Category: Daily Monitor

Raila Amolo Odinga, former Prime Minister of Kenya and the party leader of Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), is dead.

Sources at his office on Wednesday confirmed the passing of the veteran politician in India, where he was recovering after undergoing treatment for an undisclosed condition.

President William Ruto and Mr Odinga’s family, led by his elder brother, Oburu Oginga, are expected to address the nation on the death.

The 80-year-old leader breathed his last on Wednesday morning in the southern Indian city of Kochi, with the Indian Press reporting that he suffered a cardiac arrest during a morning walk.

He was later rushed to Devamatha Hospital in Koothattukulam where he was pronounced dead, with the Indian press quoting police and hospital sources.

Mr Odinga served as Kenya’s prime minister between 2008 and 2013. He contested for the presidency five times – 1997, 2007, 2013, 2017 and 2022.

Mr Odinga flew to India on October 3 amid major speculations about his health status.

At the time, his secretariat said, ‘Raila travelled out of the country on Friday evening – one of the many trips he has made this year, and definitely not the last. He is not indisposed.’

Dr Oginga later confirmed that Mr Odinga had been unwell for a while, but was now recuperating in India.

‘Raila, just like any other human being, was indisposed a few days ago but at the moment he is doing fine. He went for a check-up in India and he is now recuperating,’ said Dr Oginga, who is also the Odinga family spokesperson.

Mr Odinga’s wife, Ida, had earlier claimed that he had taken a sabbatical leave from politics.

‘As someone who lives with him, I know his health better than anyone. How could someone who doesn’t reside with him claim to know more about his condition than I do? What I’ve shared with you is the truth,’ she said.

Mr Odinga has kept away from public engagements, including major political events by his ODM party, fueling the ill-health reports.

He was conspicuously missing in the party’s political jamborees held in Kisii, Wajir and Narok counties in the build-up to its 20th anniversary national celebrations.

He, however, made a public appearance after chairing the party’s consultative meeting on the planned celebration at the Serena Hotel in Nairobi on Friday October 3.

A party official had at the time told the Nation that Mr Odinga had travelled for a routine medical check-up.

The source explained that Mr Odinga has always travelled for check-ups following his 2010 head surgery.

He underwent the procedure in June 2010 in order to relieve pressure that had built up outside his brain.

In 1997, he contested the presidency and came third but retained his position as Lang’ata MP.

After the election, he led a merger between his party, NDP, and Mr Moi’s Kanu party.

He served in Moi’s Cabinet as Energy Minister from June 2001 to 2002. In the subsequent Kanu elections, he was elected the party’s secretary-general as part of the power sharing deal of the merger.

In 2002, Mr Odinga fell out with Mr Moi after he endorsed Mr Uhuru Kenyatta as his successor.

Mr Odinga and other Kanu members, including Kalonzo Musyoka, the late George Saitoti and the late Joseph Kamotho, opposed this step arguing that the then 38-year-old Mr Kenyatta was politically inexperienced and lacked the leadership qualities required to govern.

They joined the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which later teamed up with Mr Mwai Kibaki’s National Alliance Party of Kenya (Nak), a coalition of several other parties, to form the National Rainbow Coalition (Narc) that eventually defeated Mr Kenyatta in the 2002 poll.

He later fell out with Mr Kibaki and contested the presidential election in 2007, which was marred by Kenya’s deadliest post-poll violence. He was named Prime Minister in the subsequent grand coalition that was formed after the peace talks mediated by the late former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan.

He also lost the 2013 presidential election to Mr Kenyatta. After the Supreme Court nullified the poll results, he boycotted the repeat election held on October 2017.

He ran for president again in 2022 but lost to William Ruto. Dr Ruto garnered 50.49 percent of the vote against Raila Odinga’s 48.85 percent.

The National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, has pledged to provide free porridge and eggs in primary schools across the country as a way of curbing school dropout rates in rural areas.

Speaking at various campaign rallies in Kibuku District, Mr Kyagulanyi said if Ugandans entrust him with the presidency, he will address the deteriorating education sector by ensuring each pupil receives a cup of porridge and an egg daily to boost both academic performance and nutrition.

‘Children will have to take a cup of porridge and an egg as part of improving performance in schools,’ he said, adding that teachers would also receive salary increments.

Various studies suggest that the lack of a clear school feeding programme and absenteeism among teachers in government-aided schools have contributed significantly to high school dropout rates. Teachers under the Uganda National Teachers’ Union (Unatu) have been on strike since September 15, protesting against an unequal pay structure that favours science teachers over their arts counterparts.

Mr Kyagulanyi also pledged to rehabilitate dilapidated school infrastructure and equip health facilities with adequate medicine if elected into power.

Commenting on road infrastructure, he said many roads across the country have become impassable and pledged that his government would rehabilitate them and tackle the rampant theft of government funds. ‘Shs10 trillion is siphoned through corruption.

It’s possible to work on the roads and improve accessibility, especially in rural areas,’ he said. Mr Kyagulanyi also urged police officers to vote for a new government that would prioritise their welfare. He expressed concern over the high unemployment rates among the youth and promised that his government would create jobs to combat poverty.

POVERTY RATE

The Bukedi Sub-region’s poverty rate stands at 37 percent, compared to the national average of 35 percent. It is the second poorest sub-region in the country after Karamoja, with about 88.3 percent of households still relying on subsistence farming despite government interventions. Government statistics show that Bukedi’s per capita income stands at 43.7 percent, with a GDP per capita of $135 (Shs488,866).

In 2001, when Col (rtd) Dr Kiiza Besigye contested for the presidential elections, there were many things exciting about his candidature. One of the things that took people by storm was the women in charge of his campaign. They seemed to have come from the proverbial nowhere, but redefined women’s place in politics, at the time. They made the question of whether the candidate cared about women unnecessary. They were on the front lines and holding their own.

There was Ms Anne Mugisha. For us young women at the time, it was difficult not to admire Ms Mugisha. She was articulate, knowledgeable, and made politics sound interesting. She was the ideal face of Dr Besigye’s campaign and right there in the trenches, breaking down what was at stake and mobilising voters. Then there was Ms Beti Kamya, you could not dismiss her even if you wanted to. When she took on the debate, you wanted to keep listening or watching. She was a real force for Dr Besigye, and perhaps that’s why she ended up in government. Winnie Babihuga added the cherry on top.

There were other women, of course, but it is Dr Besigye’s partner, Winnie Byanyima, who excited many more. When Winnie Kiiza became Leader of the Opposition in Parliament, I interviewed her at her office, and she spoke about that election with nostalgia, and how it had redefined her own career. These women were quite the group. They all made the case for women without talking too much about women, keeping their eyes on the national issues without losing focus on what mattered for women. Few tried to make fun of them. It was inspiring and admirable.

It is thus not surprising that people still remember these women vividly long after some of them have left the Ugandan political scene and public life. They were the model of women’s meaningful participation in politics. They made patronage politics and tokenism look bad. They demonstrated that women were there if political parties created the space for them to participate meaningfully, beyond adding the numbers. They had conviction, drive, and exuded brilliance. They communicated clearly. It appeared normal for woman to choose the Opposition candidate, until that started to seem like a mistake. They set a very high bar.

The 2001 presidential elections will remain perhaps the most exciting election for years to come. It came close to an ideal competitive election that had a national character, with good focus on issues, with an eye on reforms. The election petition that followed was equally exciting. It was the one time that people had hopes in the Judiciary, to plug in the gaps in the political process and move us toward a democratic path Ugandans never knew. Despite the outcome of the petition, it is the one election that offered deeper insights into our democratic path and process.

As a young researcher following keenly on the presidential election at the time, on which I would write a thesis on political reforms in 2002, I was deeply intrigued by the women in the campaign trail and the force they were in the mobilisation of voters. It is an election in which we had no female presidential candidate, yet the race remained heavily influenced by women and good questions raised by women. No one was questioning why there were no women in the race, because the candidates had nicely integrated women in their campaign teams. It is the reason women in public life remained a lifelong issue of research for me.

President Museveni had done a lot to integrate women in political participation using all means, including affirmative action and appointment of women to key political positions. Many had hailed the appointment of Dr Wandera Kazibwe, vice president, as revolutionary for women and the assignment of Betty Bigombe to the conflict resolution process in northern Uganda as particularly courageous. Over the years, many women have been appointed heads of government agencies, too.

Something happened along the way, and the quality of representation of women in politics became deeply concerning. Many point fingers at the changing nature of our politics, at a time when more women are educated and greatly empowered. Many are disappointed by the quality of representation and debate on women’s issues. Although legislation that addresses issues relevant to women have been made and policies formulated, questions remain on our commitment to women.

At an election time like this, there is a need to look beyond the women around the presidential candidates who are mobilising voters and praise singing for them.

It is crucial that women look more into the manifestos of candidates to see what offers are being made and the ability of various parties to deliver on the promises to women in order to bargain for women. More importantly, look to whether the candidates have co-opted women in the campaign process that bring to life their promises. Looking beyond the number of women to the contribution of women offers greater insights into the mindset of the candidates towards women.

The Finance Ministry has been conducting Local Government Budget Consultations for the Financial Year 2026/2027 since September 15, in 24 regional centres across the country. These budget consultative workshops bring together government technical and political staff at various levels to consult and communicate the government’s budget strategy for the upcoming financial year.

I have been following the discussion, but some of the most recurring issues at local governments include inadequate infrastructure, inadequate staffing in schools and health facilities, underfunded agricultural extension services, weak disaster preparedness and response mechanisms, among others. The persistent challenges have resulted in a substantial gap between the services needed by the people and those provided in service delivery, which have far-reaching implications for Uganda’s development trajectory. Particularly, this gap is widely pronounced in rural areas where access to basic services such as clean water, sanitation, and quality health care is limited.

For instance, communities in Kabarole District in areas such as Karagura, Hakibale, Kibatsi, Kabende, and Kasenda lack access to safe drinking water. According to the March 2025 district survey report, access to drinking water had reduced to 43.6 percent from 48.3 percent. The report also indicates that residents rely on unprotected sources. In Kabale, according to data from the Civil Society Budget Advocacy Group (CSBAG), there are infrastructure safety concerns. In addition, poor road drainage systems have led to blockages caused by debris such as pebbles, mud, and plastic waste.

In Kyotera District, information from Transparency International Uganda indicates delayed completion of Nabigasa Health Centre III maternity Ward- Nabigasa Health Centre III. Since the commencement of works in 2020, the facility remains non-functional due to delays in project completion and handover. This has affected access to maternal health services. In Nebbi District, a devastating hailstorm hit Abongo Primary School in March, damaging classrooms and injuring students.

Since the government’s response couldn’t come in time, parents had to foot the bill for the repairs. Many schools face similar challenges that affect vulnerable children’s access to education, hence undermining Uganda’s Universal Primary Education (UPE) programme. To mitigate this, the government should consider establishing an emergency education fund, enforcing climate-resilient building standards, and prioritising inclusive recovery efforts to ensure safe learning environments for all.

Government, in the Financial Year 2026/2027 Budget, should prioritise funding critical infrastructure, staffing, improving disaster risk financing, and climate-resilient infrastructure. In addition, there is a need to strengthen local revenue mobilisation and fund absorption, enhance transparency and accountability in public service delivery. In conclusion, by addressing several service delivery constraints through targeted solutions in local governments, the lives of citizens will be improved. And as we look forward to the Financial Year 2026/2027 National Budget, these priorities will be essential for achieving national development goals.

At least 222 radio stations across the country face closure over failure to renew their broadcast licence, according to Uganda Communications Commission (UCC).

According to the regulator, 181 radio stations applied for renewal of their broadcast licences, but only 50 met the requirements. The annual licence fees for commercial radio, tier 1 (national radio) is fixed at Shs7 million, and tier 2 (Kampala region) at Shs5.6 million.

Annual licence fees for tier 3 (regional cities) are at Shs4.2 million and tier 4 (rest of the country) at Shs3.5 million.

Mr Fred Otunnu, the director of corporate affairs at UCC, said if they apply the law, only 50 radio stations will be on air.

‘If we are to strictly adhere to the law, you will have only a few radio stations on air now because the majority have failed to meet the requirements for renewal of their broadcast licences,’ he said.

Recently, UCC closed down 19 radio stations for operating illegally. The latest was Point FM in Mubende District. The closure caused uproar.

The State Minister for ICT, Mr Godfrey Kabbyanga, urged the public to adhere to the law.

He said the country does not need so much radio because it can destabilise its security.

‘We have many radio and TV stations in the country because of the liberation of the airwaves,’ he added. However, he said only 70 radio stations can serve the country appropriately.

‘The majority of these radio stations are owned by politicians, and their interest is not about business but to use them for political campaigns,’ he added.

Uganda has 282 radio stations spread across the country. According to the Uganda Human Rights Commission, Northern Uganda has the third-highest number of licensed radio stations in the country. The report indicates that there are 72 radio stations in northern Uganda.

The region with the highest number of radio stations is western at 95, followed by central at 85. Meanwhile, the eastern region has the fewest number of radio stations at 52.

The report further indicates that the majority of Ugandans, both in urban and rural areas, rely on radio to access information, while television use is more prevalent in urban areas.

A 2023 report by Ipsos also indicates that 73 percent of Ugandans tune into the radio at least once a week, compared to only 28 percent who view television.

Uganda’s men’s team produced a sublime show of skill and composure at the ongoing Ultimate Africa Pool Championships, sweeping all three of their group matches to top the pool unbeaten.

The men began their campaign with a commanding 20-5 victory over Namibia A, followed by a narrow 15-10 triumph against Namibia B before sealing the group with an 18-7 win over Mchana (Kenya).

Team talisman Caesar Chandiga was in imperious form, registering a flawless five-out-of-five against Namibia and dropping only a single frame in each of the other two encounters.

Azali Lukomwa also impressed, losing just three frames out of 15, while Simon Lubuulwa battled hard but fell in two games on what was otherwise a good day for the Ugandan men.

Head coach Nathan Bwakosya lauded his team’s discipline and confidence.

‘The boys have been clinical from the start,’ he said. ‘I’m happy with the decision-making and composure,’ he said.

The quarterfinals will be played on Thursday evening before all games climax on Saturday. Last evening, the singles took centrestage.

Narrow miss

However, Uganda’s women’s team fell short of reaching the quarterfinals after enduring a tough group stage, losing to South Africa C (8-17), South Africa B (9-16), and Namibia (1-24). Their campaign ended despite spirited performances, as results elsewhere confirmed their exit.

Kenya’s hopes, meanwhile, lay on the shoulders of Fahad Farah and Collins Tuwei. Farah won his respective frame to level matters 12-12 before Tuwei clinched the decider after his Namibian opponent snookered himself on the black, gifting Kenya the eighth and final quarterfinal spot ahead of Uganda-despite Uganda’s 24-1 demolition of Namibia’s Windhoek Jackpot in a lopsided contest.

Despite the heartbreak, Bwakosya remained upbeat about the women’s and overall team performance.

‘This is a learning curve for the ladies. The competition is tough, but we’ve seen flashes of promise. We’ll bounce back stronger in the singles,’ he said.

The tournament now shifts focus to the singles events, where Uganda is expected to shine-particularly through Chandiga, who will face Africa’s best in pursuit of continental glory.

Ultimate Africa Pool Championships

Results

Men’s results

Uganda 20-5 Namibia A

Namibia B 10-15 Uganda

Uganda 18-7 Mchana (Kenya)

Women’s results

Uganda 8-17 South Africa C

South Africa B 16-9 Uganda

Namibia 24-1 Uganda

As the Uganda Certificate of Education (UCE) examinations commenced on Monday, there were isolated incidents of candidates missing the examination for not being registered. In Ntungamo District, one Precious Kembabazi, 21, said she only learnt last Friday that she would not sit for her final examinations because she was not registered by Ruhanga SDA Secondary School in Itojo Sub-county, Ntungamo District, where she has been studying.

‘I showed up for the briefing, and this is when I knew that I was not registered with the Uganda National Examinations Board (Uneb) after the deputy head teacher made the revelation,’ Kembabazi said.

She said prior to the briefing of candidates last Friday, the school administration had suspended her from school after leaving the premises without permission and asked her to come back on the briefing day.

Kembabazi, who completed her Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE) from Kagongi Preparatory Primary School and joined Mama Janet girls’ Secondary School, Nyakyera, later joined Ruhanga SDA Secondary School in Senior Three.

She says she had lost her Primary Seven result slip, which was a prerequisite for registration, and the deputy head teacher advised her parents to go to Uneb headquarters in Kampala to sort out her registration.

‘Having been allowed to do mock exams and continue to stay in school like other students, I thought the issue had been resolved. I was surprised to be told that my aunt brought the result slip to school late, and thus, I could not be registered. No one informed me about it,’ she said.

The sixth child of Mr Herbert Ruhinda of Kayenje in Rweikiniro Sub-county is seeking justice because she does not want to lose her time.

‘My parents may wish to give up, but I will not. I want justice, but I also need to complete this level. We are told that in this system [new O-Level curriculum], if you do not do the exams, you go back to Senior One. I do not want this to happen to me. I have been in class for four years, did everything, I need to sit my papers and complete the level,’ she said.

The deputy head teacher, Mr Jonathan Kamugisha, said at registration, Kembabazi had a photocopy of the PLE pass slip, yet Uneb required the original copy.

‘Her family said it could have been confiscated by her aunt, with whom she lived. A case was reported to the police, and the aunt was arrested, but could not produce the pass slip in time. She only brought it in August, when even late registration was done,’ he explained.

Ntungamo Resident District commissioner, Ms Mariam Kagaiga, however, said the matter must be fully investigated and anyone responsible for failing the candidate to sit her final exams must be arrested.

‘If there is anyone to be arrested, we have to arrest them. This girl comes from an area where finishing Senior Four is a miracle; many drop out before Primary Seven and get married. If the parents are involved or the school or relatives, we must know and they will be held accountable,’ she said.

Rweikiniro Sub-county has the highest percentage of school drop-outs in Ntungamo District, with at least 75 percent of the girls who enrol for Primary One not completing Primary Seven.

For the Bagwere people of eastern Uganda, the last four years have been marked by uncertainty. Once united under a strong cultural leader, they now find themselves adrift, entangled in court cases, rival factions, and political interference that have left their cherished cultural institution without a head.

The absence of an Ikumbania, the traditional cultural leader of the Bagwere, has become more than just a political crisis-it has shaken the very identity of a people whose traditions and unity have long revolved around their cultural leader.

The Bagwere, an ethnic group native to eastern Uganda, mainly in Budaka, Butebo, Kibuku, and Pallisa districts, revere their Ikumbania as the guardian of their heritage, the mediator in disputes, and the custodian of their spiritual and cultural values.

For years, John Chrysostom Wayabire, the first cultural leader of Obwa Ikumbania Bwa Bugwere, provided stability and direction. His death on February 6, 2021, left a void that has since plunged the institution into turmoil.

The succession battle

Traditionally, the Ikumbania is elected by the council of clan heads (Itanbangis). After Wayabire’s death, the expectation was that an orderly election would soon be held. Instead, rival factions, lawsuits, and government interventions have stalled the process.

Three main contenders-Mr Balaam Samuku Kintu Mubbala, Mr Geoffrey Wayabire, and Mr Joshua Wilber Musimami-have all claimed legitimacy as the rightful Ikumbania. Each insists they were duly elected by the council of elders, and each has court documents to back their claim.

The first major dispute arose when Mr Mubbala petitioned the Mbale High Court, seeking to stop elections that he claimed violated an earlier ruling recognising him as the legitimate cultural leader.

The court issued an interim order on March 1, 2024, signed by Deputy Registrar Robert Mukanza, barring any further elections or activities until the main case was resolved.

The order prohibited the Ministry of Gender from recognising or gazetting any other person as Ikumbania pending the outcome of the case. It also stopped Mr Musimami and Mr Wayabire from presenting themselves as leaders of the cultural institution.

Court battles and contradictions

The legal maze surrounding Obwa Ikumbania Bwa Bugwere has become increasingly complicated. In January 2022, the Mbale High Court, under Deputy Registrar Margaret Apiny, ruled that Mr Balaam Kintu Pagholi Mubbala was lawfully elected by the council of elders, which had been duly registered on July 29, 2021, and gazetted on August 27, 2021.

The Ministry of Gender even sought legal guidance from the Attorney General on how to implement this ruling. In response, Attorney General Kiryowa Kiwanuka confirmed that Mubbala had been properly elected by 64 clan heads and advised them ministry to implement the court order.

Despite this, rival groups continued organising parallel elections. In June 2022, another group of clan heads elected Mr Joshua Musimami as the new Ikumbania, while in July 2022, a separate faction declared Mr Geoffrey Wayabire as their cultural leader.

The Minister of State for Gender and Culture Affairs, Ms Peace Regis Mutuuzo, nullified all these elections, citing ongoing court cases. Her letter, dated July 11, 2022, instructed local authorities in Budaka to treat any such elections as illegal and potential security threats.

Repeated government attempts to mediate the conflict have failed. On February 1, 2024, Minister of Gender, Labour and Social Development, Ms Betty Amongi, convened yet another crisis meeting in Kampala with the three rival camps in attendance. The aim was to forge a compromise and pave the way for a legitimate election.

However, even before any consensus could be reached, Mr Mubbala went back to court, arguing that the ministry’s plan to conduct fresh elections violated standing court orders.

His lawyers, Nangulu and Mugoda Co Advocates, filed an injunction at the Mbale Chief Magistrate’s Court, further freezing any possible resolution. Speaking to Daily Monitor, Mr Mubbala insisted that his 2021 court victory and gazettement make him the rightful Ikumbania.

‘All those self-imposing themselves and all activities related to new elections should be treated as null and void,’ he said. He accused the Attorney General and the ministry of ignoring lawful court orders and warned that any new election would be ‘a sham and a hoax.’

According to the Institution of Traditional or Cultural Leaders Act, 2011, a cultural leader’s recognition must follow both community election and government gazettement.

While Mubbala appears to have fulfilled these criteria in 2021, conflicting interpretations of the Bagwere constitution and multiple election claims have created legal paralysis.

Court documents show that Mubbala was first elected in 2006 by 86 clan heads but was later re-elected in 2021 after Wayabire’s death. His opponents, however, argue that the elections were invalid because the minister of Gender had halted the process pending the resolution of ongoing cases.

Historical context

The Bagwere crisis reflects a broader trend among traditional institutions in Uganda. Cultural leadership was abolished in 1967 by President Milton Obote, only to be restored in 1993 under President Yoweri Museveni’s National Resistance Movement (NRM) government.

Since restoration, several kingdoms and chiefdoms, especially the smaller ones like Obwa Ikumbania Bwa Bugwere, have faced internal wrangles fuelled by elite competition, clan politics, and misunderstandings of traditional authority structures.

According to Mr Badiru Kirya, the chairperson of the cultural council, the divide stems from a clash between educated elites and traditional elders.

‘The war is between the elders and literates,’ he said. ‘Elders rely on totems and traditional symbols, which the educated often dismiss. That misunderstanding has fuelled leadership conflicts.’ The Obwa Ikumbania Bwa Bugwere comprises 108 clans spread across four districts-Budaka, Kibuku, Pallisa, and Butebo. What was once a unifying institution is now a source of discord, with every clan seemingly aligned to one of the three rival leaders.

Since the death of Wayabire, the institution has operated under acting leadership-the prime minister, Mr Joel Mugulusi, speaker Jacob Maiso, and cultural council chairperson Kirya-but this temporary arrangement has limited authority and cannot perform key cultural duties such as blessing marriages, mediating disputes, or presiding over initiation ceremonies.

The Ministry of Gender has been accused by different factions of bias and delay. Letters exchanged between the ministry, the Attorney General, and the Solicitor General show bureaucratic hesitation despite clear court directives.

While the ministry insists it must await the final disposal of all related cases, community members accuse officials of fuelling the impasse for political gain.

The Attorney General’s office has repeatedly emphasised dialogue as the best solution. However, repeated mediation efforts have failed as each faction claims to have court-backed legitimacy. ‘We cannot have three kings in one palace,’ said one clan elder from Budaka, who preferred anonymity. ‘Until they agree on one truth, the Bagwere will remain without direction,’ he added.

Beyond the legal drama, ordinary Bagwere people have borne the real cost of this crisis. Cultural events have been suspended, the traditional council has lost its moral authority, and inter-clan unity has deteriorated. Many fear that younger generations may lose touch with their heritage if the leadership vacuum continues.

‘It is sad that a community once united by its traditions is now known for endless court cases,’ lamented a local elder in Butebo. ‘The Ikumbania is not just a title; it is the spirit of who we are.’

Way forward

Observers believe that only a genuine reconciliation process, grounded in tradition and free from political interference, can restore stability.

Many elders have proposed forming an independent Elders Arbitration Committee to review all claims and consult the entire council of clans for a final binding decision.

Others urge the Ministry of Gender to implement existing court rulings instead of allowing endless litigation. ‘Justice delayed is justice denied,’ said Mr Kirya. ‘The government should enforce the 2021 ruling and let the Bagwere move forward.’

As things stand, however, the Bagwere remain without an Ikumbania four years since the death of their first leader. What began as a simple succession process has become a complex web of legal, political, and cultural struggles, leaving a once-unified community divided. Until the courts or the clans deliver a resolution, the Bagwere will continue to live in the shadow of uncertainty.

The contest

Three key figures have emerged as contenders for the throne. Balaam Kintu Pagholi Mubbala claims to have been duly elected and officially gazetted in 2021. Joshua Wilber Musimami was later chosen by a faction of clan heads on June 25, 2022, while Geoffrey Wayabire was declared leader by another group on July 14, 2022.

Each of these men maintains that his election was legitimate, creating overlapping claims to the cultural seat.

Several institutions have become central to the standoff. The Mbale High Court has issued multiple interim and final orders aimed at halting or clarifying the election process.

The Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, which oversees the recognition and gazettement of cultural leaders, has been drawn into the dispute as it seeks to mediate among the rival factions.

Meanwhile, the Attorney General’s Office has provided legal guidance-at one point advising that the court’s ruling in favour of Mr Mubbala should be implemented. Despite these interventions, the Bagwere remain without an Ikumbania.

More candidates are reported to have missed the Uganda Certificate of Education (UCE) examinations, which have entered the third day today.

At Maji Seed Secondary School in Adjumani District, the head teacher, Mr Norbert Evuma, said two South Sudanese refugee candidates were nowhere to be seen despite writing their mock exams.

‘It is possible that they returned to their home country in South Sudan, due to challenges of food shortages in the refugee settlements,’ he said. In Kalungu District, three candidates failed to show up yesterday, after reportedly getting pregnant.

The head teachers said they have been engaging the parents to bring the candidates to sit the exams in vain. Mr Benard Aluma, the head teacher of Greenhill Secondary School, Kalungu, said two candidates out of 196 who registered to sit the exams at the school failed to show up.

At Isaac Newton Senior Secondary School in Masaka City, one candidate out of 177 who registered for the exams at the school missed the papers. Mr Ezra Mulwaana, the school head teacher, said the affected candidate abandoned her studies after writing her mock exams.

‘We tried our level best as school management to advise the girl, but she failed to listen and chose to go with a boda boda rider in Kyotera District,’ he said.

Another case was reported at Mateete Comprehensive Secondary School in Sembabule District, where two candidates missed sitting the final exams.

‘One male candidate was a Tanzanian and went back home after registering, and the other male candidate became unruly and abandoned school,’ the head teacher, Mr Hamza Sendagire said.

In Masaka District, at least two candidates missed sitting their exams.

One is from St Mugaga Vocation Secondary School Kkindu, and the other from St Nazareth Secondary School, both in Kyanamukkaka Sub-county. Mr Charles Ssenfuka, the Masaka District Inspector of Schools, said he got reports of the two candidates missing the papers on Monday. ‘We have instructed the school heads to look for the parents of the affected candidates to know what exactly happened to them’, he said.

In Bugiri District, one candidate from Namasere High School in Buwuni Town Council missed exams on Monday and Tuesday after giving birth last week.

The school head teacher, Mr Patrick Kibuka, said the student had been attending classes regularly but stopped coming two weeks to the first paper after giving birth.

At Olila High School in Soroti City, a 21-year-old candidate, went into labour during her Geography Paper on Monday morning. She was rushed to Soroti Health Centre III, where she gave birth to a baby girl before returning to do her Biology Paper in the afternoon.

After completing her second paper, she returned to the facility at about 5.30pm to attend to her baby. With a smile on her face, the candidate bravely said she will pass and hopes to be a doctor in the future.

Ms Joan Apolot, a midwife at Soroti Health Centre III, confirmed that the candidate arrived at the facility with due labour and gave birth to a baby girl at exactly 1:05pm (Monday), weighing 1.9kgs.

‘She gave birth normally with no tears or C-section,’ Ms Apolot said.

In Koboko District, Nyakuni Bosco, the examinations secretary at Ayume Memorial Secondary School, said one of the candidates abandoned school after winning more than Shs10 million in sports betting and joined the boda boda riding business.

‘It is an unfortunate incident that one of the students is missing. But we ask students to prioritise education to have a sustainable life,’ he said.

Also, seven candidates in Koboko Municipality are said to have missed papers since Monday for various reasons. In Yumbe District, Mr Ismail Ekule, the head teacher of Midigo Secondary School, said one candidate missed the exams due to health complications.

‘One of our candidates, a South Sudanese student, fell sick. The boy is suffering from a chronic sickness that almost claimed his life, but he is still recovering. So, he could not sit the examinations,” he said.

He said there is no possibility for him to sit for the remaining papers

Equally in Aringa Secondary School, Mr Zubair Khamis, the deputy head teacher in charge of academics, said one candidate failed to turn up for the exams.

‘In our follow-up with the parents, we discovered that the student dropped out of school,’ he said. In Lango, the exams went on well in all 20 sampled secondary schools visited by our team in the districts of Apac, Kwania, Kole, Lira, and Dokolo on Tuesday.

In Mbarara District, four candidates missed the exams. They include two boys and two girls from Bukiro Seed School, Rutooma Secondary School, and St Charles Lwanga Secondary School.

Mr Deo Muhwezi, the Mbarara District senior education officer, said one of the candidates, from St Charles Lwanga Secondary School, had a mental health complication that has been persistent, while the other two candidates shifted to other areas, and the fourth one dropped out of school.

‘Some other candidates shifted to Kyaka after registering. When a candidate has registered, even if he is in a private or government school, he has the right to sit for their final exams.’

There comes a time when people must choose between what is easy and what is right. For us, that moment stands at the edge of Kitubulu Forest-a serene, green heartbeat that has protected Entebbe for generations. To me, Kitubulu has never just been a forest. It embodies the scent of clean air after rain, the gentle rustle of leaves that heralds the arrival of the lake breeze, and the shade under which our town seems to breathe.

It provides Entebbe not only with scenic beauty but also with a natural rhythm that has balanced our growth with tranquility. Even as a child, I didn’t know the term ‘ecosystem,’ but I understood that when Kitubulu whispered, the entire town listened. Today, that same forest stands but faces threats. This issue transcends politics and personal ambition; it is about truth, reason, and love for one’s country. Kitubulu is not merely soil and trees; it is a living barrier that protects Lake Victoria and the lives of thousands of Ugandans who live, work, and raise their children along its shores.

Every time the rains come and the waters rise, it is Kitubulu that quietly absorbs the impact. The forest takes the brunt of the force so that our homes, roads, hospitals, and schools are not overwhelmed by flooding. No wall of concrete or imported design could perform this task as faithfully as this forest does-naturally, freely, and selflessly. Yet today, this sacred space is being considered for destruction in the name of ‘investment.’

Let me be clear: I am not against investors. Uganda welcomes them, and Entebbe thrives because of their contributions. However, investment must never come at the expense of the environment. True progress is not measured by the number of buildings we erect but by how wisely we balance development with preservation.

What is being proposed for Kitubulu-a hotel project by the Tian Tiang Group-is neither urgent nor necessary. Entebbe does not lack hotels; we have the capacity for them. What we truly lack is balance and respect for the natural systems that protect us.

As mayor of Entebbe, I see daily how this forest quietly safeguards our community. It ensures that children in Katabi and Nakiwogo can sleep safely when the lake swells, and it is why our roads hold up, our gardens thrive, and our lake remains vibrant. To destroy Kitubulu would be akin to signing a death warrant for Entebbe’s ecological balance.

We are not opposing development; we are resisting distortion.

We are not fighting against progress; we are pushing back against the arrogance that equates destruction with modernity. Uganda’s development narrative must not involve trading nature for concrete or peace for profit. The rest of the world is planting trees, restoring wetlands, and combating climate change. Why should we, blessed with one of Africa’s greatest lakes, be the ones cutting down the very lungs that sustain us? Kitubulu is not an obstacle to progress; it is its guardian.

When floods come- and they will, as climate change continues to escalate- it will not be investors or machines that stand between us and the rising waters. It will be Kitubulu. When history recounts this chapter, may it never forget that the people of Entebbe stood for their forest, listening when it spoke.