Category: Daily Monitor

A group of disgruntled National Resistance Movement (NRM) youths who lost in the recently concluded National Youth Council (NYC) elections have accused some party Secretariat officials of interfering in the polls and influencing the outcomes.

The group, led by Isaac Suubi, the Jinja City Youth Chairperson who contested for the NYC chairperson seat, told reporters in Kampala on October 6 that some officials have made it a habit to front their preferred candidates and inject large sums of money to ensure their victory.

‘In the end, we get lousy leaders who cannot even lead mobilisation, which is very unfortunate. We who don’t have money end up helpless, and that is why we are here to voice our concerns,’ Suubi said.

He added: ‘We want to send a strong message to the party that if our concerns are not addressed, we shall announce the next course of action, which may include shunning the party’s candidates and instead rallying behind independents.’

Daniel Moro, the Chairperson of Youth Publicity in Lira District who contested for the NYC Secretary position and lost, said they have petitioned the party several times but their complaints have not been prioritised.

‘We are seeking a meeting with the National Party Chairman so that we are listened to because we were treated unfairly, including some of our colleagues being removed from the nomination list at the last minute under unclear circumstances,’ he said.

Moro further claimed that the NYC elections were marred by irregularities, repeated delays, and financial influence, which he said undermined the democratic principles the NRM claims to uphold.

‘During the primary election, we realised that some candidates were predetermined. People from well-connected families and those linked to the Secretariat were favoured at the expense of others from humble backgrounds,’ he added.

When contacted, NRM spokesperson Mr Emmanuel Dombo said he was not aware of the youths’ complaints but advised them to formally lodge their concerns with the Secretary General.

‘I am not familiar with their complaints, but I implore them to lodge them formally with the Secretary General, who will handle them. However, if they say they petitioned and nothing was done, they may need to escalate the matter to the National Party Chairman, who is still on the campaign trail, but they will be addressed,’ he said.

The NRM conducted its NYC elections last week at the party’s Electoral Commission headquarters in Kampala, with over 400 delegates from across the country participating.

Daniel Ongom was elected Chairperson of the National Youth Council, while Jonathan Tayebwa won the position of Secretary for Student Affairs. The Secretary for Finance slot went to Godfrey Kamukama, and the Secretary for Sports and Culture was secured by Albert Loret. Other successful candidates included Sheilla Ainembabazi, Sarah Acemo, Edith Ayebare, and Priscilla Mbabazi.

At the press conference, Grace Nuwahereza, one of the disgruntled contestants and a representative of the Uganda National Students Association who had sought the position of Secretary for Students’ Affairs, said she was unfairly disqualified.

‘I picked the nomination forms very well, filled them, and returned them, but I was bounced without any explanation. The NRM party allowed us to participate in the process, but at the end of the day, they disqualified us unfairly. We deserve an explanation,’ Nuwahereza said.

Odongo Aaron Otuke, the District Youth Chairperson who contested for Secretary External Relations, said: ‘After the primaries, we tabled our concerns and were told that the National Party Chairman who must listen to our issues was on a rally, so we should wait. That is why we want them to fix for us a time so that we meet him.’

Gloria Namakula, the Secretary for Female Affairs in Hoima City who contested for Publicity Secretary, urged the party leadership to engage with the youth before they lose trust.

‘We call upon the National Chairman to give us a listening ear. Many young people are getting demoralised. When it is time for mobilisation, the party calls on the youth, but when the youth seek opportunities to lead, they are sidelined,’ she said.

This year’s World Teachers’ Day, which was observed on October 5, was celebrated under the theme ‘Recasting teaching as a collaborative profession,’ which underscores that teaching thrives not in isolation but through shared responsibility, peer learning, and professional solidarity.

Collaboration among educators strengthens schools, enriches learning, and ensures that students benefit from a more innovative and effective teaching environment.

Digital technology is a major enabler of collaboration. Through online platforms, virtual communities, and collaborative tools, teachers can connect across schools and regions, share resources, and solve challenges together.

Yet, disparities in access to devices, connectivity, and digital skills limit the full potential of these tools. Cooperatives also strengthen collaboration, empowering teachers to pool resources, access affordable credit, and plan for professional and personal growth. Financial collaboration builds solidarity and ensures teachers can invest in their development while contributing to education transformation.

At Uganda Professional Science Teachers Union (UPSTU), we have taken significant steps to recast teaching as a collaborative profession. Through our initiatives such as the UPSTU Science Innovation Projects Competition and the ProDev Hour Programme, we are fostering an environment of collective learning, innovation and sharing of experiences.

Our cooperative, UPSTU Members’ Sacco has also proven to be a valuable platform for fostering collaboration among members, through which, teachers have been able to access affordable credit, plan for their futures, and support their professional growth.

We urge government, school leaders, teacher unions, and educators to invest in professional development, digital infrastructure, and cooperative engagement to strengthen a truly collaborative teaching profession. Together, we can build a resilient, inclusive, and innovative education system.

According to the Uganda Annual Health Sector Performance Report 2023/24, teenage pregnancy remains the leading killer of girls aged 15-19 years in Uganda, with Busoga Region bearing a disproportionate burden.

Covid-19 lockdowns worsened the situation where young girls no more than 13 years of age became pregnant, leading to increased school dropouts and loss of lives.

In light of that, Jinja District, in partnership with Good Neighbours, a Korean non-governmental organisation, has passed a set of by-laws aimed at tackling the rising cases of teenage pregnancy and child marriage. The new legal measures, passed under Sections 38 and 40 of the Local Government Act, CAP 243, mark a significant step in protecting children’s rights and safeguarding their education and wellbeing.

The by-laws were introduced in a motion by Ms Proscovia Mutibwa, Vice District Chairperson and Leader of Government Business, during a session chaired by Deputy District Speaker, Mr Moses Lwochaza.

They were passed before the Deputy Chief Administrative Officer, Mr Geoffrey Banga Nkurunziza, following recommendations from the District Executive Committee under Minute DEC/70/2025. The by-laws will initially be implemented in the following four town councils: Kakira, Buyengo, Kagoma (formerly Buwenge) and Busedde. The rollout in these areas is expected to serve as a model for broader district-wide adoption in the future.

The framework was developed through a participatory approach that brought together parents, community leaders, educators, religious leaders, and youth representatives. According to district officials, this inclusiveness was key to ensuring that prevention and accountability remain at the heart of the measures.

Teenage pregnancies

Among the key provisions are penalties for perpetrators of child marriage and underage pregnancies, mandatory reporting of suspected cases, and protections for girls who become mothers while still in school.

The by-laws stipulate that any school-going girl who becomes pregnant must be allowed to sit for her examinations and, after delivery, resume her studies. Anyone who denies her this right risks a fine of up to three currency points, imprisonment of up to two months, or both.

Child marriages

On this, the laws categorically prohibit parents, guardians, religious institutions, or cultural leaders from marrying off or presiding over the marriage of a child below 18 years.

Anyone found guilty of engaging in or facilitating such practices will be prosecuted under the Penal Code Act. The by-laws also address defilement cases, placing responsibility on parents, guardians, teachers, school committees, and local authorities to report all incidents to the police. Attempts to settle such cases outside court are now criminal offences.

Child welfare

Beyond marriage and defilement, the regulations cover wider child welfare concerns. They ban harmful child labour, regulate excessive domestic chores, restrict child loitering, enforce curfews, and prevent deliberate school dropout.

Parents who knowingly allow children to abandon school can face fines or jail time. Children who deliberately refuse schooling without justifiable cause will be taken in by police for not more than 12 hours and handed over to probation officers for counselling. Good Neighbours, which has been active in Jinja and the wider Busoga Sub-region, is supporting the enforcement of the laws through awareness campaigns and community outreach.

The NGO’s country office says it will continue working with local leaders to sensitise families and strengthen protection mechanisms for vulnerable children. Speaking after the passing of the laws, district officials emphasised that protecting children is a collective responsibility.

‘We must work together as parents, leaders, and communities to ensure that no child is forced into marriage or denied the chance to complete their education,’ Ms Mutibwa said.

The move has been hailed as a landmark step in the fight against early marriages and teenage pregnancies, issues that have long undermined education and exposed young girls to lifelong challenges.

Let me rub it in one more time. The 2026 election is going to setback Uganda by Shs838 billion. It shall buy us all the theatrics at nomination, the huge rallies, the promises and pronouncements, demonstrating ‘a dispensation that sticks to the tenets of democracy.’ We might also have abductions, imprisonment, and death.

After all that, Uganda’s current president, Gen Yoweri Museveni, who has been in power for 40 years, is going to be announced the winner.

Barring ‘an act of God,’ he will go on for as long as he wishes. In parliament, you will have a trend similar to the one we have witnessed for the last 30 or so years.

About 70 percent of the incumbent MPs will find themselves out of job. Uganda shall swear in a fresh lot with pomp and magisterial ceremony.

The majority of those promising to abide by the Constitution will, by a country mile, come from the dominant ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party or be independents affiliated to it. That alone will make the Opposition MPs hapless and helpless bridesmaids for the ruling NRM party.

For most parts, they will stage walkouts to demonstrate their disagreement with laws and motions passed by the ruling NRM. Many of these will be the outcome of meetings from the NRM caucus at State House with the President in charge.

At times, they will receive funds (It can go up to Shs100 million per MP) to help them consult their constituents. Once in a while, there might be physical fights with flying chairs and street demonstrations by Opposition MPs to ‘prove’ that they are fighting for democracy. But first, they will begin by electing a Speaker, of course, from the NRM.

After this, they will proceed to the most important function: determining their remuneration. It will kick off with the mandatory facilitation of Shs200 million for a vehicle befitting their status. Here we are talking about Shs100 billion in total. One or two will walk out, but then keep the money credited to their accounts.

Many will proceed to buy a second-hand Japanese ambulance and brand it with their portraits and the words donated by your loving MP 2026-2031, thus turning it into a moving billboard. They will then proceed to share out the lucrative positions of Parliamentary Commissioners and heads of committees.

For the next five years, we shall hear endless arguments about the need to curb Uganda’s bloated, rubberstamp parliament that is a burden to the taxpayer. On the lower level, the cities, municipalities, and local councils will also carry out similar rituals after ‘solomonly’ swearing in.

They will then proceed to fight over sitting allowances with threats not to sit in council if they are not paid. As of 2021, Uganda had about 2,775,492 elected officers, meaning that for every 16 Ugandans, there was an elected leader to feed off the taxpayer.

In most local governments, the lion’s share of the budgets goes towards salaries and wages, plus other attendant expenses to maintain the human resources. Meanwhile, the state of the roads and bridges will go into further disrepair with natural disasters exacerbating the predicament.

Ironically, the hospitals to which MPs ferry patients in branded ambulances will have inadequate medicine, staff, and equipment. The schools too will suffer a similar fate, Characterised by dilapidated or under the tree shade classrooms, absent or no teachers, inadequate learning materials, and high drop-out and failure rates.

The number of pupils who are functionally illiterate, the ones who complete P7 but can’t read, write and can’t solve P3 mathematical problems will remain high. At the higher level, students will strike under the weight of tuition fees that their parents find difficult to afford.

The news will be dominated by unchecked corruption and impunity. By struggles in the business sector with high taxes and low sales. An agricultural sector affected by climate change and all manner of challenges. Yes, democracy is expensive no doubt, but is it an act of folly to do the same thing over and over again expecting different of better results.

The next five years will be full of grumbling about poor service delivery. The powers that be will respond with more administrative units ‘to bring services nearer to the people’ and other selective programmes that hand out cash to an insignificant number of individuals.

Uganda, with its mounting debt, will continue borrowing and paying interest to bilateral and multilateral agencies to run the country, including for recurrent expenditure like salaries and wages. This means that there will be little money and effort towards meaningful investment into production. That we shall leave to the ‘foreign investors’ as ours is mostly about consumption.

Interestingly, some of the countries that are funding Uganda do not have the same level of obsession or compliance with ‘western democracy’ like we do. Take China, for instance. Most of the effort is geared towards massive production, creation of gainful employment, welfare, and economic growth.

The goal is eventual global domination which has been achieved. In the last 30 years (1995 – 2025), China has shot up to becoming the world’s second largest economy, past democratic Britain, France, Germany, Japan etc. It has pushed more people out of extreme poverty than the entire African population.

Yet African countries have periodic elections (funded by mostly the West) in line with the dictates of democracy. ‘Undemocratic China’ (by Western definition) is now one of the major funders of development projects in extremely poor and highly indebted African democracies. Unlike Africa and Uganda in particular, in China, the focus is the welfare of its people.

It is about bringing bread to the table of people and ensuring that they are in well-housed, employed, their children go to school, and all are in good health. Here we are keeping up appearances as a ‘democratic state,’ which in effect is empowering a cabal to run the affairs of state in perpetuity- and steal from it. This great investment affects production, infrastructural growth and social development.

The irony is that this creates armies of dissatisfied young people who have become a threat to the state and the NRM government. So, the latter has to invest huge sums in coercive instruments and use undemocratic measures like abduction, torture, and killing to secure itself in power. All this turns the whole project of democracy into a mockery.

Across the country, it is common to see livestock and poultry being transported in appalling conditions. Livestock and poultry are tightly packed in trucks on their way to markets and slaughterhouses.

The animals are crammed in trucks and transported long distances without food and water, squeezed so tightly that they can hardly breathe.

Cruel transporters tie cattle by their horns and tails to the rails of the truck bed to keep them standing still.

This causes excruciating pain that the poor animals endure until they reach the abattoirs, where they are permanently relieved of their misery.

Some unscrupulous people tie cattle limbs, twist their necks, and tie their heads to their bodies to enable them to cram the hapless animals into cars and on motorcycles that are not authorised to transport livestock.

The sight of cattle, goats, sheep, and pigs mercilessly tied up being transported on motorcycles is shocking to a visitor to the country but is considered normal by many locals due to lengthy exposure to this cruelty.

Many locals have been desensitised and no longer acknowledge the fact that livestock and poultry are living beings that feel pain and can suffer from stress occasioned by mistreatment. Livestock moved on the hoof to markets and slaughterhouses also suffer abuse at the hands of their handlers.

They are forced to move long distances without water amid beatings. Poultry such as chickens and ducks are routinely held upside down during transportation, while others are crammed into car boots where they can barely breathe. This cruelty is also exhibited on farms where some farmhands subject cattle and other livestock to beatings.

Furthermore, cows are separated from their calves thereby denying them the required amount of milk for their proper growth.

Most of the milk is taken from cows and sold to humans while their calves starve. The Uganda Animals (Prevention of Cruelty) Act, Chapter 49, enacted in 1957 and revised in 2000, provides legal measures for preventing cruelty to animals.

It lists several animal cruelty offences, such as physical abuse, neglect, and cruel treatment. However, the laws against cruelty to animals are not properly implemented, with the police, local government, and Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry, and Fisheries officials sleeping on the job. Some of these officials are compromised after taking bribes from offenders.

The cruelty animals are subjected to before slaughter leads to poor quality meat, according to veterinary experts. They say the meat of stressed animals is dark, tasteless and hard. Experts also say it has a low shelf life.

We call upon the government to crack down on cruelty to animals on farms and those in transit because it not only casts the country in a bad light but also exposes consumers to poor-quality animal products.

Jailed Opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye has fired off a strongly worded letter to High Court Judge Emmanuel Baguma, demanding to know the law that stops him, as an accused person, from raising his own concerns orally during trial.

The four-time presidential candidate, who is facing treason charges alongside Mr Obeid Lutale and Capt Denis Oola, wrote the letter following a heated exchange in court on October 1.

Besigye insisted on addressing the judge directly despite being represented by a team of 10 lawyers led by Kenyan senior counsel Martha Karua.

The letter

In the letter dated October 2, Besigye accuses Justice Baguma of denying him a fundamental right to be heard. ‘First, you outrightly declined my request because I am represented by lawyers,’ Besigye wrote.

‘Being a person accused of a serious offence, I find it strange and oppressive if I cannot raise a concern directly in open court.’

He further recounts how, after extensive back-and-forth with his legal team, the judge ruled that any personal concerns from the accused could only be submitted in writing, a condition Besigye argues could lead to undue delays. ‘If each time a written submission of the concern has to be made and time fixed for your response, the case may never be concluded,’ he warned. ‘Meanwhile, I remain confined in prison.’

Besigye concludes the three-page letter with a pointed challenge: ‘I request you to point me to the provisions of the law that bar an accused person from orally raising concerns in court during any audience with the judge, even in the presence of their lawyers. Following your response, I will take that law into consideration to guide me.’

The letter follows last week’s tense courtroom standoff, where Besigye rose in the dock before plea-taking to address the judge. ‘A very good morning, my Lord,’ he began confidently, adding that he wished to raise a matter of concern. Justice Baguma quickly interrupted: ‘Are you still represented, or are you putting off your lawyers?’

Besigye clarified that he remained represented but wanted to personally explain the circumstances of their appearance in court. The judge, however, maintained that only his lawyers could speak on his behalf unless they formally withdrew from the case.

Senior Counsel Karua, supported by colleagues Frederick Mpanga and Ernest Kalibbala, urged the court to allow Besigye to speak.

Mr Kalibbala argued: ‘Appointing lawyers does not close the mouth of the party. No law bars any accused person in the dock from raising or responding to issues in court.’

Eventually, Justice Baguma relented but imposed conditions, ruling that Besigye must submit his concerns in writing and return to court on October 8 for a response.

The ruling prompted murmurs among the packed courtroom before prison warders swiftly escorted Besigye and his co-accused out under tight security.

The Federation of Uganda Football Associations (Fufa), as the country’s football governing body, holds the ultimate responsibility for the sport’s health.

However, recent moves by Fufa to exert greater control over the operational aspects of the Uganda Premier League (UPL), particularly regarding venue selection, format, and match organization, have sparked significant resistance from the clubs.

While the intent may be to improve professionalism, a comparison with successful global leagues suggests that a domestic football association should primarily govern, not manage, the top-tier competition.

The Uganda Premier League needs autonomy to thrive, and the current ‘top-down’ approach undermines the very clubs that are the competition’s lifeblood.

The core of the issue stems from the principle of commercial and operational independence.

Clubs are legally registered entities that bear the vast majority of match-day expenses.

When Fufa dictates venues, the capacity of clubs to generate crucial revenue from gate collections, which they largely shoulder the cost to run, is compromised. This forced appropriation of operational control and potential income unlawfully interferes with the financial autonomy of the clubs.

Furthermore, a centralized, and often non-consultative, approach to match organization leads to several practical and competitive drawbacks.

By dictating venues and sometimes even appropriating income, Fufa places severe financial and operational strain on clubs who rely on home gate receipts to cover their running costs.

Loss of Identity and Fan Engagement: A core part of club football is the home stadium advantage and the tradition of playing in the club’s established location. Undermining a club’s ability to host matches in its preferred venue alienates the local fan base and weakens the club’s identity, which is a major commercial asset.

Undermining Sporting Integrity: Recent proposals, like multi-phase league formats with point resets or uneven distribution of home and away matches, have been criticized by clubs like Vipers SC and SC Villa for undermining sporting integrity and penalizing consistency. An imbalanced schedule created by a centralized decision-maker can lead to sporting disadvantages.

Commercial Liability: Sponsors and broadcasters seek a simple, marketable, and predictable product. A complex, fluid, and unpredictable competition format dictated without consensus becomes a commercial liability, deterring long-term investment.

A global can help too. Across the world’s most successful football nations, a clear separation of powers exists between the Football Association (FA) and the top professional league. The FA serves as the regulator, licensor, and overall governing body that oversees national teams, lower tiers, and enforces Fifa/Caf/Uefa regulations.

The professional league, however, is typically run as a separate commercial entity, often a company owned by the member clubs, responsible for its own commercial operations, match organization, and scheduling.

The English Premier League (EPL): The FA of England is the overall governing body, but the Premier League operates as a corporation jointly owned by its 20 member clubs. The Premier League is fully responsible for setting its fixtures, commercial deals (broadcasting and sponsorship), and managing match operations. The FA’s role is supervisory and regulatory (e.g., controlling the rules of the game and sanctioning officials). This autonomy allowed the English Premier League to become a global commercial powerhouse.

Spain’s LaLiga: LaLiga is managed by the Liga Nacional de Fútbol Profesional (LFP), an organization distinct from the Royal Spanish Football Federation (RFEF). The LFP manages the professional aspects, including match scheduling, commercial rights, and financial regulations, while the RFEF focuses on governance, referees, and national team duties.

The German Bundesliga: The Deutsche Fußball Liga (DFL) is a separate entity responsible for running the Bundesliga and Bundesliga 2. The DFL manages all business aspects, including the centralized marketing of media rights, giving the clubs direct control over their product.

For the Uganda Premier League to truly professionalize, attract major corporate partners, and secure a greater broadcast deal, it must be granted operational and commercial autonomy. FUFA’s most constructive role should be:

Licensing: Establishing and strictly enforcing clear criteria for club licensing, stadium quality, financial fair play, and governance.

Regulation: Overseeing refereeing, maintaining the rules of the game, and serving as the ultimate judicial and appeals body.

National Team Focus: Concentrating resources on the national team, grassroots development, and lower-tier competitions that genuinely require the FA’s direct management.

The UPL clubs, perhaps through a dedicated, independent league company, should be empowered to organize their own matches, select their own venues based on licensing standards of their home stadia, and collectively manage the league’s commercial operations.

By shifting from a ‘manager’ to a ‘governor’ role, FUFA can ensure the integrity and standards of the game, while giving the clubs the operational freedom necessary to turn the UPL into the self-sustaining, marketable, and financially robust league Ugandan football deserves.

Maumbe Mukhwana Memorial Vocational Institute, built just two years ago at a cost of Shs3.6 billion, was intended to be a model of technical excellence. The institution, named after liberation hero Jack Maumbe Mukhwana, is one of President Museveni’s nine pledges of vocational institutes.

Today, it is a sign of neglect with no tutors, electricity, water, fence separating the girls’ dormitories from those of the boys, and pit-latrines that overflow forcing students to relieve themselves in the bush. Last week, frustration over the poor state of the school boiled over.

Students locked the principal, Mr James Ulyeni, inside his office for more than five hours, demanding his immediate transfer. Police and district education officials later intervened and convinced the students to let go. They then took him away.

Guild president Bernard Mooli said the students have gone on strike three times since last year, each time demanding the transfer of the principal. Mr Mooli revealed that the school has so many problems, which they have reported to the district authorities, but nothing has been done. He said since reporting back three weeks earlier, students had not had a single lesson.

‘This is supposed to be a skills institute, yet we don’t have practicals. When we go for internship, we struggle,’ he said. Mr Deo Obote, a student, said: ‘We don’t have qualified teachers to teach us. The toilets are full, so sometimes we go to the bush. Some girls are already suffering from infections. Even meals are delayed.’

Mr Moses Mugabi, a student, said the overflowing toilets, lack of water, and a broken solar system have left the school without electricity or safe sanitation facilities.

He revealed that government-sponsored students pay Shs450,000 per term, while private students pay Shs760,000. Ms Glades Nambozo, another student, said: ‘Last term, I was admitted to the hospital for a week after getting an infection. Many other girls are suffering too.’

Mr Haningtone Bakumba, the senior education officer for Mbale District, said the government was supposed to deploy 15 tutors when the institute was set up. Instead, only the principal and the bursar are permanent staff. He added that the school relies on volunteer instructors who have now gone eight months without pay.

Mr Daniel Kitakuyi, an entrepreneurship tutor, said they have lost the morale to teach. He added that several tutors have refused to report to school this term because of the non-payment. Even the security guard, Mr Mutwalimb Zemwa, has gone 18 months without his Shs90,000 monthly salary.

‘I work day and night, alone, without even a torch. My life is at risk,’ he said. Mr Bakumba added the school’s performance is poor, blaming it on weak administration. He explained that some tutors are often dismissed in the middle of the term, while equipment meant for practical lessons has gone missing. He also revealed that the school is deeply in debt, with suppliers demanding more than Shs160 million. Mr Paddy Khaukha, the Mbale District Education Officer, acknowledged that the students’ grievances are genuine.

He partly blamed the challenges on the principal but also admitted that the district authorities had failed to provide facilities that support proper learning.

‘Where we have reached, to save the institution, the Ministry of Education and Sports should send another principal. Let the current principal be transferred to another place,’ he said.

He added: ‘This is the third time the police have rescued the principal. We don’t want to reach a situation where we have to answer why the principal has been lynched by students. The truce between the principal and students will not last.’

He said the ministry should post permanent tutors to support the school, and urged the government to speed up the process of recruiting them. He noted that the institution is a presidential pledge that should be fulfilled, not mismanaged.

Mr Ulyeni said he is ready to be transferred if the ministry decides so. He denied the allegations against him, arguing that the problems at the school are due to limited government funding, with only Shs55 million sent for the entire financial year. He also blamed the situation on students delaying to pay their fees.

Mr Ulyeni explained that the Shs55 million from government and student fees is what he uses to run the school, but it is not enough to pay tutors, clear supplier debts, or buy materials for practical lessons, which are expensive. He noted that presidential-pledge institutions are not funded the same way as government-aided schools.

He added that he had written to the Ministry of Education about the challenges but nothing had been done. On the issue of pit-latrines, he blamed the problem on heavy rains and the waterlogged nature of the area, which causes the water levels to rise.

As dusk settles over Kampala, its skyline glitters with new towers and estates, some unfinished, many unoccupied, and most untaxed.

They stand as monuments to ambition and inequality, symbols of a nation where wealth is visible but revenue is invisible.

From Kololo’s mansions to the glittering lakeside estates in Munyonyo, Uganda’s real estate sector is booming.

Cranes tower over Kampala, gated communities expand across Wakiso, and rural towns are dotted with new rentals and shopping complexes.

But, behind this frenzy is a revenue blind spot, referenced by the World Bank in its 25th Uganda Economic Update.

The report, published last week, details the property and real estate boom, but reveals a glaring mismatch in which property-related taxes (land rates, rental income tax, and stamp duties) contribute less than 0.4 percent of GDP.

While the elite continue to invest heavily in land and property, government captures very little of this growing wealth, with the World Bank describing real estate as ‘the fastest-growing store of private wealth and one of the least taxed’.

The real estate boom

Uganda’s wealth distribution is tilting sharply. The World Bank shows that the top 10 percent of Ugandans now control nearly 40 percent of the national income, while the bottom 40 percent share just 13 percent.

Much of this wealth is concentrated in urban property, which has become the investment of choice for high-net-worth individuals, politicians, and corporates.

‘Real estate is now a parallel economy. It absorbs much of Uganda’s savings, foreign remittances, and undeclared income,’ the World Bank notes in the 25th Uganda Economic Update.

This, as a result, the report notes, has created a price bubble, in which land prices have risen by more than 400 percent in the last decade in Greater Kampala.

Low tax returns

The real estate sector contributes barely 2 percent of all domestic tax collections, the World Bank notes, helping little to lift Uganda’s tax-to-GDP ratio, which has stagnated at about 13.2 percent in the last three years, far below the sub-Saharan average and government’s own target of 18 percent.

The World Bank attributes this difficulty to taxing the real estate to money lost through trade misinvoicing, smuggling, and corruption.

Uganda is estimated to lose between $550m and $750m annually to such outflows, much of which re-enters the economy disguised as property investment.

‘Real estate has become a preferred destination for recycled wealth. It offers anonymity, asset appreciation, and weak enforcement,’ the World Bank notes

This, the report says, distorts the housing market through inflated land prices and deepening inequality.

Thus, while a small elite accumulates luxury assets, millions of Ugandans face rising rent, poor housing, and limited access to land.

World Bank’s data shows Uganda’s Gini coefficient, which measures inequality, has risen to 0.44, up from 0.42 in 2020, a clear sign of widening inequality.

The bottom 60 percent of Ugandans, mostly in rural areas, now earn less than Shs10,000 per day, while the urban middle class faces stagnant wages.

Yet property and wealth remain untaxed, leaving Uganda’s fiscal burden to salaried workers through pay-as-you-earn and consumption taxes.

‘Uganda’s tax system is regressive. High-income individuals benefit most from tax exemptions and weak enforcement,’ the report says.

The politics of taxing real estate

Efforts to tax high-end property have repeatedly stalled due to political resistance.

But URA, with technical support from the World Bank and IMF, has revived plans for a high-net-worth individual compliance unit, tasked with mapping luxury property, tracking asset transfers, and linking land ownership to income declarations.

However, the unit remains weak, according to the World Bank, due to resource limitations and access to data.

For instance, the Update notes that because of limited resources, the unit only audited 44 high-net-worth individuals between 2012 and 2021, despite managing a register of over 1,200 individuals.

Therefore, the World Bank says there is need to improve property and wealth tax administration, which could add 2.5-3.5 percent of GDP to domestic revenues or roughly Shs4 trillion annually.

‘If Uganda wants to finance its growth without debt, it must tax its wealth. And that wealth is sitting in land, not in the banks,’ the report says.

Journalists play a crucial role in elections through information dissemination and voter education, helping citizens understand electoral laws, procedures, candidate platforms, and polling processes. By keeping the electorate informed, they enable voters to make sound decisions when choosing their leaders.

The media is often referred to as the Fourth Estate after the Judiciary, Executive, and Legislature. There is no doubt that it shapes public discourse, facilitates political participation, enhances accountability, and counters misinformation.

As Ugandans return to the polls for the sixth time since Independence, and the fifth under President Museveni, the role of the media remains central. In this election, eight political parties are contesting with the aim of unseating Museveni, though many remain sceptical about their chances of success.

The main concerns continue to centre on the independence of the Electoral Commission (EC), widely viewed as being under the influence of the ruling regime, and the conduct of sections of the security forces, some of whom are accused of serving partisan interests rather than upholding national unity and democratic principles.

The media in Uganda has for years faced significant challenges, including restrictions, harassment, violence, restrictive laws, the digital divide, and competition from the rising tide of misinformation on social media. As citizens head to the polls, the role of journalists should be at the forefront of the democratic process.

The eight candidates representing the eight political parties recognise the critical importance of the media. The National Resistance Movement (NRM), identifies the media as a central tool for communication and national mobilisation.

Its manifesto commits to ensuring that government policies and programmes are widely disseminated through media platforms with nationwide reach. This reflects a strong emphasis on media as a top-down channel for policy communication and a vehicle for demonstrating political accountabilities Beyond messaging, the manifesto highlights infrastructure as the backbone of communication.

Key commitments include: Expanding broadband and mobile network coverage, with government reporting that 89 percent of the population is now served by 3G or higher services.

Providing free Wi-Fi at border posts and upgrading older sites from 2G to 3G. Extending the national backbone fibre network to connect government ministries, local government offices, and other critical institutions.

To implement these objectives, several agencies operate under the Ministry of ICT and National Guidance, including the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation (UBC), Media Council, of Uganda Media Centre, and Vision Group, among others. The government has often voiced concern about what it calls ‘irresponsible’ or distorted media coverage.

President Museveni and State agencies have emphasised the need for more disciplined and centralised communication, particularly in responding to negative reporting and in safeguarding Uganda’s image. This reflects an ongoing tension between State-driven communication goals and the independent media’s watchdog role.

While strong on communication and infrastructure, the NRM manifesto is notably weaker on press freedom and media independence. There are no explicit commitments to protect journalists from harassment, intimidation, or censorship. Mechanisms to ensure media diversity, fairness, or editorial independence are not detailed.

Oversight and accountability in government communication remains limited, with little transparency on the use of public resources for State communication.

Government reports indicate significant progress on infrastructure targets such as broadband expansion, network coverage, and digital connectivity of institutions. Manifesto Week has become a regular platform to showcase these achievements. However, the independence and credibility of such self-reporting remain questionable.

The remaining political parties continue to call for greater press freedom and freedom of expression for both Ugandans and the media. However, their commitments are often vague, with no clear strategies on how these freedoms will be fully protected and promoted.