Category: Daily Monitor

Uganda’s political class has a love affair with titles. ‘Honourable’, ‘Right Honourable’, the prefixes roll off tongues as though dignity itself were being manufactured in bulk.

Yet the bearers of these lofty labels are often the very names listed in corruption reports, procurement scandals, and betrayals of public trust. At what point do we stop clapping for this colonial theatre and admit that the show is more farce than honour?

Britain’s medieval relics

The titles we so freely distribute are not Ugandan inventions. ‘Honourable’ and ‘Right Honourable’ trace back to an aristocratic and parliamentary order rooted in medieval hierarchy. They once carried weight because they were embedded in rigid class systems. But even in Britain today, they feel increasingly outdated. What exactly does ‘Right Honourable’ mean in a modern democracy?

Why should a 21st-Century MP in Westminster sound like a courtier from the 1600s? Britain, clinging to monarchy and pageantry, keeps these relics partly out of nostalgia. But Uganda did something stranger: we adopted them wholesale without ever asking if they were still relevant, even to their mother country. We embraced the vocabulary of medieval hierarchy while promising ourselves that we were building a modern republic.

From ‘honourable’ to ‘dishonourable’

In Uganda, ‘honourable’ has become the slipperiest word in the dictionary. It sticks automatically to Members of Parliament, regardless of their record. Even those caught red-handed in corruption scandals continue to be addressed with reverence in chambers, on airwaves, and at public functions.

The Luganda equivalent, ow’ekitiibwa, once evoked respect. Today, it has been twisted by sarcasm into a synonym for ‘thief.’ The satire has become so entrenched that when a non-Luganda-speaking MP recently discovered the translation, Parliament itself burst into laughter.

That moment of collective humour revealed something deeper: the people no longer see honour in those who wear the title. From inflated allowances to vanishing billions, the so-called honourables have transformed what was meant to dignify into a running national joke. It is no accident that young Ugandans, scrolling through memes, no longer treat ‘honourable’ as a mark of respect. It is shorthand for privilege, arrogance, and scandal.

The titles we abandoned

What makes the satire sharper is that Uganda once had titles that truly carried both honour and responsibility. In Buganda, katikkiro (prime minister), omuwanika (treasurer), and Ssabalangira (chief prince) were not empty badges. They were functions tied to duty, reputation, and accountability to the community. To be called by one of these names was to be measured daily against the values it represented. In discarding our indigenous titles for borrowed prefixes, we swapped responsibility for costume jewellery. The imported terms sound grand but carry no teeth. The indigenous terms sounded ordinary but carried weight.

Time for a Ugandan reset

Uganda must stop pretending. If we want leaders who command respect, let the honour be earned, not conferred by colonial grammar. Call our MPs Representatives. Call them Legislators. Let them introduce themselves by the work they do, not by the dust of an imported hierarchy. Until then, every corruption scandal involving an ‘honourable’ will remind us of this national irony: we imported the titles, we exported the scandals, and we left the honour behind.

KCCA Ladies defeated Sport-S 3-0 in the final of the National Club Championship held in Gulu over the weekend to qualify for next year’s Africa Club Championship.

Shilla Omuriwe’s charges, who defeated Nemostars and VVC in the quarters and semifinals respectively, made light work of Sport-S to add yet another piece of major silverware to their cabin.

Having won the league in 2022, the Club Championship victory is the second biggest honour under Omuriwe’s tutelage.

The Kasasiro Girls got out of the blocks early, tearing through the Sport-S net defence to take the tightly contested first set 25-23.

New signings Moreen Mwamula and Phiona Naziite added steel to the Kasasiro Girls and proved too much for the league champions to handle.

KCCA claimed the second and third sets 25-21 and 25-19 respectively to seal the deal and kick off celebrations.

The two-day tournament was affected by rain on Day One, with several pool matches pushed to Day Two.

‘It was unfortunate that we had to play four games on Day Two but it was a good tournament overall,’ Omuriwe told Daily Monitor after the victory at Pece Primary School in Gulu City.

‘We are grateful to God that He gave us the strength to push through one game at a time,’ the tactician added.

KCCA came out on top of Pool B after defeating Kampala University and Seroma.

Meanwhile Sport-S had to go a five-set thriller against KCB-Nkumba in the semis.

With the victory KCCA now qualifies to represent Uganda in the Africa Club Championship next year.

‘We came to the tournament with an aim of representing the country in the African championship and thank God we got the win,’ Claire Najuuko, the KCCA captain, revealed.

Meanwhile the men’s final between Nemostars and KCCA could not be played to completion due to poor lighting that forced a postponement.

Nemostars took the first two sets 25-21 and 25-20 respectively to move to within a set of defending their crown.

The opportunity to finish it off in the third frame, however, came down crashing when KCCA punched back to take it 25-23.

With the score at 2-1 and another set or two needed to determine the winner, a stop was inevitable.

The final will now be played in Kampala at a later date, with KCCA looking to replicate the heroics of the women’s team.

Nemostars, on the other hand, will be looking to defend their crown and return to continental volleyball next year. The two-day tournament attracted up to 27 teams.

National Volleyball Club Championship

Women’s final

KCCA 3-0 Sport-S

Men’s final

Nemostars 2-1 KCCA (to be replayed)

When Prof Sarah Ssali walked into the ivory towers of Makerere University more than two decades ago as a young lecturer, few would have imagined that she would one day rise to occupy one of the institution’s highest offices. Last month, Prof Ssali etched her name into the 100-year history of Uganda’s oldest university as the new deputy vice chancellor for academic affairs (DVC-AA), replacing Prof Umar Kakumba, whose tenure was not renewed.

Her appointment not only signals a new phase in Makerere’s leadership but also reinforces a long-overdue conversation about gender and representation in higher education, as she is only the second woman in a century to sit among the institution’s top three administrators, after the vice chancellor and deputy vice chancellor in-charge of finance and administration. ‘It is interesting that in 100 years I am only the second female Deputy Vice Chancellor.

This shows that while we’ve made some gender gains, progress is still much slower than it should be.’ Prof Ssali said in an interview with Daily Monitor. Following her announcement, the news reverberated not only through the corridors of Makerere but across the region. But the journey to this appointment was neither quick nor straightforward.

The position of DVC-AA carries with it enormous responsibility, and Makerere, true to its tradition, subjected applicants to a demanding and rigorous vetting process.

Candidates had to present evidence of outstanding academic scholarship, a strong record of administrative leadership, extensive research output, proof of mentorship at postgraduate level, and broad international networks. For many, such requirements would have been overwhelming, but for Prof Ssali, the process became both a test of patience and a journey of rediscovery.

She recalls that it took her several months to put together her application, combing through past records, old research projects, and student supervision reports, only to realize that she had accumulated far more achievements than she had ever stopped to celebrate. It was a reminder, she said, of how important it is for scholars to keep meticulous records and to remain conscious of the networks and partnerships that enrich their academic careers.

She is convinced that many women, despite being equally qualified, hesitate to apply for such positions because they fear stepping out of the safe zone and competing with men at the very top. In her case, she decided to take the risk, and her courage has now paid off.

Appointment, gender representation

Her appointment carries immense symbolism not just for Makerere but also for women across the country who aspire to leadership.

In her own words, it is both a privilege and a burden, saying she is acutely aware that as one of the very few women in such a position, her performance will be judged through a harsher lens than that applied to her male counterparts.

‘When a man fails, he is simply described as a bad manager; but when a woman fails, people are quick to generalize it as evidence that women cannot lead,’Prof Ssali Noted.

For this reason, she carries the appointment as a trust, not only for herself but also for the many young girls and women who see in her story a possibility for their own.

It is this realisation that has made her deeply humbled by the flood of congratulatory messages she has received from across the globe, many of them accompanied by reminders that she must keep academic standards high, defend merit, and do her very best.

Her plans for the university

The office of DVC-AA is at the very heart of Makerere’s identity as a university. It is here that teaching, research, curriculum development, graduate training, quality assurance, and student welfare converge.

Prof Ssali believes that education is not only about the content delivered in classrooms, but also about the environments in which learning takes place. She argues that the difference between a graduate of Makerere and one from Oxford is not always the curriculum itself but the conditions of study.

‘A student who spends three or four years in broken lecture rooms, with malfunctioning projectors, inadequate chairs, dirty washrooms, and no access to clean drinking water, cannot emerge with the same sense of dignity and seriousness as one who has studied in a carefully maintained and stimulating environment, ” she said.

To remedy this, she said that is slated to work hand- in -hand with management and the strategic plan of the institution to introduce a Lecture Room Essentials Checklist, a tool that will track whether basic requirements in teaching spaces are available and functional. She said while such details may appear minor to outsiders, she insists that they are critical in shaping how students perceive their learning experience and how much they respect the knowledge being imparted.

Alongside improving the physical environment, she is also committed to deploying technology as a means of enforcing accountability and enhancing academic standards. She explained that the biometric system, which has long been used to track administrative staff attendance, is being extended to lecture rooms to ensure that lecturers are present and punctual, while students will use the Student Attendance Management System app to register their own attendance.

This, she believes, will create a culture of mutual accountability between lecturers and learners, explaining that the two have been pin-pointing figures against each other over absenteeism. Additionally, she indicated that they are going to strengthen the Student Evaluation of Courses and Teaching tool, which allows students to assess their lecturers in structured ways. This, she notes, is a better alternative to the often uncoordinated complaints and casual social media commentary that have previously shaped perceptions of teaching quality.

Prof Ssali’s vision is not confined to undergraduate teaching. She is deeply concerned about the imbalance between Makerere’s undergraduate and postgraduate output. Currently, she points out, 87 percent of Makerere’s graduates are at undergraduate level, while only thirteen percent are postgraduates. For an institution that aspires to be research-led, such figures are unsustainable.

Her strategy is to strengthen graduate training by improving supervision, instituting mechanisms that minimize the time students spend lingering in incomplete programs, and ensuring that academic programs are re-accredited to meet current global and local needs.

She also intends to make better use of Makerere’s more than seven hundred Memoranda of Understanding with international universities and research institutions, which, beyond financial benefits, often carry opportunities for equipment, technical support, and visiting scholars.

For her, MoUs should move from being ceremonial documents to instruments of real academic growth. Having served on committees that dealt with student affairs and quality assurance, she has seen first-hand the struggles many students face, whether it is financial stress, mental health challenges, or the lack of meaningful mentorship.

She laments that many students end up looking to celebrities and social media influencers as role models, often with problematic consequences. She believes universities must reclaim their responsibility in shaping students’ intellectual and social lives.

As part of this, she plans to strengthen counselling services and reduce the stigma that surrounds seeking mental health support. She is also passionate about sports, which she regards as an integral part of holistic student development. Reflecting on her own student days, she recalls how sports anchored and balanced them, yet today, despite Makerere having excellent facilities, student participation remains low. She wants to revive a vibrant sports culture, not just for competition but for the discipline, resilience, and community it fosters.

Challenges encountered

Balancing such an expansive vision for the university with her personal life is not without its challenges. Beyond her academic persona, Prof. Ssali is a wife, a mother of two, a grandmother, and guardian to seventeen children whose welfare and education she supports. She admits that she, too, grapples with the same issues that many parents face school fees, responsibilities, and the daily challenges of family life.

Yet she believes these experiences ground her and make her more empathetic, especially towards students struggling with similar pressures. Her story, she insists, should inspire young girls, particularly those who doubt themselves because they did not attend elite schools. She is quick to remind them that she did not go to Uganda’s most celebrated secondary schools. She studied at Tororo Girls and later Fairway in Mbale, and yet through commitment and persistence, she has risen to one of the highest positions at the country’s premier university.

Who is Prof Ssali?

Prof Sarah Ssali is an accomplished scholar in the field of social sciences. She has taught and conducted research for decades, producing influential work on issues of health, governance, and women’s empowerment. As a professor, she is admired for her mentorship of young academics and her dedication to advancing scholarship that speaks directly to Uganda’s socio-economic realities. Her academic credentials speak for themselves. She holds a Bachelor’s degree in Social Sciences, a Master’s degree in Gender Studies, and a PhD in International Health and Development.

Over the course of twenty-three years, she has lectured, researched, and administered at Makerere, serving as Director of the Institute of Gender and Development Studies, editing five international journals, participating in thirty-eight research projects, and publishing forty-six peer-reviewed articles alongside eight book chapters. She has supervised twenty-seven graduate students, including PhDs, and has sat on the University Council since 2010, chairing committees on quality assurance, student affairs, and staff development. Beyond her academic contributions, she has served in various leadership roles within the university, demonstrating the competence, resilience, and integrity that prepared her for her new appointment.

Beyond Makerere, she sits on boards such as the National Curriculum Development Centre Governing Council, the Uganda Institute of Bankers’ Senate, and previously chaired the advisory board of the Carnegie-funded Next Generation Social Science in Africa programme. For her, success will not just be measured in policies passed or buildings constructed but in the young people whose lives are transformed within the university’s walls. She carries the quiet but firm conviction that women can, and must, lead in spaces that have long been male-dominated.

Pregnancy is a time of joy and change, but it is also a critical period to prioritise oral health. Pregnancy hormones, particularly estrogen and progesterone, can make gums more sensitive to plaque, leading to gingivitis, a condition marked by red, swollen, or bleeding gums.

If untreated, gingivitis may progress to periodontitis, a more severe gum disease linked to complications such as preterm birth or low birth weight. Poor oral health can also allow bacteria to enter the bloodstream, potentially affecting the baby’s development. Keeping your mouth healthy protects both you and your little one.

Common concerns

During pregnancy, up to 75 percent of women experience gum inflammation due to hormonal changes. Gingivitis can progress to periodontitis, which may eventually cause mobile teeth or even tooth loss. Tooth decay is also a concern, as morning sickness, sugary cravings, and dry mouth can increase the risk of cavities.

After vomiting, it is important to rinse the mouth with water to neutralise acids and avoid brushing immediately to protect enamel. Some women may develop pregnancy tumours, also known as pregnancy epulis. These are harmless, non-cancerous gum growths that usually resolve after delivery, but a dentist should be consulted if they cause discomfort.

Tips

Brushing twice daily with a medium-bristle toothbrush and fluoride toothpaste ensures all tooth surfaces are cleaned gently. Warm saline rinses can help maintain gum health and reduce inflammation, serving as a safer alternative to commercial mouthwashes.

Flossing every day removes plaque and food particles between teeth, reducing the risk of gum disease. A balanced diet rich in fruits, vegetables, and dairy supports strong teeth, while limiting sugary snacks and drinks helps prevent cavities.

Staying hydrated is also important, as water helps combat dry mouth, which can increase cavity risk. Routine dental check-ups are safe during pregnancy, ideally in the second trimester, and it is essential to inform your dentist about your pregnancy and any medications you are taking.

Is dental treatment safe?

Most dental procedures, including cleanings and fillings, are safe during pregnancy. The second trimester is generally the best time for non-emergency treatments.

X-rays with proper shielding are usually safe, but any concerns should be discussed with your dentist.

Local anaesthetics are typically safe as well, though confirmation with a healthcare provider is recommended. Good oral health during pregnancy is simple: brush, floss, eat well, and see your dentist regularly.

Once upon a time, in our ancestral homesteads of Kigyezi, when a couple struggled to bear children, the whisper of blame rose and inevitably landed on the woman’s head. She was the suspected vessel of barrenness, the silent culprit.

The man, by cultural decree, was deemed fertile by default. His masculinity was beyond question. Only when the winds of fate betrayed him, his wife leaving him,often times after a practice known as “okushenda” remarrying, and quickly cradling another man’s child would doubt creep in.

Then, and only then, would society begin to suspect that the king may indeed have no clothes as per Hans Christian Andersen’s epic, The Emperor’s New Clothes. In some parts of Uganda, specifically Kigyezi, Ankole, and beyond, a quiet cultural innovation was devised to safeguard the man’s honour.

The husband’s brother, in scandalous whispers, even the husband’s father, would be invited to ‘help’ in the noble duty of extending the family lineage. This delicate arrangement, known as “okwarira,” ensured the man’s name was preserved in history, though his seed was not. After all, as Shakespeare asked, what is in a name?

In our cultures, apparently, everything. Indeed, history is not short of great men whose thrones were warmed by heirs they did not sire. Even kings in distant lands, royalty draped in gold, sometimes failed to father children.

King Henry VIII is suspected to have suffered infertility. But like in our hills, arrangements were quietly made, dynasties preserved, and the illusion of invincible manhood upheld. Science, that relentless investigator, has exposed what our grandmothers suspected but dared not say aloud: men, too, can be infertile.

And more alarmingly, the evidence shows that global male fertility has been in decline over the last two decades. Why? The jury is still out, but the suspects are plenty.

Extreme exercise, the kind that turns boys into muscle-sculpted statues but quietly kills their sperm. The cocktail of cigarettes and alcohol that numbs the body but also sabotages reproduction. Recreational drugs that offer fleeting highs but permanent lows in the testicular department. And then there is the environment plastics, toxins, and pollutants that sneak into our bodies and alter the delicate architecture of sperm.

Sometimes, despite the brilliance of modern laboratories, the cause remains unknown. A mystery wrapped in biology. For the man who grew up on tales of indomitable masculinity, this is an uncomfortable truth. The hunter, once certain of his quiver, discovers his arrows are blunt.

But unlike in the days of okwarira, science has armed us with new tools.

In poetic terms, science has become the benevolent brother, the discreet helper who ensures men otherwise doomed to childlessness can father their own children. And so, the untamed monster of male infertility is slowly being caged. What was once a silent curse is now a treatable condition. Couples who would once have turned to cultural compromises can now find solace in clinics and laboratories. Brothers, fellow Old Boys, we must speak of this matter with honesty. Male infertility is not a punishment. It is not witchcraft, as some of our patients come in convinced of who could have even been responsible for the witchcraft. It is not even a failure of masculinity. It is a medical condition, sometimes lifestyle-induced, genetic, and environmental.

Like hypertension, diabetes it can affect anyone, regardless of wealth, status, or charm…should I add cohort? In our youthful days, we were taught to conquer the world. Today, we must also learn to conquer silence. To those who suffer quietly, know that the doors of science are open. To those who still mock, know that the laughter may yet echo back. As a community of men, let us lead with compassion. Let us support the science that is giving hope to thousands of families. And let us remember, in love and humility, that the measure of a man is not merely in his ability to sire, but in his ability to care, to nurture, and to stand by his family whether with one child, 10, or none. In the grand story of life, children are indeed a blessing. But so is truth. And it is only when we face the untamed monster of male infertility with honesty and courage that we shall tame it not just for ourselves, but for generations to come.

Dr Fred Muhumuza has taken over VisionFund Uganda (VFU) board leadership as the new chairperson, replacing Mr Fredrick Mwesigye, who led the microfinance institution for the past two years.

The new leadership has set an ambitious target of transitioning the organisation to Tier 3 status by 2028.

VFU, a subsidiary of VisionFund International, the microfinance arm of World Vision-operates a network of 26 branches across the country.

The leadership transition, held in Kampala on October 3, also marked the commissioning of VFU’s new head office in Kamwokya, relocated from Makerere-Kavule, both Kampala suburbs. The move was described as ‘a symbol of growth, renewal, and commitment to excellence.’

VFU chief executive officer, Ms Mercy Sande Ainomugisha, said the new office and board transition mark a pivotal moment in the organisation’s governance structure as it prepares to implement its 2026-2028 strategic plan.

‘These, among others, include sustainably impacting 469,592 children while aligning our footprint with World Vision Uganda area programmes, and transitioning into a Micro-Deposit Taking Institution (MDI) Tier 3 by 2028,’ she said.

Ms Ainomugisha added that VFU has been undergoing a brand refresh and introduced the company’s new brand mantra: ‘bold, innovative, financial inclusion.’

Outgoing chairman Mr Mwesigye, who heads into retirement, said VFU has long been working toward attaining MDI status. ‘I pray that the incoming leadership ensures this strategy is realised,’ he said.

Dr Muhumuza reaffirmed the organisation’s plans to transition to Tier 3 by 2028, saying it will depend on the team’s collective effort.

‘We want to expand our services to all Ugandans through innovation, digital transformation, and partnerships as key enablers for the journey ahead,’ he said.

MDIs value hits Shs10 trillion

Ms Edith Tusubira, the acting commissioner for Microfinance Regulation in the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, said the ministry regulates over 2,000 MDIs across the country, with a combined portfolio of about Shs10 trillion.

‘Transitioning to Tier 3 means we shall be handing VFU over to another regulator, the Bank of Uganda, and we are sure you shall perform very well. The new head office is going to increase your visibility and take you places,’ she said.

About Dr Muhumuza

Dr Muhumuza holds a PhD from the University of Manchester and has been involved in development policy research, analysis, formulation, and review for over two decades. He has also pursued a parallel teaching career at Makerere University, Nkumba University, and African Bible University.

He has undertaken assignments in public policy as both researcher and practitioner, worked as an economic advisor to the Minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, and previously served as a Research Fellow at the Economic Policy Research Centre (EPRC). He has also held senior roles at KPMG Uganda and the Financial Sector Deepening Uganda (FSDU).

After deliberating for nearly two years, history was made on October 8, 1995, when the 1995 Constitution of Uganda was promulgated, coinciding almost exactly with the 33rd anniversary of Uganda’s independence from Britain.

Three weeks prior, on September 22, 1995, the Constitution had been formally adopted by the Constituent Assembly.

The 1995 Constitution introduced term and age limits for the presidency, alongside a robust bill of rights emphasising citizens’ ability to determine their own governance. It was heralded as a framework that would guarantee a safe future for Uganda and provide avenues for meaningful participation in governance.

At the time, President Museveni had himself acknowledged that one of Africa’s challenges was leaders staying too long in power. Yet in August 2005, the term limit provision was removed, clearing the path for Museveni to rule without restriction.

Many Ugandans had assumed age limits might serve as a natural barrier. That assumption proved incorrect when, around 2017, the remaining age limit was removed amid a dramatic parliamentary showdown. Opposition members attempting to block the amendment were forcibly removed by the Special Forces Command, soldiers, enshrining what critics call a ‘life presidency’ into the Constitution once celebrated as progressive.

Perspectives from makers

Mr Kintu Musoke, a former prime minister of Uganda, recalled the tense debates during the Constituent Assembly sessions. ‘I was the chairperson of the Buganda caucus, and one of the demands of Buganda was granting it federal status. However, I had a difficult task convincing my colleagues that this would not be possible, and eventually, we settled for a unitary government,’ he said.

Mr Musoke reflected that past political experiences-from independence through successive regimes to Mr Museveni’s ascension with his Bush War colleagues-shaped the deliberations.

‘We had seen what happened during past regimes. When we set to debate this Constitution, we made sure it would stand the test of time. We made it the most progressive Constitution the world had ever witnessed. When you see later amendments, it is because our Constitution is dynamic and progressive,’ he added.

Yet Mr Musoke acknowledged the regrets arising from later events, particularly the removal of term and age limits. ‘While making this Constitution, we didn’t envision that we would have a family rule as it is today. We never thought it would be the father, the wife, the son, and relatives dominating the affairs,’ he said.

Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny Dollo, a participant in the 1995 Constitution framing, said Articles 102 and 105 were designed to ensure power rested with institutions rather than individuals.

‘People believe leaders should come, serve, and go, not peg the country on the strength of one individual, however good the person is, because we are only human,’ he said.

‘We should be the system, not the person. It is good to have strong and devoted leaders who love their country,’ he added.

Justice Owiny Dollo explained that strong institutions were meant to guarantee Ugandans the ability to participate in governance.

‘The strength of the Constitution is our respect for the Constitution. We put term and age limits to ensure people serve a specific period of time and not beyond certain age limits,’ he said. Recalling the original intent, Justice Owiny Dollo noted the nationwide consultations and community engagements led by the Odoki Commission during the drafting process.

Wide consultations

‘The 1967 Republican Constitution was debated by academia and fora, but in 1995, nothing beats it in terms of consultation. The Odoki Commission went to all sub-counties, including war-affected areas, and came up with that document. It shaped the army’s role, participation of citizens, and the type of institutions we wanted,’ he said. Despite the rigorous process, Justice Dollo expressed regret that Articles 102 and 105 were not entrenched to require a referendum for amendments.

‘How could we, especially lawyers, be so foolish? How could we be lulled into not strengthening provisions for term limits? We left it as any other provision, which is why it was easy for Parliament to remove term and age limits. We did not secure it properly. That is a mistake we made in the past,’ he said.

Critiques from political veterans

Mr Peter Walubiri, a Uganda Peoples Congress stalwart and Constitution maker, argued that the 1995 Constitution was designed to entrench Museveni’s rule. ‘They largely ignored the fact that this Constitution was built on quicksand. When you see this Constitution faltering and being reduced to a mere piece of paper, the foundation was shaken. When President Museveni overthrew the Okello Junta by force of arms, he set out never to build a democratic society but to entrench himself in office,’ he said.

Mr Walubiri criticised the Constituent Assembly itself as a partisan body.

‘The rules for the election of the Constituent Assembly barred political parties from fielding delegates, claiming we were in a no-party democracy.

Inside the Assembly, there was an NRM caucus. Those opposed formed their own caucus, but because the elections were managed by the NRM, the majority of delegates served its interests,’ he said.

He said the Assembly’s skewed structure laid the groundwork for long-term dominance. ‘The seed for Museveni to entrench himself was planted in the rules for the election to the Constituent Assembly.

Article 69 barred political parties from participating in subsequent elections. Museveni got artificial majorities and continued building them up,’ he explained. By the time multi-party democracy was reinstated, Mr Walubiri said, it was too late to establish a truly pluralistic society.

‘Museveni manipulated the process, entrenched the NRA, which he calls NRM, as the dominant political force. This is by design, not coincidence,’ he said.

Concentration of power

Mr Walubiri argued that the biggest flaw in the Constitution was the concentration of power in the presidency. ‘The Constitution made good provisions: a strong bill of rights and many democratic institutions. But as long as power was concentrated in one man and his party, the Constitution could not be implemented or grow. It remained a stunted caricature,’ he said.

He cited how Mr Museveni has ignored the Bill of Rights, detained individuals beyond 48 hours without court access, appointed compliant judges, and exercised parliamentary control through the NRM majority.’

NRM is Mr Museveni. There is no real party structure. He has stifled democratic growth since 1986, banned political parties, and institutionalised corruption,’ Mr Walubiri said.

Reflections and lessons

The framers, including Justice Owinty Dollo and Mr Musoke, expressed that the Constitution’s failure to prevent long-term rule reflects a gap between intent and legal entrenchment. While the Constitution remains a model of citizen consultation and progressive rights, subsequent amendments have undermined its ability to safeguard Uganda’s democratic processes.

‘Read my judgment on the age limit petition,’ Justice Owiny Dollo said.

‘Uganda needed to test the Constitution. Discussions could have addressed deficiencies or limitations within the vision of the framers. That did not happen, and we see the consequences today,’ he added.

Mr Musoke added: ‘We made the Constitution with the intention that it would endure. The amendments show its dynamism, but they also reveal the risks of not fully securing critical provisions.’

Mr Walubiri concluded that while the Constitution offered a legal framework, it was designed and implemented under partisan conditions favouring long-term incumbency.

‘By concentrating power in the hands of one man and his party, the Constitution was vulnerable from the start,’ he said.

Thirty years on, the 1995 Constitution is celebrated for its extensive public participation, progressive bill of rights, and clear intent to balance governance and citizen participation. Yet, the removal of term and age limits has altered the trajectory foreseen by its framers, highlighting the tension between constitutional design and political practice.

As Uganda approaches future elections, the legacy of the 1995 Constitution continues to influence debates on governance, democracy, and institutional integrity.

Key Provisions of the 1995 Constitution

Bill of Rights: Guaranteed citizens’ fundamental freedoms and participation in governance.

Term Limits: Originally limited the president to two terms (removed in 2005).

Age Limits: Set an age ceiling for presidential candidates (removed in 2017).

Unitary Government: Rejected federalism after Buganda caucus negotiations.

Democratic Institutions: Established structures for Parliament, Judiciary, and independent commissions

A 26-year-old woman was killed on Monday as she attempted to break up a fight involving her husband.

Aisha Masibu, a vendor at Kikindu market, is said to have been hit with a stone on the head as she intervened to separate her husband from two assailants.

Police said the fight between Masibu’s husband, who is a security guard at a parking yard, and the two suspects, aged 19 and 24, ensued following a disagreement over a Shs2,000 debt from one of the clients of the parking yard.

‘The two boys stormed the parking yard demanding to see one of the clients who reportedly owed them Shs2,000. The security guard attempted to block them, saying they should wait for the client from outside. The situation escalated when the two wanted to force their way in. They started beating up the man, and when his wife tried to intervene, they hit her with a stone,’ said Mr Ismail Gidudu, a boda boda rider at a nearby stage.

This publication learnt that after the fatal incident, the suspects fled to their home in Kisenyi cell, Nabuyonga Ward, leaving the security guard with serious injuries.

Residents mobilised and stormed the house in an attempt to lynch the suspects, but they were blocked by the military and police led by two Division Police Commanders (DPCs) of Mbale City Northern Division, SP Mubarak Sunday and Mbale Central Police Station, SP Kenneth Bakashaba.

Ms Amina Namakoye, a resident, said it took security operatives nearly five hours to arrest the suspects.

‘Property worth millions of shillings was destroyed while other items were looted by unidentified individuals. Some members of the mob were also seen pelting stones at the officers,’ Ms Namakoye said.

Elgon Region Police Spokesperson, Rogers Taitika, said the two suspects are currently in their custody on murder charges.

‘The two are accused of killing Masibu. After the incident, they fled the scene and hid in their house, but as security, we managed to rescue and arrest them. We emphasise that criminal liability is an individual responsibility. The actions of a perpetrator should not be used as justification to target or destroy the property of their guardian, parent, or any associated facility,’ SP Taitika said.

Police and residents alleged that the prime suspect, only identified as Yusuf, alias Fifty Fifty, is a serial offender in the area.

Nabiyonga Zone Security Secretary, Seku Abdulkarim, said Yusuf had recently been released after serving a six-month sentence, only to resume his criminal activities.

The Assistant Resident City Commissioner of Mbale, Mr Hussein Kadimba, urged parents to control their children and be more vigilant, noting that drug abuse among youths had become a major driver of crime and violence in the city.

Masibu’s body was taken to Mbale City Mortuary for a postmortem.

Uganda is heading toward the 2026 General Election with millions of citizens unprepared to exercise their democratic right. According to the Uganda Bureau of Statistics, more than 2.1 million Ugandans have turned 18 since the 2021 elections, and around 1.69 million of them are likely registered to vote.

That figure represents an entire generation of new voters. Yet, as things stand, the Electoral Commission (EC) has done little to equip them with the knowledge and confidence they need.

Civic education is the foundation of democracy. Without it, voters head to polling stations unsure of how to verify their details, cast ballots correctly, or even why their participation matters. The result is spoiled ballots, apathy, and mistrust.

The EC cannot continue waiting until campaigns are in full swing to suddenly announce civic education drives. Civic education must begin long before the campaign noise drowns everything else out. Uganda does not lack examples of how this can be done.

In the 1996 elections, NGOs and civil society organisations were given room to conduct voter and civic education. They went to villages, schools, churches, and community halls. They used drama, radio, posters, and face-to-face conversations. They also engaged the security forces, making sure police and military personnel understood their constitutional limits. That effort created a more informed electorate and a more professional security presence.

It showed that when civil society is allowed to work, elections benefit. Why, then, has the government chosen to stifle these initiatives? Why should the EC cling to monopoly control when it clearly lacks the reach and trust that NGOs enjoy at the grassroots?

The Commission will point to ‘limited resources’ and ‘legal mandate,’ but these excuses cannot hide the reality: the government is uncomfortable with independent civic education because it fears empowered citizens.

By sidelining NGOs, Uganda has robbed itself of partners who could have filled the gaps the Commission cannot cover. Other countries treat civic education as a democratic obligation, not a threat. In Ghana, the National Commission for Civic Education runs year-round programmes to keep citizens informed long before elections.

In Kenya, creative campaigns involving theatre and radio dramas have reduced spoiled ballots. South Africa invests heavily in first-time voter education, mobilising schools and universities as hubs of democracy. These efforts strengthen institutions and protect stability. Uganda’s refusal to embrace the same approach raises uncomfortable questions: is the government interested in empowering citizens, or simply in managing them?

Civic education is not only for voters. Security forces benefit too. In every election cycle, they face accusations of intimidation and excessive force.

Structured civic education can draw the line clearly: protect the process, protect the people, but do not interfere. If the police and military understand their limits, voters will feel safer, and elections will be more credible. Time is running out.

With just a few months to the polls, the silence from the EC is deafening. The government, for its part, has shown no urgency to open the civic space for NGOs and civil society to contribute. This neglect raises a serious question: does the government fear informed voters? For a ruling class confident in its record, civic education would be an opportunity, not a threat. Its absence suggests the opposite.

Uganda’s young democracy cannot afford another election where millions walk to polling stations confused, where ballots are wasted, and where trust in the process erodes further.

Over two million new voters deserve better. Civic education should be happening now, in classrooms, on radios, in churches and mosques, in marketplaces, and on social media.

It should be led not just by the Commission, but by the broad coalition of NGOs, religious groups, and civil society actors who have the networks and credibility to reach every corner of this country.

If the EC and the government refuse to act, they will bear responsibility for the confusion, mistrust, and instability that follow.

Ugandans must ask themselves whether these institutions are committed to democracy, or merely to preserving power. Democracy thrives on informed citizens, not manipulated ones.

The family, friends, and well-wishers of Geoffrey Kazinda, the jailed former principal accountant in the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), have petitioned Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo over a five-year delay in delivering a Supreme Court ruling related to his continued incarceration at Luzira Prison.

In a letter dated September 29, and received by the Chief Justice’s office the same day, the family expressed frustration that no judgment has been issued in Kazinda’s Supreme Court appeal, which was lodged by the Attorney General in 2020.

‘As his community of support, we speak on his behalf before you as the head of the panel that heard the appeal. We respectfully plead that you engage the other justices to conclude the matter so it is not left in endless pendency,’ the letter reads in part.

The family said their petition is not intended to influence the outcome but to request a decision, any decision, so they may pursue further legal avenues to secure Kazinda’s release. The case stems from an August 7, 2020, ruling by the Constitutional Court, which halted further criminal proceedings against Kazinda that were based on the same or similar facts related to his role in the OPM.

The court held that continued prosecution amounted to double jeopardy, violating Article 28(9) of the Constitution, and ordered his immediate release from Luzira Prison, where he has been detained for over a decade.

However, dissatisfied with the ruling, the Attorney General appealed to the Supreme Court and sought a stay of the Constitutional Court’s orders, including the release directive.

Kazinda had been convicted of several offences, including abuse of office, forgery, embezzlement, illicit enrichment, and causing financial loss. In their petition, the family described the personal toll of the prolonged detention, particularly on Kazinda’s 81-year-old mother, Teopista Nanfuka, who is no longer able to physically visit him at Luzira Prison.

They also spoke of the emotional impact on Kazinda’s children, a son who was two years old when Kazinda was jailed and is now 15, and a daughter who was 18 at the time and is now 31.

With Chief Justice Owiny-Dollo set to retire on January 18, 2026, upon reaching the mandatory retirement age of 70, the family has urged the court to deliver its decision before his departure, since he chaired the panel that heard the appeal.

Represented by lawyer Richard Omongole, the family accused the State of using the legal system to frustrate justice and insisted that the Supreme Court has a duty to end this prolonged legal limbo.

Attempts to reach the Judiciary spokesperson, Mr James Ereemye Mawanda, for comment on the delay were unsuccessful, as he did not respond to calls by press time.