Category: Daily Monitor

Before, during, and after sunset, trucks, motorcycles, and tricycles roar along dusty roads in West Nile, winding through woodlands loaded with timber, charcoal, and wildlife from protected zones across the 13 districts bordering South Sudan and DR Congo.

From a distance the vehicles appear to carry agricultural produce. But beneath tarpaulins lie hundreds of bags of freshly made charcoal, logs, and wildlife products destined for urban markets hundreds of kilometres away. Environmental activists, local leaders, and conservation experts say it is a nature crime network thriving in the region.

The trade includes illegal logging, charcoal burning, timber trafficking, and wildlife smuggling. It is eating away at ecosystems that communities have depended on for generations. Interviews with locals, leaders, conservationists and authorities reveal a web fueled by poverty, weak enforcement, market demand, and cross-border trafficking.

The result is an ecological crisis already felt through shrinking forest cover, unpredictable weather, degraded land, and declining wildlife. From Pakwach to Adjumani, huge tree stumps dot former woodlands and hillsides once covered in indigenous trees now stand exposed to erosion.

Adjumani resident Solomon Agwe gave the history on Thursday: ‘Back then in the 1990s, there used to be Mvule trees that gave Adjumani a unique identity. The trees used to be part of us because they provided a cool environment and support for ecosystems. But they are gone.’

He said those involved ‘have acquired land in the forests, especially Zoka forest and East Madi Wildlife reserve in Adjumani, Mt Kei in Yumbe district. Despite the directives by the President, the charcoal business has continued.’

Mr Agwe noted that illegal loggers and wildlife traffickers use tricks and technology ahead of conservationists.

Boda boda rider Joseph Anyanzo, who once ferried charcoal from Zoka forest, told Daily Monitor on Wednesday: ‘I have ever transported bags of charcoal from Zoka forest at night to a location that I was directed to take them. At first, I didn’t know it was by the illegal loggers. They could pay me Shs 20,000 per trip.’

He added: ‘Upon realising that it is for the illegal loggers, I moved out of the business because it was risky and realised that they were finishing our trees.’

Anyanzo now faces the effects: ‘During the dry season that starts in December to March, it is like you are in hell. You just burn. It is because people have cut down most natural trees for timber and charcoal.’

Investigations show the lucrative charcoal business operates under the watch of security personnel. Mature trees like Afzelia Africana, Mahogany, Mvule and Shea Nut are cut, converted into charcoal, logs and timber, then sold to traders for Kampala and other urban markets where demand remains high.

Mr Mustafa Gerima, activist with Save the Shea Nut Foundation in Yumbe, said: ‘We have been fighting this vice, but with minimal efforts, because it is like a cat-and-mouse game.’

‘I shed tears when I see trucks loaded with charcoal or timber leaving West Nile. This has left us reeling with unpredictable weather patterns. Unfortunately, the army and police that are meant to enforce the law are part of the racket. The few sacks they impound end up being bought by the same people,’ he noted.

Underneath the trade are tricks to avoid detection. Charcoal burners use kilns in remote places and cover logs with soil to kill smoke. Motorcycles transport sacks to village collection points before trucks load at night when monitoring is limited. A resident of Kei in Yumbe, Salama Sali, said: ‘Deep in the night, you would hear motorcycles moving at a fast speed. By the time leaders or law enforcement wake up, charcoal is already far from here.’

Traffickers also mix illegal timber with legal consignments, use forged permits, recycled documentation, and informants on roadblocks. The geography makes monitoring hard with extensive borders through remote areas.

On June 10, police PRO North West Nile Collins Asea said a group fled Zoka forest after officers found them loading mahogany and Afzelia logs. ‘A total of 63 pieces of timber were recovered, with 21 pieces retained as evidence. Illegal logging and the harvesting and transportation of forest products have been persistent issues in the Madi sub-region,’ he said.

Despite President Museveni’s May 2023 Executive Order No. 3 banning large-scale commercial charcoal production in Northern Uganda, enforcement has expanded to small-scale use while traders use panya routes to escape.

Wildlife crime is also rampant. Team Leader of Zoka Forest William Amanzuru said: ‘People feed on bushmeat, and here they call it ‘black charcoal’. The different species of animals in East Madi Wildlife are no more because of this crime.’

He noted nature crime is ‘heavily militarised, which traffickers and illegal loggers use as a shield. The law on nature crime is a bit weak, and the traffickers and loggers use that loophole maximally.’

The Executive Director of Civic Advisory Hub, Yona Wanjala, said: ‘Nature crime is not a single offence, it is organised. It is a chain that is aided by different stakeholders from dealers, transporters, law enforcers, the local communities and even the banking sector.’

UWA Executive Director Dr John Musinguzi said a DNA Wildlife forensic laboratory launched this month will help prosecute poachers by identifying species and origin of meat. UWA recorded 367 poaching cases between February and June 2020, more than double the 163 cases in the same period in 2019.

Globally, environmental crime is the third-largest criminal economy after counterfeiting and drug trafficking, generating $110-281 billion annually and growing 5-7% per year, according to the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organised Crime.`

After dominating national boxing competitions with an impressive haul of 12 trophies and several championship belts, Lukanga Boxing Club has now shifted focus from the ring to the community, unveiling a new initiative aimed at grooming the next generation of boxing champions.

The initiative, launched during the club’s annual celebrations in Kampala, will see former boxing legends like 2000 Sydney Olympian Muhammad Kizito, aka Sande Swico and senior athletes attached to the club return to communities to identify, mentor and train talented young people.

Speaking at the event, the founder of the club, (Jjajja) Samuel Lukaga, said the programme is intended to strengthen grassroots boxing and sustain the club’s legacy of producing national champions.

‘We have embarked on training the younger generation from different communities. All the legends produced by Lukanga Boxing Club have been tasked to give back to society by identifying young talents who can become future champions,’ Lukaga said during the victory party in Masajja, on Entebbe Road.

Founded in 1992, Lukanga has become one of Uganda’s most successful boxing institutions by winning titles, producing celebrated national team boxers and coaches.

Discipline

Lukaga said the club’s success has not been accidental, but rather a result of discipline, patience and long-term investment in talent development.

‘The club does not grow because of the number of fighters but because of the victories we achieve. That is why we want to produce fighters capable of breaking through the national team,’ he said.

The renowned boxing enthusiast added that boxing champions are built over time through consistency and proper mentorship.

‘The team that wins trophies must first train for more than 10 years. I started as a coach to produce more coaches and legends who can continue transforming boxing,’ he added.

The celebrations were marked by jubilation after the club’s excellence in the national championships, sweeping trophies across different categories.

At the National Novices Championship, Lukanga dominated the Juniors, Youth, and Elite categories.

The dominance continued in the Intermediates Championship in March, where the club again won the Juniors, Youth, and Elite titles despite some but unstained challenge from Brawn Boxing Club, in the elite category.

Record

In April, Lukanga retained the National Open title for a record seventh time, again winning all age categories thanks to stars like cruiserweight Ismail Kanyike, middleweight Yannick Monga, light flyweight Nelson Oluoch, light middleweight Brian Kidega, and captain light welterweight Reagan Magumba, among others.

‘In total, the club walked away with 12 trophies from the three national competitions,’ said the club manager, Daniel Musanje, adding that the club also secured individual championship belts through outstanding individual performances.

Bruno Kakande claimed the light flyweight belt, while Farahat Manirola, who also doubles as a professional, won the light welterweight belt.

Another standout performer is Resty Nanono, who won the women’s welterweight division.

The club also scooped awards for best team, best coach, and best player after collecting 112 points, almost three times the number of points gathered by second-placed Cobap, who managed only 42 points, while Brawn Boxing Club got 37 points.

Lynnet Lenz, manager Galiya Furniture, one of the partners and supporters congratulated the club for maintaining a winning culture and promoting discipline among young athletes.

‘We pledge to remain working with Lukanga Boxing Club, and these wins have given us the courage to stand with the club in all the competitions for more victories,’ she said, urging the athletes to remain focused and determined if they are to achieve greater success.

‘You must remain strong and focused so that you continue winning and shining the light of Lukanga Boxing Club,’ she said.

Best female

Sawuya Nawudo was among the standout performers. The Global High School student emerged the best female boxer after winning gold medals in Novices, Intermediates, and National Open.

The rising boxer, who joined boxing only last year, said the sport has transformed her life and enabled her to showcase her talent on national platforms.

She attributed her success to her coach, Grasan Kakande, whom she credited for mentoring and guiding young athletes.

She added that the coach has equipped the athletes with different tactics and techniques that have enabled them to defeat opponents in several competitions.

However, ‘I need a manager who can support me financially with equipment to help me continue to advance my career,’ she said.

Meanwhile, Laura Ndagire, of Brawn Boxing Club, said her club is now prioritising the empowerment of the girlchild through boxing.

‘This year we have put emphasis on bringing more girls on board so that we can promote boxing in the country,’ Ndagire said.

She noted that although boxing was previously a male-dominated sport, more girls are now embracing it and excelling.

‘Previously, it was hard to have girls in the ring, but now many are participating. Lukanga has supported us in bringing more girls into boxing, and many of them have already won different competitions,’ she added.

Future

Sports enthusiasts say the growing involvement of women and youths in boxing is a positive sign for the future of the sport in Uganda.

For Lukanga Boxing Club, however, the mission goes beyond winning belts and trophies. The club believes boxing can transform lives, create opportunities, and empower young people from disadvantaged communities.

With club legends returning to communities to mentor upcoming athletes, the club hopes to extend its influence beyond the ring and continue shaping Uganda’s boxing future for generations to come.

Petrol pumps have become incongruous noticeboards of Uganda’s economic anxieties because every adjustment on the price board sends ripples through taxi parks, trading centres, supermarkets and households. It is a reminder to consumers that the cost of fuel shapes and determines their daily life.

In recent weeks, the price of petrol fuel has climbed as high as Shs6,600 per litre. This has increasingly necessitated the question about the viability of Uganda’s oil reserves, which were discovered nearly two decades ago. According to Prof Ezra Suruma, the oil could help ease the burden of expensive fuel.

Speaking to The Transcript, the economist, a former Finance minister, former deputy governor of Bank of Uganda (BoU) and former Chancellor of Makerere University, talked about oil with the caution of a man who has spent a lifetime studying how nations succeed and how they fail.

‘The real question is how oil can transform the economy,’ he offered, observing that Uganda currently imports most of its petroleum products, a dependence which leaves the country exposed to global price shocks, supply disruptions and foreign exchange pressures.

While oil production alone will not automatically translate into cheaper fuel, Prof Suruma believes strategic investments in refining, infrastructure and industrialisation could strengthen Uganda’s energy security and reduce some of its vulnerabilities.

Across Uganda, rising fuel costs have become a recurring concern for families and businesses alike. The economic pinch is felt by transport operators whose margins continue to shrink, then traders who have to pass on higher costs to consumers and manufacturers worrying about the impact on production expenses.

Prof Suruma notes that these realities reinforce the importance of thinking beyond the immediate gains associated with oil revenues. Natural resources, he argues, have little value if they do not contribute to broader economic transformation.

Childhood values

The former Finance minister’s remark speaks to the conviction that shaped much of his public life. Before he occupied some of the most influential offices in Uganda, Prof Suruma was a boy growing up in Kigezi, a region known for its terraced hills, hardworking communities and deep appreciation for education.

The lessons he learnt there would stay with him throughout his life. He speaks fondly of the values discipline, honesty, hard work and a belief in the transformative power of education.

These values-instilled by his family and community-have carried Prof Suruma through his academic journey and eventually to the United States (US), where he pursued higher education in economics and finance. The experience broadened his understanding of global economic systems while strengthening his desire to contribute to Uganda’s development.

When he returned home, Prof Suruma found a country navigating enormous challenges. Uganda’s economy was recovering from years of instability. Institutions were being rebuilt, and confidence needed to be restored. The economist became part of a generation of professionals tasked with helping shape a new economic direction.

Rebuilding Uganda

His work at Uganda’s central bank placed him at the centre of critical reforms aimed at stabilising the economy and strengthening financial institutions. Later, as managing director of Uganda Commercial Bank (UCB), he found himself involved in one of the most sensitive debates in the country’s financial history.

He remains passionate about indigenous participation in economic development and often speaks about the importance of building strong local institutions capable of supporting national growth. Ditto liberalisation.

‘In 1990, the managing director of the International Monetary Fund, Michel Camdessus, visited Uganda. I had just been promoted from director of research to the high-profile position of deputy governor of the central bank. After Camdessus arrived, he was immediately ushered into the State House to meet President Museveni, and I was privileged to be present. He immediately went to the issue of freely floating the exchange rate. The President answered that we were still contemplating the matter,’ Prof Suruma writes in his 2014 book Advancing the Ugandan Economy: A Personal Account.

‘Camdessus suggested that we could send a delegation to other African countries, which were floating their exchange rates, and learn from their experience. The President agreed. A few weeks later, I was instructed to head a team of five officials to visit Ghana, Malawi, and Mauritius to find out how those countries were managing their foreign currency rates. […] Upon returning, our team recommended that foreign currency bureaus be permitted to operate freely in Uganda,’ he adds.

His appointment as Finance minister further expanded his influence. The ministry gave him a front-row seat to Uganda’s development aspirations and challenges. During his tenure, the country experienced strong economic growth and increasing international confidence. He has, however, never shied away from the fact that Uganda pretty much remains a work in progress.

‘The main challenge is to convert Uganda’s macroeconomic level achievements (such as improvements in economic growth, reflected in an annual average growth rate of about 6.0 percent from 1987 to 2018) into economic development-that is, visible improvements in Uganda’s poorest households,’ he writes in Advancing the Ugandan Economy.

‘This challenge is perhaps best exemplified by the current situation: despite Uganda’s significant progress in macroeconomic performance, its poverty level remains a stubborn problem, especially in the rural areas where the absolute number of people living below the poverty line has actually been increasing,’ Prof Suruma adds in his 2014 book.

The resource curse

As a matter of fact, Prof Suruma remains cautious about celebrating growth figures in isolation. His argument is that economic progress must ultimately improve people’s lives in respect of employment and improved household income. Statistics are important, but they are only meaningful when they translate into tangible improvements for ordinary citizens.

This same philosophy informs his thinking on oil. Many countries have discovered valuable natural resources only to become trapped by corruption, wasteful spending and over-dependence on a single commodity. Economists call it the resource curse.

Prof Suruma argues that oil revenues should be invested in sectors which can generate lasting value through increased productivity and support for farmers and expanding value addition.

Manufacturing, technology, tourism and education feature prominently in his vision of economic transformation. Uganda’s future prosperity, he suggests, cannot rest solely on what lies beneath the ground but must also come from what citizens produce above it.

As our interview progresses, the conversation shifts from economics to leadership. The former Finance minister repeatedly returns to themes of stewardship and responsibility. He observes that leadership is about making decisions that benefit future generations.

His years as Chancellor of Makerere University deepened his appreciation for the role young people will play in shaping Uganda’s future. He believes Uganda’s most valuable resource is its people.

As such, investing in human capital offers the highest return any nation can achieve. The observation carries particular weight coming from someone whose own life was transformed by educational opportunities.

The resource blessing

Uganda’s oil story, he believes, will ultimately be defined by the wisdom with which those reserves are managed because the resource offers possibilities which shape hope for economic growth, but it also demands discipline if it is to be valuable for generations of Ugandans yet to come.

Two prongs on Uganda’s oil story are a takeaway in his 2014 book. He writes that, ‘the people of Uganda must wake up to the unprecedented amount of money that will be coming into the country from the sale of oil. […] When the oil companies sell the petroleum to other countries, they will first deduct the cost of producing the oil and then pay the government of Uganda an amount equal to about 65 percent of the balance from the oil exports. […] the companies are [also] required to pay a tax on their profits and a royalty payment for mining the oil in Uganda.’

He added: ‘In my estimation, as much as 50 percent of the net revenue from oil could be placed at the disposal of Uganda, by means of a ‘Uganda Petroleum Wealth Fund.’ […].’

For now, though, ordinary Ugandans are preoccupied with just how they will manage to fill their tanks amid global shocks that have pushed pump prices up to punishing levels.

Forty-one years ago, the British government issued a statement in London in defence of the government of President Milton Obote. The June 19, 1985, statement claims that Obote’s rule until then was worse than that of former President, Idi Amin, was ‘unacceptable’.

Amin was at the time living in exile in the Saudi Arabian town of Jeddah, having been kicked out of power on April 11, 1979, after eight years in which anywhere between 100,000 and 500,000 people were reportedly killed, with 10,000 reportedly killed in his first year in power. Amin died in August 2003.

Obote, who had been ousted by Amin in January 1971, had lived in exile in Tanzania until he returned to Uganda on May 27, 1980, to lead the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) into the December 1980 elections.

He bounced back as president after his UPC party was declared the winner of the elections with 75 seats in Parliament, followed by the Democratic Party (DP) of Dr Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere, which had 50 seats.

Amnesty report

The British government’s statement was issued eight days after the global human rights watchdog, Amnesty International, released a 64-page report that accused the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) of committing serious atrocities against the civilian population in Luweero Triangle and other parts of the country in its war against the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels and other rebel outfits that had taken up arms against it.

The report, which the watchdog said was the product of a compilation made over a four-and-a-half-year period, was issued on June 11, 1985. The report accused the UNLA of, among other crimes, torture, rape, murder and extortion.

The report detailed allegations of harassment of suspected sympathisers of the National Resistance Movement/Army (NRM/A) and supporters of the political opposition, especially those of the biggest Opposition party then, DP and those of the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM), the party that rebel leader Yoweri Museveni had led into the controversial 1980 general elections.

Worth noting is the fact that Mr Museveni was also a candidate in the Mbarara North parliamentary elections, where Mr Sam Kuteesa was the DP candidate. Mr Guchwa Mingyi was the UPC candidate. Mr Kuteesa won the seat with 15,657 votes, followed by Mr Mingyi, who garnered 12,747 votes. Mr Museveni came last with 12,682 votes.

Torture

The report accused the UNLA of illegally detaining civilians in military garrisons where they would be subjected to torture.

‘For the past four and a half years, Amnesty International has been concerned about persistent reports of the widespread and systematic use of torture against detainees in Uganda. Those most at risk are civilians unlawfully imprisoned for political reasons in military barracks where the use of torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment is routine,’ the report read in part.

It added that some of those who had been subjected to torture appeared ‘unconnected with the armed opposition to President Obote’s government’.

The report further claimed that many of the victims of torture had ‘disappeared’ in custody and were feared dead.

Whereas the government had consistently denied reports of widespread torture, the report said, a variety of sources, including torture victims who had been released, associates and members of families of some of the victims and former security operatives, had pointed the watchdog’s investigators and researchers to places where acts of torture were being carried out.

The report listed Makindye Military Police Barracks and the UNLA barracks of Lubiri and Kireka as some of the military installations that gained notoriety insofar as torture was concerned.

The watchdog reported that it had commissioned two medical doctors, a surgeon and a forensic pathologist to examine 16 people who had been held at different times between 1981 and 1985 and confirmed that all, but one, had been tortured.

‘One of these did not bear physical scars consistent with her account of ill-treatment. The remaining 15 displayed physical signs and described symptoms consistent with their accounts of being tortured,’ the report noted.

Torture methods

The report also accused the army and National Security Agency (Nasa) of employing an array of diabolical methods of torture, including deliberate congestion of cells, which had forced detainees to sleep in ‘squatting positions one behind the other’.

‘In or outside the ‘quarter guard’, new prisoners are usually beaten with iron bars, cable, pieces of wood into which nails have been driven, rifle butts, and pangas (machetes) or hammers. In some cases, prisoners are alleged to have died as a result,’ the report disclosed.

Other forms of torture include denying prisoners food and water, especially in a cell known as ‘go-down’ in Makindye.

‘People often begged for your urine because they had gone so long without water,’ a former detainee is said to have told the watchdog.

Some other methods include routine beatings and burning, which consisted of tying the victim down with a car tyre suspended over them and setting the tyre on fire so that the molten rubber could drip on the victims’ limbs; or by having a red-hot cooking-stove coil placed against their faces, necks, chests and thighs.

In other instances, the report said prisoners were descended upon with iron bars and gun butts, while others were killed by hitting their heads on walls.

Women, including pregnant ones, the report claimed, had been raped while in detention, which had in some cases led to miscarriages.

Unlawful detentions

The report also accused the UNLA and Nasa of holding political prisoners incommunicado in military barracks, intelligence headquarters or secret prisons run by Nasa. The detainees in military garrisons and installations, the report said, were always informed that they were either anti-government guerrillas or had knowledge of the guerrillas.

The Nile Mansions Hotel, Park Hotel, Kamukuzi in Mbarara, Ihungu in Masindi, Mpoma Earth Satellite Station in Mukono and some Nasa-run ‘safe houses’ were listed as some of the other places where people were being unlawfully detained.

The watchdog also accused the army of having set up within the Luweero Triangle, camps where suspects who had been arrested in the capital, Kampala, and Bunyoro, where widespread arrests had been reported in May 1985, were being detained. The detention camps had reportedly been set up in Katikamu, Bowa, Mityana, Bukomero and Kabunyata.

The detention camps, the report stated, did not have basic amenities like toilet facilities. Detainees were being forced to use either buckets or empty oil drums that were said to be located within the same rooms where they were being held.

Deaths

The report further claimed that many detainees had died in Kireka and Makindye barracks.

‘It is reported that many prisoners die in the ‘go-down’, either from starvation or as a result of their beatings. Their bodies may not be removed for up to two weeks,’ said the report.

The watchdog claimed that mass graves had been dug up near some military installations, adding that it had been informed by some former detainees that they had on several occasions been forced to go out at night and load dead bodies onto lorry trucks and Land Rover trucks, which would then ferry the bodies to mass graves for burial.

‘In 1984, an Australian television crew filmed an open mass grave within a few hundred yards of an army barracks. Interviewed by the television reporter, a Ugandan Government representative said that he did not know who was responsible,’ the report said.

The report, which claimed that there were other mass graves in Namanve and Luweero, did not name the government official who was quoted by the Australian television crew.

The report also listed cases where children or members of families that were considered to be well off would be arrested and taken to those military detention facilities for purposes of extorting their families, who would be forced to pay some kind of ransom to obtain their release.

Conclusions

The report concluded by calling on the government to investigate the allegations of torture; state where those who had reportedly ‘disappeared’ were; ensure that confessions obtained through torture are never used in law; compensation of victims of torture and dependents of those who had ‘disappeared’ and; prosecution of perpetrators of rights abuses.

In the relationship between a pastor and his congregation, the pastor generally comes out richer, collecting money from them in different guises and at every opportunity. Occasionally, to give the impression of a concern for the poor, the pastor arranges to exhibit himself and his congregation donating old clothes and small quantities of sundries to a selection of the conspicuously needy; the kind of exhibition that makes people emotionally tearful. In a country where two-legged people with fully functional hands literally go insane with joy when given Shs5,000 each at a political rally, a worshipper who has prayed for years and remained destitute will look at a package of sundries worth Shs20,000 as the year’s miracle.

However, even among the gullible, singing about serious miracles that cannot happen begins to sound hollow. Without the redeeming elegance of form and ritual that characterise traditional Christian-Church worship, the pastor’s antics become increasingly pathetic, the promise of divine magic clearly untenable. Enter the pastor posing as a business mentor, at other times even masquerading as a consultant on national economics, advising the government how to make people rich. But your pastor is now stuck in a reality hole. He wants to admit to his congregation that he has no access to divine magic to help them, and they must work very hard to go up. But he also wants to retain them and continue milking them as much as possible.

When God was young, active and issuing commands, he arranged for six working days and one day for resting and worshipping Him. Your pastor had made a mockery of this arrangement. He had devised distractions luring his followers to his church on all seven days. If it was not ‘lunch hour’, it was ‘evening something’, or some ‘special interest group’, or ‘overnight’, and so on. The pastor was working. His followers were not. The pastor’s present dilemma is how to have his followers concentrate at their work places and also remain fanatical idlers at his church. Unable to resolve this dilemma, the pastor is increasingly turning into a business mentor. If praying alone will not help you, at least get your business lessons from his church.

It sounds almost childish, but your pastor now arranges special services where you go with some tool, gadget, desk file, or a sample of merchandise from your shop. He lays hands or prays for that item and thus blesses your work or business enterprise. A faithful decent person, you do not leave without making a cash offering. And with work now central, forgetting the 10 percent tithe is at your peril. Adding a ‘seed’ is a superb ‘investment’. And since work makes you come less frequently now, come with more money each time.

But when you are still figuring out how to borrow from the bank to raise capital for the rosemary or avocado venture the pastor was talking about, the pastor collects all the money you left at his church and pumps it into a venture several times your size. Not to mention fuelling his SUV. If your pastor is cunning enough, he can engineer favour for himself in very high offices and get his next batch of exotic cows paid for by taxpayers. These games are not fictions invented by God’s dog. Incidentally, he reminds you that God is in a state of divine rest. If the figures in your business venture do not turn out as rosy as your pastor’s, do not blame God. Your mathematics may be bad.

Kato Sebbaale’s consistency paid off at the par-72 course of the Lake Victoria Serena Golf Resort and Spa in Kigo for him to win the IandM Bank Serena63 Series’ first quarter leg at the weekend.

The consultant physician and laparoscopic surgeon produced 242 points to top the charts following weeks of action in Kigo.

‘Oh, I feel great. It was a great field, great people, great golfers and coming out as a winner, it is glorious,’ said Sebbaale after the prize giving ceremony.

The tournament, named after the lowest competitive score to ever shot at Kigo by Kenyan Dismas Indiza during the third round of the 2019 Uganda Professionals Golf Open, is designed in a format where players accumulate scores in several rounds.

The minimum rounds to have been played for the first quarter leg were six but Sebbaale surpassed that mark and he did not do anything spectacular though.

‘Nothing much, I come and enjoy and play good golf. We had to play a minimum of six rounds but I have played about 15,’ Sebbaale stated. His prizes included a earning himself a Callaway Quantum driver worth Shs4.3m.

‘You come play and enjoy. When you play well, well and good. When you play badly, there is no pressure. The beauty about this is that you are given a grace period. You play many rounds so it doesn’t give you pressure,’ added the gastroenterologist and medical entrepreneur.

Sebbaale beat defending champion Dave Plendelreith, who came second on 232 points. Meanwhile, Lake Victoria Serena captain Jimmy Mugerwa tied joint third with Gift Shoko on 227 points.

A record field of 136 players were registered for the tournament but 124 turned for the action on Saturday.

‘The highest last year was 100. It’s (tournament) open to all golfers and that has been a big boost to the numbers,’ remarked IandM Bank’s head of marketing and corporate communications Annette Nakiyaga.

‘Through partnerships like this, we are able to connect with our clients in meaningful ways that align with their lifestyles and interests,’ IandM Bank chief financial officer Timothy Musiime said of the bank’s value beyond traditional banking.

‘More importantly, golf in Uganda continues to grow steadily, with increasing participation across clubs, corporate tournaments, and junior programmes. The IandM Bank Serena 63 Golf Series is proud to be part of this growth,’ he added.

Kigo director of golf Theodore van Rooyen said the highest recorded individual number of rounds in the first quarter was 18 and the second edition will come on September 12 before the grand finale due November 14.

‘This is the third edition and from the last one, this actually tripled in size. So I think people are starting to see the value,’ Van Rooyen said.

The year’s champion will win annual golf membership or subscription rewards worth $2500 (Shs9.3m) at Kigo alongside Serena Hotels’ accommodation experiences across East Africa in Mombasa and Nairobi – Kenya, Kigali – Rwanda, and Zanzibar – Tanzania.

IandM BANK SERENA63 SERIES

1ST QUARTERLY EVENT RESULTS

1ST QUARTER WINNERS

Winner: Kato Sebbaale 242 points

1st Runner-Up: David Plenderleith 232 pts

2nd Runner-Up: Jimmy Mugerwa 227 pts

3rd Runner-Up: Gift Shoko 227 pts

4th Runner-Up: John Byabagambi 225 pts

SUBSIDIARY EVENT

Overall Winner: Alex Guma 44 pts

1st Runner-Up: Timothy Musiime 43 pts

2nd Runner-Up: Nobuyoshi Kida 40 pts (c/b)

3rd Runner-Up: Isaac Nsereko 40 pts (c/b)

4th Runner-Up: Eric Miller 40 pts (c/b)

NEAREST TO PIN

M: Jasi Rommel

L: Katy Kabenge

LONGEST DRIVE

M: Brian Omeda

L: Nerima Shaminah

Four months before Christopher Okello Oyum hacked to death four infants at the Ggaba Early Childhood Development Programme, he went to see a psychiatrist. The date of the visit was December 30, 2025, and it was at his volition. He requested the specialist to assess his mental health and furnish him with the sanity report to be submitted to the Immigration Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Okello told the doctor that he was 38 years old, single and a Christian by religion. He further told the doctor that he was a self-employed commercial farmer and a resident of Bunga in Kampala.

The specialist carried out a psychiatric interview, which involved asking Okello open-ended questions to establish whether he had any mental disorders. The doctor noted that Okello did not report any history of excessive sadness or loss of interest in pleasurable activities. Okello had no history of excessive happiness or increased goal-directed activity. He had no history of alcohol abuse or substance use, although he occasionally consumed alcohol. He, further, had no history of excessive fears or worries and had never had a seizure. He denied having a history of any traumatic experience and told the doctor that he slept well.

Okello further told the doctor that this was his first visit to a mental health specialist and that he had never been on any psychiatric medication. He, however, was a known patient of Sickle Cell Disease for which he regularly took his medications. He had no other chronic medical conditions. He said he was the third born of four children and that both his parents were well and alive. He denied any known history of mental illness in the family.

To the doctor, Okello was a middle-aged man who appeared to be his stated age, was well nourished and well kempt. He looked calm and was able to maintain reasonable eye contact. The doctor noted that Okello spoke normally and his speech was coherent and fluent. According to the doctor, Okello’s thoughts were logical, and he had no preoccupations or overvalued ideas. He had a euthymic mood congruent with his affect and had no perceptual or cognitive impairment. The doctor reported that he did not observe any odd behaviour throughout the interview. He concluded that Okello had no established mental disorder and that he was sane and mentally fit to live and work in Uganda.

Information obtained from the American Embassy in Uganda confirmed that Okello was, indeed, an American citizen and that he had no known criminal charge in the US. The Embassy also stated that it had no information related to his mental health. It was observed that if Okello had any mental disorder, the American government would have been aware of it and would not have issued him a driver’s license.

A police psychiatrist, who examined Okello on April 7, five days after he hacked the infants to death, noted that Okello had a history of a previous admission to Butabika National Referral Mental Hospital. The psychiatrist said Okello exhibited normal behaviour, was calm and cooperative, and his speech was coherent. The doctor noted that his memory was intact and he exhibited good judgment. His thought process and content were normal, although he believed in obtaining wealth through human sacrifice. He was able to explain to the doctor the reason for killing the infants as fortune hunting or enrichment. He got the idea when he recalled childhood folktales of getting wealth by sacrificing people.

There is no doubt that the murders that Okello committed had the hallmarks of crimes of insanity. Insanity is a broad term with medical, legal and colloquial definitions. Generally, it refers to a severely disordered state of the mind or extreme, unreasonable foolishness. Health care professionals prefer specific diagnostic terms such as schizophrenia, bipolar disorder or psychosis.

The killings were senseless and for no apparent reason. He acted alone, and his planning of the killings was clumsy, to say the least. The evidence trail he left in the wake of the killings was obvious. He showed no remorse at the time of his arrest and at his trial, during which he was often seen chuckling. That Okello has a mental health disorder is not in doubt. What may be in doubt is whether he was adequately and appropriately evaluated and what the actual psychiatric diagnosis is.

Psychopathy or psychopathic personality is a recently recognised mental disorder and is characterised by impaired empathy and remorse, persistent antisocial behaviour, along with bold, disinhibited and egocentric traits. The psychopath has an inclination to violence and psychological manipulation, impulsivity and narcissism. These traits are often masked by superficial charm and immunity to stress, which create an outward appearance of normality.

The term psychopath is used to describe someone who is callous, unemotional, and morally depraved. Although not an official mental health diagnosis, it is often used in clinical and legal settings to refer to someone who is often egocentric, antisocial, lacking remorse and empathy for others, and often has criminal tendencies.

A psychopath is an individual who exhibits a specific set of personality traits characterised by persistent antisocial behaviour, impaired empathy, and a lack of remorse. Psychopathy is not a formal diagnosis but is closely associated with the psychiatric diagnosis of Antisocial Personality Disorder (ASPD). Psychopaths often lack empathy and are manipulative and narcissistic. Although not all psychopaths are violent, many can be linked to criminal behaviour. Not all psychopaths are violent criminals. Some use their traits, such as fearlessness, charm, and high stress tolerance, to excel in leadership roles in business and politics

The disorder is characterised by glibness and superficial charm, a lack of remorse or guilt, a shallow emotional response and a profound lack of empathy for others. The disorder is also characterised by impulsivity, a constant need for stimulation and a parasitic lifestyle. The psychopath has poor behavioural controls, early childhood behavioural problems and criminal versatility.

Many psychopathic characteristics overlap with symptoms of antisocial personality disorder, a broader mental health condition used to describe people who chronically act out and break societal rules. However, a small number of individuals with antisocial personality disorder are considered psychopaths.

Research suggests that psychopathy stems from a combination of genetic and environmental factors. The brain imaging often shows reduced activity in the areas in the brain responsible for emotion, decision-making and impulse control. Early life trauma, such as abuse or neglect, can influence how these genetic predispositions manifest.

The heightened demand for portions of Kaunda Grounds and neighbouring Green Valley by several developers could cost Gulu City its Shs6 billion greening project, the Monitor has learnt.

Mr Alfred Okello, the Gulu City Landscape Officer, expressed fears that the city administration could lose the World Bank-funded project following growing interest and protestations by private developers who have applied to the Uganda Land Commission seeking ownership of nearly 65 per cent of the total land.

Two years ago, the city council submitted its application to ULC seeking a title for the entire Green Valley land at Kaunda Grounds, a key requirement to benefit from the Uganda Support for Cities and Municipal Infrastructure Development project.

According to Mr Okello, the protestations and delays in granting the city’s application could see the project slip away.

‘With that World Bank project, any slight interruptions, they will withdraw from here and redirect the money elsewhere,’ he said.

‘At the introduction of the UCMID project, we were asked to identify an area for the greening project, and we identified that area. We were given the opportunity to produce a green park design with an attachment of Shs6bn,’ Mr Okello stated.

Once complete, the park will boast of a museum to preserve Acholi culture, an amphitheater, and spice gardens, among other facilities.

Two days ago, a ULC delegation led by Senior Lands Officer Ronnie Bahungule met Gulu City officials and the applicants to update them on the status of the applications. During the engagement, leaders accused ULC of bulldozing the city’s Physical Planning Committee and Land Board to favour developers.

‘This kind of top-bottom approach is questionable because instead of these applicants starting their processes from here, they are running to ULC,’ Mr Arthur Owor, the Gulu City Land Board chairperson, said.

‘It is worrying that more applications are coming and more individuals are demanding the land. In the last meeting in early December 2025, we were introduced to three applicants, but we are shocked today to learn that the numbers have climbed to 16, including the city council,’ Mr Owor stated.

Wondering how ULC received and validated 12 more applications in less than eight months, Mr Owor claimed the commission had sidelined the city’s land management structures and prioritised individuals.

Early this month, ULC wrote to Gulu City authorities stating that several people had applied for leases and their requests were granted upon inspection.

‘As part of the procedure associated with processing leases at the Commission, inspection in respect of the land was carried out and the applicants were allocated the land accordingly,’ Mr Andrew Nyumba, the ULC secretary, wrote to the City Town Clerk.

Daily Monitor established that when ULC requested deed plans from the Gulu Land Ministry Zonal Office, it was informed that Gulu City Council had an interest in the same land, halting the lease process.

ULC records show 15 applicants including NRM Secretary General Richard Todwong, who applied for four acres, and 14 others seeking one acre each.

Leaders demanded ULC postpone the meeting since only two private applicants attended.

‘The city has applied to use the entire green belt, and all these applications take 18 acres away, leaving us with largely nothing. Organise another meeting in which all applicants are summoned so that when we go for inspection, they show us their plots,’ Mr Patrick Okello, Bardege-Layibi Division mayor, demanded.

‘We want to know them physically because 17 acres have been applied for, part of it 11 acres sit in a wetland gazetted by the Environment ministry,’ Mr Okello added.

The city needs the title to benefit from UCMID beautification projects at Kaunda Grounds and Pece stream Green Park in FY 2025/2026. For a city to access the Shs2.7 trillion program, it must prove land ownership.

Leaders implored ULC to speed up the city’s title processing over fears Gulu could miss the multi-billion opportunity.

Key conditions for financing are valid land titles for all project sites to confirm ownership and allow smooth implementation without disputes.

During the meeting, Ms Claire Acen Olal confirmed she applied for an acre pending Physical Planning Committee approval, while Mr Brian Cana, representing Mr Todwong, admitted they applied for four acres.

In a previous interview, Mr Todwong said he suspended his interest following an ownership dispute between ULC and Gulu City Land Board.

‘We are waiting for the resolution because if ownership is the problem, ULC claim it is theirs, and the city claims the same, that renders any allocation null and void until resolved,’ Mr Todwong stated. He clarified he sought the land to establish a leisure park.

Mr Bahungule said ULC had received and allotted the applications but title processing depended on the city’s Physical Planning Committee.

‘The commission has received all applications, and now it cannot proceed without the Physical Planning comment. What we are waiting for are comments that will determine whether these applications pass, fail or collapse,’ Mr Bahungule stated.

‘We are not saying we went ahead to give them the land; we can survey, but that is subject to Physical Planning Committee comments,’ he added.

He tasked city authorities to scrutinise applicants’ development plans to ensure they match the city’s physical development plan.

Abraham Ainamani is a man of few words and often, the man from Palm Valley Golf and country Club as well as Entebbe Club prefers that his actions speak for him.

And for a second time running in a space of weeks, Ainamani did it the hard way to edge David Kamulindwa at a local professional golf event.

This time, he struck a sweet eagle on the par-5 Hole No.18 to beat Kamulindwa by two shots and win the inaugural 72-hole MTN Pro-Tee Series’ first leg at Entebbe Club last week.

By finishing on one-under 70, Ainamani topped the leaderboard and thereby took the biggest share of the Shs15m kitty by MTN with a best aggregate score of four-under 280.

‘I have been working so hard to be ready for the upcoming tournaments,’ a pretty delighted Ainamani told this paper.

‘So I came to test my potential after adequately preparing for it. Even though it (tournament) came on short notice, as pros, we have to be ready anytime.’

Ainamani turned professional in 2018 and weeks prior, he had beaten Kamulindwa at Three Ways tournament by Bro Group at Tooro Club in Fort Portal via a sudden-death play-off.

In Entebbe, he had maintained a top-five placing right from Day One. ‘As professionals, we work hard to win such a tournament. We pray for many like such and so when they come, we give them our best. I came to win, not just to participate. I thank MTN for this opportunity.’

But, Kamulindwa was left dejected after a mishap. He rued the double-bogey at the par-4 Hole No.14 in his closing round of level-par 71.

“I feel bad, this is my second tournament that I am finishing second,’ the hardworking Kamulindwa reacted. ‘I came here to win. No one recognizes the second person. Everything was in my hands. I made a wrong decision, that’s why I am second.’

The duo were tied when Ainamani bogeyed par-3 Hole No.16 and par-4 Hole No.17 while Kamulindwa had already finished. The latter was unsettled as he paced around the 18th green before Ainamani sunk the eagle, one of his four across four days.

‘I aimed at playing greens on regulation, keeping balls in play, and maintaining a good mental attitude throughout my time on the course,’ Ainamani said of his final day.

‘There was a bit of pressure knowing that Kamulindwa had finished. All I had to do was to keep on the fairway on Hole No.18 and attack the green for two to give me a birdie advantage and or better to win the tournament. A birdie turned to an Eagle. That was a good feeling,’ he added.

The pressure indeed was visible on Ainamani’s card as he made six bogeys in total but another eagle on the 15th green and three birdies indeed set him apart.

MTN PRO-TEE SERIES

LEG 1 – FINAL LEADERBOARD

1 Abraham Ainamani 72 70 68 70 280 -4

2 David Kamulindwa 72 66 73 71 282 -2

3 Rodell Gaita 69 72 72 72 285 +1

T4 Bulhan Matovu 74 70 68 74 286 +2

T4 Vincent Byamukama 69 70 69 78 286 +2

6 Irene Nakalembe 73 73 69 73 288 +4

T7 Silver Opio 72 74 69 74 289 +5

T7 Andrew Ssekibejja 74 68 72 75 289 +5

9 Grace Kasango 74 70 70 76 290 +6

10 Abbey Bagalana 73 73 71 74 291 +7

11 Samuel Kato 76 71 73 72 292 +8

12 Emma Ogwang 73 74 76 73 296 +12

13 Deo Akope 75 72 71 79 297 +13

14 Tom Jingo 73 72 72 82 299 +15

The detention of former Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago-best known as the lawyer representing Opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye, and his aide Obeid Lutale Kamulegeya-has ignited widespread alarm across Uganda’s political and legal landscape.

Mr Lukwago is widely known as a leading Opposition politician. He is also a senior advocate, who has played a prominent role in defending Opposition leaders. He is also the interim president of an Opposition party, the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF).

He was arrested under circumstances that legal experts have described as an abduction and later remanded to Luzira prison. His case has quickly become a flashpoint, raising concerns that extend far beyond partisan politics.

Unsurprisingly, Mr Lukwago’s detention has raised questions about whether lawyers handling contentious political cases can operate freely without fear of interference. Legal analysts argue that Mr Lukwago’s detention carries profound implications for the right to legal representation in politically-sensitive cases.

As Dr Besigye’s lawyer, Mr Lukwago has long been at the forefront of defending Opposition figures against State actions. His arrest sends a chilling signal: if prominent lawyers themselves can be targeted, others may be discouraged from offering defence to individuals facing politically-charged prosecutions. This, experts warn, undermines the principle of fair trial and weakens the Judiciary’s independence.

Ms Sarah Bireete, a lawyer, human rights defender, and political activist who serves as Executive Director of the Center for Constitutional Governance (CCG), warned that Mr Lukwago’s detention reflects a deeper crisis.

‘I think the bigger problem is the total breakdown of rule of law in Uganda,’ Ms Bireete told Weekly Politics.

Ms Bireete noted that the country is only one month into a new political term, yet the constitutional obligations of the presidency are already being undermined. She emphasised that the oath of office requires the President to protect the Constitution and the laws of Uganda. In addition, Article 99 of the Constitution explicitly ties the exercise of Executive authority to safeguarding the Constitution and upholding the law.

Mr Lukwago was on Wednesday charged with misprision of treason, becoming the latest suspect in a case that has already seen Opposition politician, Dr Besigye and his aide, Mr Lutale remanded on treason-related charges. Mr Lukwago was arraigned before the Makindye Chief Magistrate’s Court after spending two days in incommunicado detention.

This followed his arrest by armed men at his home in Wakaliga, Rubaga Division, Kampala, as he attempted to serve the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, with court papers in connection with the Dr Besigye treason case.

Curious timing

The arrest comes amid a stalemate in the treason and national security case involving Dr Besigye and Mr Lutale, in which Mr Lukwago serves as lead defence counsel.

Recently, the defence team-including Lukwago and Kenyan senior counsel Martha Karua-boycotted an evidence review session at Luzira Upper Prison, citing access restrictions. The accused persons themselves have also refused to physically attend court proceedings.

Two Thursdays ago, Justice Emmanuel Baguma gave Gen Muhoozi seven days to respond to a petition filed by Dr Besigye and Mr Lutale over alleged social media threats. Mr Lukwago confirmed last Friday that the Attorney General had been served, but Gen Muhoozi, Col Peter Ahimbisibwe, and Lt Col Ephraim Byaruhanga were yet to be served.

The timing of Mr Lukwago’s arrest and subsequent remand has fuelled speculation that it may be linked to the ongoing legal proceedings or signal an impending escalation in the case. For many observers, the move raises questions about whether the State is using criminal charges to intimidate defence counsel and restrict access to justice in politically-sensitive trials.

Ms Bireete said the pattern of abductions and torture carried out by military forces is not only unlawful but also signals a loss of legitimacy by President Museveni and his administration. Such actions, she argued, erode public trust in State institutions and weaken the very foundations of constitutional governance.

Her remarks underscore the growing concern among legal experts and civil society leaders that Uganda’s democratic framework is under severe strain. The detention of Opposition figures and their lawyers, she warned, risks normalising impunity and silencing dissent, ultimately threatening the rights of all citizens.

Mr Job Kiija, the associate director at Innovations for Democratic Engagement and Action (IDEA), described the abduction and subsequent charging of Mr Lukwago with misprision of treason as a direct strike against the constitutional right to legal representation.

‘Under Article 28 of the Ugandan Constitution, every accused person has the right to a fair hearing, which fundamentally includes choosing their own advocate,’ Mr Kiija said.

By targeting Mr Lukwago-lead counsel for Opposition figures such as Dr Besigye-the State, Mr Kiija argued, is dismantling the parity of esteem required in a court of law. The implication that defending an Opposition figure could expose a lawyer to personal criminal liability creates a chilling effect across the legal fraternity.

Mr Kiija pointed out that Mr Lukwago was held incommunicado beyond the constitutional 48-hour window, even as the CDF, Gen Muhoozi, publicly admitted to ‘basement’ detentions. The IDEA associate director called this a blatant violation of constitutional guarantees against arbitrary arrest and torture.

He stressed that this incident is part of a growing trend of institutional lawlessness over the past decade, where enforced disappearances and unauthorised State actors are used to resolve political disputes.

Implications

The experts have emphasised that the issue should not be reduced to a partisan dispute. Instead, they frame it as a fundamental challenge to constitutional protections and the rights of all Ugandans.

The right to legal counsel is enshrined in both national and international law, and its compromise threatens the integrity of the justice system. Mr Lukwago’s detention, therefore, is not just about one man’s fate but about the trajectory of Uganda’s democratic institutions.

The symbolism of Luzira prison adds weight to the incident. Known for holding high-profile political detainees, Luzira has become a stark reminder of the State’s power in politically-sensitive cases. For many Ugandans, the image of Kampala’s immediate past Lord Mayor-who also serves as Dr Besigye’s lawyer-behind bars represents a broader erosion of legal safeguards and civic freedoms.

The incident has already sparked debate about whether the country is sliding further into authoritarian practices, where political opponents and their defenders face intimidation and detention.

As the controversy deepens, Mr Lukwago’s case has become a rallying point for lawyers, activists, and ordinary citizens who fear that the erosion of legal protections could have lasting consequences. Whether his detention will mark a turning point in Uganda’s political landscape remains uncertain, but the alarm it has triggered is unmistakable.

Mr Kiija criticised President Museveni’s failure to act against abuses within the security apparatus, particularly those linked to his son.

‘If indeed the President is serious about his self-declared mandate of a ‘term of no more sleep and no more corruption,’ he must begin by addressing the blatant abuse of power within the security forces,’ Mr Kiija said, noting that this inaction breaches the oath Museveni swore on May 12.

Mr Kiija further highlighted the erosion of public trust caused by arbitrary detentions, the use of unmarked ‘drone’ vehicles, and Lukwago’s retroactive inclusion on a charge sheet for a case he had defended for nearly two years.

He argued that the timing-coming only after Lukwago attempted to serve Gen Muhoozi with High Court summons-strips the prosecution of credibility and confirms the Judiciary’s weaponisation for political containment.

He warned that such impunity fuels lawlessness and vigilante justice, citing the brutal killing of national rugby player Sydney Gongodyo as a tragic example of citizens replicating State lawlessness on the streets.

‘If the law cannot protect a former Lord Mayor and senior officer of the court, it cannot protect anyone,’ he offered.

For Mr Kiija, Mr Lukwago’s case sets a dangerous precedent: moving State crackdowns from Opposition politicians to their defence attorneys narrows the legal space for peaceful contestation, criminalises dissent, and threatens the very fabric of multi-party democracy in Uganda.

A bad look

Mr Timothy Chemonges, a lawyer and human rights defender, said the manner of Mr Lukwago’s arrest raises the gravest concerns. Images and videos showed heavily armed security personnel surrounding his home, with some officers scaling walls-scenes many Ugandans associated more with an abduction than a lawful arrest. Given Mr Lukwago’s public profile and the fact that he posed no immediate security threat, Mr Chemonges argued that authorities could have simply issued a summons or conducted a routine police arrest.

‘When the State deploys excessive force or dramatic tactics in such circumstances, it creates the impression of intimidation rather than law enforcement,’ Mr Chemonges noted.

That perception, he warned, undermines respect for due process, weakens confidence in security agencies, and raises serious questions about the protection of constitutional rights.

The development has prompted debate within legal circles about the extent to which advocates can effectively discharge their professional duties when representing clients involved in politically charged disputes.

Some members of the legal fraternity argue that any action perceived as targeting lawyers risks creating uncertainty among practitioners who take on sensitive cases. Others say the incident highlights the need for stronger safeguards to ensure legal representation remains independent and free from undue pressure.

Mr Chemonges stressed that incidents perceived as arbitrary arrests or detentions can significantly erode public confidence in the rule of law. Citizens expect State institutions to exercise power fairly, transparently, and within the limits of the law.

‘When security agencies use methods that appear excessive-especially against prominent Opposition figures-many begin to question whether the law is being applied equally or selectively. Over time, this weakens trust in the police, the courts, and other democratic institutions, making it harder for citizens to view them as impartial guardians of justice rather than political actors,’ he said.

He further emphasised that Mr Lukwago’s case sets an important precedent as Uganda moves closer to future elections. The treatment of Opposition leaders and the lawyers who represent them sends a powerful signal to political actors, civil society, and ordinary citizens.

If arrests and detentions are perceived as tools to intimidate critics or restrict dissent, many may become more cautious about participating in politics, activism, or even providing legal representation in sensitive cases.

Mr Chemonges warned that such a climate shrinks democratic space and weakens civic engagement at precisely the moment when Uganda most needs open political competition and strong protection of constitutional freedoms.

Low confidence

The Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party president, Mr Patrick Oboi Amuriat, said the erosion of the rule of law and justice is now the most pressing concern for Ugandans.

‘There is abuse of the law and no respect for human rights in the case of Lukwago and others. This will negatively affect democracy,’ Mr Amuriat told Weekly Politics.

The FDC president argued that while there is an attempt to dispense justice, the manner in which it is being carried out is not in accordance with the law. As a result, citizens have lost confidence in the Judiciary, believing it serves the interests of those in power rather than the people.

He warned that advocates are increasingly being treated as though they are the accused, facing harassment and intimidation simply for representing high-profile individuals.

‘This undermines the legal profession,’ he said.

He noted that Mr Lukwago’s case took a troubling twist. Initially, many believed he was being harassed because he served as lead counsel to Dr Besigye. However, the court later charged him with a separate case, which Mr Amuriat described as an attempt to criminalise Mr Lukwago as an advocate.

‘We believe these charges were brought in bad faith. We are waiting to see what kind of evidence the State will present in court,’ he added.

Legal experts note that Uganda’s Constitution guarantees the right to personal liberty and protection from unlawful detention. According to them, transparency regarding arrests and detentions is critical to ensuring public trust in the justice system and preventing perceptions of abuse of power.

Political analysts say incidents involving high-profile figures often become a test of a country’s commitment to democratic governance. They argue that actions taken against Opposition leaders and lawyers are closely scrutinised by the public, civil society organisations, and the international community.

Transition question

Mr Amuriat predicted that more advocates are likely to be arrested, creating fear among the population and discouraging citizens from speaking out about their rights. He linked this climate of intimidation to succession politics, suggesting that the actions are preparing the ground for Gen Muhoozi to replace President Museveni.

‘Gen Muhoozi has already condemned Lukwago. Many political players who are outspoken are being threatened, and more leaders are likely to be jailed as a way to silence them,’ he warned.

The one-time presidential candidate further observed that several prominent political leaders, including Dr Besigye, have been forced into silence under the current environment of repression.

For Mr Amuriat, the Lukwago case is emblematic of a broader strategy to shrink democratic space, intimidate opposition, and weaken the independence of the legal profession.