is key to ensuring that Uganda not only meets the graduation criteria but thrives in the post-graduation environment,” she emphasized.

As an LDC, Uganda enjoys benefits from preferential trade arrangements with major developed economies like the European Union, who offer duty-free quota-free market access for all products from LDCs, except arms and ammunition. In the first half of Vision 2040, Uganda’s merchandise exports increased by nearly fivefold – 463 percent – with a 36 percent increase in FY 2024/25. Currently, Uganda’s total exports are valued at $10.6 billion or Shs 37.1 trillion.

Beyond the EU, Ugandans enjoy benefits from countries such as China and India. These schemes allow preferential access to a variety of goods from developing countries, typically without quantitative restrictions. “As an LDC, we have attracted trade financing under the Enhanced Integrated Framework (EIF) of the World Trade Organization (WTO), we receive funding to improve our productive capacities, trade infrastructures, and institutional support. We also enjoy preferential rates for our subscription fees to international organizations and logistical support to travel and attend technical meetings,” Ms. Bagonza said.

Trade and treaty negotiation specialists interviewed for this article revealed that Uganda’s graduation from LDC to a developing country means the country will forgo all the aforementioned benefits. Uganda will also lose out on access to certain concessional financing and travel assistance, lower contributions to UN budgets, WTO flexibilities for LDCs, among other benefits.

However, according to Trade Minister Francis Mwebesa, the focus should be on the bigger picture, saying that graduation offers unique prestige. “For a country to graduate from LDC is a symbol of progress, national pride, and international recognition. Graduation can change our investment climate and potential as a country and increase foreign direct investment as a result of improved perception,” Mr. Mwebesa said.

He continued: “The graduation comes with a momentum for policy reforms and stronger development planning to build the country’s resilience. Also, with Uganda becoming a developing country, the private sector will be able to attract partnerships with investors, access technology transfer, and improve their competitiveness in the global economy.”

When contacted, the Private Sector Foundation Uganda (PSFU) Coordinator for Trade, Transport, and Logistics, Mr. Collins Agaba, said they are excited about this development but worried about the preparedness of the private sector to absorb the shocks that will result from graduation. “The graduation is a good sign of growth. However, as a private sector, we are going to lose out on the benefits we have been enjoying while exporting to developed countries. Focus should now be turned on supporting Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises through trade financing to cushion themselves from the shocks that will come with the changes,” he said.

If Uganda meets the criteria during the second UN assessment in 2027, it will be granted a transitional period of five years before the actual graduation is confirmed.

High Court judge Emmanuel Baguma has, for the second time, declined to recuse himself from hearing the treason charges against jailed veteran opposition politician Dr Kizza Besigye, arguing that there was no valid reason given by the four-time presidential contender to justify his withdrawal from the proceedings.

‘I am sorry for the delay. I have also been waiting because the Luzira people have delayed to come,’ Justice Baguma told a fully-packed courtroom on Wednesday after taking his bench at around 12:15pm.

Dr Besigye, together with his co-accused Hajj Obeid Lutale and Capt Denis Oola, is charged with three counts of treason and misprision of treason allegedly committed on February 21, 2025.

While delivering his ruling, the judge noted that the trio was committed to the High Court by Nakawa Magistrate’s Court on May 29, 2025, and the case was later allocated to the Criminal Division for trial through the Electronic Court Case Management Information System (ECCMIS) on June 27, 2025.

Justice Baguma said he had carefully examined the lower court record and found no evidence that the case was ever forwarded to the International Crimes Division (ICD) as claimed by the applicants.

‘I have scrutinised the entire lower court record and the history of this matter even before committal. On May 29, 2025, the accused were committed to the High Court for trial. In my view, the Criminal Division is a division of the High Court and therefore, has jurisdiction to handle this case,’ he said.

Justice Baguma noted that Dr Besigye and his co-accused had previously filed applications for bail and revision within the same Criminal Division, confirming their recognition of the court’s authority.

‘The turnaround by the accused to now claim that the file was hijacked from the ICD appears to be a deliberate move whose intention is not known,’ he said.

On the request for him to step aside, Justice Baguma said the allegations of bias and incompetence were unfounded.

‘The ruling on mandatory bail was determined on its own merit. The denial of bail at one stage does not mean that the judge is biased or will never grant bail in the future,’ he said.

He added that dissatisfaction with a court’s decision cannot be used to justify claims of bias.

‘It is not proper for parties to use decisions that are not in their favour to allege bias against a judge. The law provides avenues for dissatisfied parties to appeal,’ Justice Baguma ruled.

Justice Baguma further explained that the filing of a complaint against him before the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) was not a legal bar to his continued handling of the case.

‘This court is a temple of justice which upholds the principles of fair trial and natural justice. The filing of a complaint seeking the removal of a judge from office is not a bar to him continuing to hear a case,’ he ruled.

He dismissed the application for his recusal and the request to transfer the case, ordering that the matter be fixed for plea-taking.

However shortly after the court’s ruling, Dr Besigye through his lawyers led by Ernest Kalibbala asked court to refer the matter to the Constitutional Court to determine if it is proper for Justice Baguma to continue presiding over the case when there is a pending complaint seeking his removal from the Office of a judge pending before the Judicial Service commission.

In his response the Chief State Attorney Richard Birivumbuka argued that before any court refers any matter for Constitutional reference, it must be satisfied that there is a question of law that must be interpreted.

“Any matter disguised as a violation of human right is not a matter that this court can refer for interpretation. The court has been extremely fair to the applicants. The premise of the application is the alleged complaint to the JSC , there is no copy of that complaint and even then it is the duty of the JSC to serve it to the Judicial officer and determine it,” Mr Birivumbuka said.

He further submitted that the complaint had not yet been brought to the attention of the prosecution and therefore, there is no act of the judicial officer so far that requires Constitutional interpretation.

But Mr Kalibala told court that the matters raised touching on the impartiality of the court are fundamental questions of Constitutional interpretation which among other things will establish whether this is an impartial and independent court as per Article 28 of the Constitution.

“The state has responded about a complaint before the JSC and they are unhappy that they have not been served with the same. The complaint is not before the prosecution and they cannot even deny their existence but the ruling of the court confirms it exists,” Mr Kalibbala said.

Adding…”To the point that our clients can file a direct petition before the Constitutional court , its true but however the Constitutional also provided other avenues in Article 137( 5) and the distinguishing factor is that the question arises in proceedings like this one.”

Mr Kalibbala further told court that the matter that has been raised today is not about determination of the complaint before the JSC its related but the specific problem is whether a judge who is a respondent in a complaint before the JSC can try to sit in a matter to determine the innocence of the person’s complaining against him/ her.

The trial judge adjourned court proceedings to November 6 as the former Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) president’s started chanting freedom songs that echoed through the court corridors.

Raila Amolo Odinga, former Prime Minister of Kenya and the party leader of Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), is dead.

Sources at his office on Wednesday confirmed the passing of the veteran politician in India, where he was recovering after undergoing treatment for an undisclosed condition.

President William Ruto and Mr Odinga’s family, led by his elder brother, Oburu Oginga, are expected to address the nation on the death.

The 80-year-old leader breathed his last on Wednesday morning in the southern Indian city of Kochi, with the Indian Press reporting that he suffered a cardiac arrest during a morning walk.

He was later rushed to Devamatha Hospital in Koothattukulam where he was pronounced dead, with the Indian press quoting police and hospital sources.

Mr Odinga served as Kenya’s prime minister between 2008 and 2013. He contested for the presidency five times – 1997, 2007, 2013, 2017 and 2022.

Mr Odinga flew to India on October 3 amid major speculations about his health status.

At the time, his secretariat said, ‘Raila travelled out of the country on Friday evening – one of the many trips he has made this year, and definitely not the last. He is not indisposed.’

Dr Oginga later confirmed that Mr Odinga had been unwell for a while, but was now recuperating in India.

‘Raila, just like any other human being, was indisposed a few days ago but at the moment he is doing fine. He went for a check-up in India and he is now recuperating,’ said Dr Oginga, who is also the Odinga family spokesperson.

Mr Odinga’s wife, Ida, had earlier claimed that he had taken a sabbatical leave from politics.

‘As someone who lives with him, I know his health better than anyone. How could someone who doesn’t reside with him claim to know more about his condition than I do? What I’ve shared with you is the truth,’ she said.

Mr Odinga has kept away from public engagements, including major political events by his ODM party, fueling the ill-health reports.

He was conspicuously missing in the party’s political jamborees held in Kisii, Wajir and Narok counties in the build-up to its 20th anniversary national celebrations.

He, however, made a public appearance after chairing the party’s consultative meeting on the planned celebration at the Serena Hotel in Nairobi on Friday October 3.

A party official had at the time told the Nation that Mr Odinga had travelled for a routine medical check-up.

The source explained that Mr Odinga has always travelled for check-ups following his 2010 head surgery.

He underwent the procedure in June 2010 in order to relieve pressure that had built up outside his brain.

In 1997, he contested the presidency and came third but retained his position as Lang’ata MP.

After the election, he led a merger between his party, NDP, and Mr Moi’s Kanu party.

He served in Moi’s Cabinet as Energy Minister from June 2001 to 2002. In the subsequent Kanu elections, he was elected the party’s secretary-general as part of the power sharing deal of the merger.

In 2002, Mr Odinga fell out with Mr Moi after he endorsed Mr Uhuru Kenyatta as his successor.

Mr Odinga and other Kanu members, including Kalonzo Musyoka, the late George Saitoti and the late Joseph Kamotho, opposed this step arguing that the then 38-year-old Mr Kenyatta was politically inexperienced and lacked the leadership qualities required to govern.

They joined the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which later teamed up with Mr Mwai Kibaki’s National Alliance Party of Kenya (Nak), a coalition of several other parties, to form the National Rainbow Coalition (Narc) that eventually defeated Mr Kenyatta in the 2002 poll.

He later fell out with Mr Kibaki and contested the presidential election in 2007, which was marred by Kenya’s deadliest post-poll violence. He was named Prime Minister in the subsequent grand coalition that was formed after the peace talks mediated by the late former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan.

He also lost the 2013 presidential election to Mr Kenyatta. After the Supreme Court nullified the poll results, he boycotted the repeat election held on October 2017.

He ran for president again in 2022 but lost to William Ruto. Dr Ruto garnered 50.49 percent of the vote against Raila Odinga’s 48.85 percent.

The National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, has pledged to provide free porridge and eggs in primary schools across the country as a way of curbing school dropout rates in rural areas.

Speaking at various campaign rallies in Kibuku District, Mr Kyagulanyi said if Ugandans entrust him with the presidency, he will address the deteriorating education sector by ensuring each pupil receives a cup of porridge and an egg daily to boost both academic performance and nutrition.

‘Children will have to take a cup of porridge and an egg as part of improving performance in schools,’ he said, adding that teachers would also receive salary increments.

Various studies suggest that the lack of a clear school feeding programme and absenteeism among teachers in government-aided schools have contributed significantly to high school dropout rates. Teachers under the Uganda National Teachers’ Union (Unatu) have been on strike since September 15, protesting against an unequal pay structure that favours science teachers over their arts counterparts.

Mr Kyagulanyi also pledged to rehabilitate dilapidated school infrastructure and equip health facilities with adequate medicine if elected into power.

Commenting on road infrastructure, he said many roads across the country have become impassable and pledged that his government would rehabilitate them and tackle the rampant theft of government funds. ‘Shs10 trillion is siphoned through corruption.

It’s possible to work on the roads and improve accessibility, especially in rural areas,’ he said. Mr Kyagulanyi also urged police officers to vote for a new government that would prioritise their welfare. He expressed concern over the high unemployment rates among the youth and promised that his government would create jobs to combat poverty.

POVERTY RATE

The Bukedi Sub-region’s poverty rate stands at 37 percent, compared to the national average of 35 percent. It is the second poorest sub-region in the country after Karamoja, with about 88.3 percent of households still relying on subsistence farming despite government interventions. Government statistics show that Bukedi’s per capita income stands at 43.7 percent, with a GDP per capita of $135 (Shs488,866).