Category: Daily Monitor

When the Federation of Uganda Football Associations (Fufa) announced sweeping reforms for the 2025/26 season, many expected excitement-higher stakes, more competitive matches, and professionalised clubs. What no one anticipated was the high-profile standoff between Fufa and one of the league’s most powerful clubs: Vipers.

The reforms, introduced in September 2025, include a three-phase league format: 16 teams play a single round-robin in the first phase, split into two groups of eight for home-and-away matches in the second, and finish in a final phase where the top six contest the championship while the bottom six fight to avoid relegation.

While most clubs agreed to participate, the rollout was far from smooth. Some of the top-flight sides, including SC Villa, KCCA and NEC, initially raised objections similar to Vipers. They questioned the fairness of resetting points for the second phase, the potential fixture congestion and the administrative pressure on clubs. After consultations and internal deliberations, however, these clubs decided to accept the reforms and play under the new format. Their acquiescence left Vipers increasingly isolated in its opposition.

How other leagues do it

Several leagues around the world use multi-phase or split-season formats. In Belgium’s First Division A, for example, 16 teams play a regular season, then the top six advance to a championship playoff while points are halved to maintain competitive balance. Scotland’s Premiership splits the league after 33 games: the top six fight for the title, the bottom six for relegation, with points retained in full. South Africa’s MTN Premiership experimented with a similar playoff system for top clubs, while bottom-tier teams continue with a straightforward aggregate table. These examples highlight ways to balance fairness, maintain excitement, and manage fixture congestion.

Vipers argues that Uganda’s new format differs because it resets points between phases, a change they claim devalues early-season performance, strains smaller squads and increases administrative burdens.

Vipers’ objection

Despite Fufa’s insistence, Vipers remains unyielding. The club argues that the three-phase format devalues first-phase performance, introduces fixture congestion, and imposes administrative pressures that could strain smaller squads. For Vipers, the reforms are not merely a governance issue but a challenge to the club’s autonomy, reputation and operational planning.

In a strongly worded October 2, 2025 letter to Fufa CEO Edgar Watson, Vipers President Lawrence Mulindwa accused the federation of disrespect and blackmail, stating that the club’s repeated petitions had been ignored despite engagements in August and September. Mulindwa emphasised that Vipers would not participate in the upcoming fixture against Kitara scheduled for October 4 until Fufa formally and respectfully addresses the issues raised in the club’s previous correspondences and petitions.

Fufa’s response

Fufa, for its part, has remained firm. On October 3, chief executive officer Edgar Watson sent a letter to Mulindwa highlighting that Vipers had already applied for a club license and signed compliance forms to participate in the season.

Watson pointed out that 12 matches had already been played under the new regulations, and that Vipers was expected to honour its fixtures. The letter also referenced Mulindwa’s repeated refusal-three times-to pick calls from Fufa President Moses Magogo following a September 2 meeting, which Mulindwa had walked out of.

Fufa reiterated that the reforms were part of a long-term Technical Master Plan submitted to Fifa, aimed at professionalising the league, expanding competition to 18 teams by 2026/27, and aligning Uganda’s top-flight football with international standards.

A history of standoffs

The current standoff between Vipers and Fufa is far from an isolated incident. Ugandan football has a long history of tense relations between the federation and clubs or administrators who challenge its authority.

During the 2012/13 season, when Uganda had two parallel leagues running-the USL and UPL-Maroons emerged as USL champions, only to later face sanctions and exclusion from top-flight competition due to disputes with Fufa over league recognition and administrative compliance.

Similarly, Proline, a top-flight club known for its disciplined management and youth development programs, was punished for publicly resisting Fufa directives, including fines and point deductions.

The club had raised concerns over scheduling and administrative transparency, but the federation responded with sanctions, signaling a strict stance against dissent.

Disputes have also reached the level of administrators. Kavuma Kabenge, a former Express administrator, publicly criticised Fufa governance and decision-making processes, arguing that transparency and consultation with stakeholders were often lacking.

Kabenge faced disciplinary action from Fufa, including a decade long ban from football management roles, highlighting that the federation has historically responded firmly to criticism-regardless of the profile of the individual.

These precedents frame the current Vipers standoff in a wider historical context. It raises a compelling question: Can FUFA punish Lawrence Mulindwa, the man widely credited with rebuilding the federation and helping Moses Magogo rise to power, while he now challenges the same leadership?

Analysts argue that this is more than a clash over league format; it is a test of FUFA’s governance philosophy, the balance of power between the federation and top clubs and the limits of accountability for leadership.

The dilemma

On one hand, FUFA’s reforms promise a more professional, financially viable and competitive league. On the other, Vipers’ objections reflect genuine concerns about fairness, fixture congestion and operational strain-issues that cannot be ignored.

‘The league has to modernize, but it also has to be credible. If top clubs feel sidelined, it could undermine the reforms themselves,’ said Haruna Kyobe, a sports analyst.

Vipers’ options

Vipers has several avenues to pursue if they feel Fufa has ignored their concerns. They can continue to engage Fufa’s internal mechanisms, including filing formal complaints to the Disciplinary and Appeals Committee, citing breaches of governance or sporting integrity.

Should internal remedies fail, the club could escalate the dispute to the Uganda Football Association Tribunal, which handles disputes over league rules and club rights.

If domestic mechanisms are exhausted, Vipers could take the case to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS), the internationally recognised body for sports disputes. CAS can issue binding rulings, suspend league changes pending review, and ensure the club’s rights as a Fufa member are protected. While this option offers legitimacy and neutrality, it can be lengthy and expensive.

HARARE. Uganda finished their ICC Men’s T20 World Cup Africa Qualifier on a commanding note, thumping Nigeria’s Yellow Greens by 66 runs in Harare on Saturday evening.

Yet the emphatic win was little more than a consolation, as the Cricket Cranes had bowed out of contention for the World Cup after early stumbles against Zimbabwe and Tanzania.

At Takashinga Cricket Club, captain Riazat Ali Shah showcased his class, hammering 66 off 30 balls at a breathtaking strike rate of 220. He combined with new boys Gaurav Tomar (33 off 25) and Sumeet Verma (33 off 18) to propel Uganda to a daunting 196/7.

Final squeeze

Nigeria never looked like threatening the target, losing wickets at regular intervals. Left-arm spinner Henry Ssenyondo was unplayable with 3/12, while fellow leftie Alpesh Ramjani (2/17) and Juma Miyaji (1/24) kept the squeeze. Only captain Sylvester Okpe (29 off 27) stood tall as Nigeria staggered to 130/7.

‘This tournament is a wake-up call,’ said Riazat, who was also named Player of the Match. ‘We have the talent to beat anyone, but we must learn to execute our roles properly and finish the big moments.’

Coach Abhay Sharma admitted Uganda’s fate was sealed by their stuttering start. ‘We collapsed under pressure against Tanzania – seven wickets for 15 runs – and that cost us a semi-final spot. We must learn from that.’

Hosts Zimbabwe lifted the trophy with a seven-wicket win over Namibia, Kenya secured third place after overcoming Tanzania, and Malawi finished seventh after thrashing Botswana.

ICC T20 WORLD CUP AFRICA QUALIFIER

Result – Fifth Place Playoff Final

Uganda 196/7 | Nigeria 130/7

Uganda won by 66 runs

HOW THEY FINISHED

1. Zimbabwe

2. Namibia

3. Kenya

4. ?Tanzania

5. ?Uganda

6. ?Nigeria

7. ?Malawi

8. ?Botswana

*Top Two Qualified For The World Cup

Results Summary – Uganda at ICC Africa Qualifier 2025:

· Lost to Zimbabwe by 5 wickets

· Lost to Tanzania by 9 runs

· Beat Botswana by 8 wickets

· Beat Malawi by 117 runs

· Beat Nigeria by 66 runs

Talking Point:

FUTURE FIX

Missed Moments. The collapse against Tanzania and the inability to finish against Zimbabwe will haunt the Cranes for years. Uganda must build depth, nurture temperament, and master game management to avoid such costly lapses in future campaigns.

President of the Common Man’s Party, Mr Mubarak Munyagwa, on Saturday joined Muslims for prayers at Kamuli Central Mosque, where he urged them to stand firm in defence of their rights, space and freedoms.

Mr Munyagwa decried the marginalisation and profiling of Muslims, saying they are often unfairly blamed for societal problems.

‘We are treated like an endangered species every time something goes wrong. As the only Muslim in this race, I carry a responsibility to not just fight for my faith, but for every Ugandan who feels neglected and silenced,’ he said.

He called on Muslims to remain resilient and politically active, emphasising that their participation is critical to ensuring inclusive leadership that reflects Uganda’s diverse communities.

Mr Munyagwa also used the platform to distance himself from mainstream politics, where he claimed leaders rely on rented crowds and extravagant campaign displays to mask their disconnect from the common citizen.

Instead, he rooted his campaign in humility and service, referencing spiritual leaders like Prophet Muhammad and Jesus Christ as inspirations for his leadership model.

‘Both Mohamed and Jesus came from humble beginnings. They didn’t rely on spectacle but on truth, humility, and justice,’ he said. ‘That’s why I lead the Common Man’s Party to give a platform to the poor, the oppressed, and the unheard.’

As part of his grassroots engagement, Mr Munyagwa made 10 mini stopovers in various trading centres and villages across Kamuli, personally greeting voters however rain disrupted his final rally by the evening.

Key issues

Persistent unmet infrastructure promises have further fueled voter frustration with a prime example being the failure to construct the Ambercourt-Mpulamuti-Kamuli-Buyende road, a long-standing pledge that remains unfulfilled amongst other roads.

The Busoga sub-region population is 4.37 million people as of May 2024, representing 9.51% of the national population.

Voting pattern as per 2021

KAMULI total votes 236,917

Museveni 57,470 -44.9%

Kyagulanyi 65,774 -51.45%

Anthrax, locally known as ‘Kooto’ in Runyankore and ‘Kakooto’ in Luganda, is a zoonotic disease that continues to recur in Uganda, causing severe impacts on both livestock and human health.

Over the past decade, outbreaks have hit districts across the cattle corridor, including Isingiro in 2017, Kiruhura and Kween in 2018, and Ibanda, Kyotera, Amudat, and Sembabule between 2023 and 2024.

In 2024 alone, outbreaks in Kazo, Kanungu, and Sembabule led to deaths and quarantines. Suspected cases in Kabale and a confirmed outbreak in Bushenyi this year underline that anthrax remains a persistent public health threat. Anthrax is caused by the bacterium Bacillus anthracis.

Its spores can survive in soil for decades, infecting animals that ingest contaminated soil, plants, or water. Spores form quickly when a carcass is opened and persist in the environment. In animals, anthrax presents with distress, loss of appetite, breathing difficulties, high fever, and sudden death.

Humans can be infected through contact with animals or animal products, inhalation of spores, or consumption of contaminated meat. Once in the body, the bacteria release toxins that can cause severe illness or death if untreated.

A co-creation engagement in Sembabule revealed mixed community perceptions of the disease. Many dismissed anthrax until deaths occurred. Some believed cooking meat eliminated the risk or argued that markets for dead animals remain, so business had to continue. Others became cautious only after human and livestock deaths were confirmed.

‘I only realised it was anthrax after the deaths of animals,’ one participant said, reflecting low risk perception until tragedy strikes. Communities often turn first to traditional healers, small clinics, or prayers before visiting government health facilities. Such delays can endanger lives and allow the disease to spread.

The engagement highlighted key challenges: underestimating anthrax risk, handling and consuming meat from animals that died suddenly, and delayed health-seeking behaviour.

Economic incentives often outweigh public health concerns. Anthrax is preventable: communities must avoid touching, skinning, or consuming suspicious carcasses, report cases to veterinary or health authorities, wash hands after handling animals, and seek immediate medical care if exposed.

Herders, abattoir workers, butchers, veterinarians, livestock traders, and consumers of uninspected meat are particularly vulnerable, and women and children also face risks due to their roles in food preparation and herding. Knowledge alone is insufficient to prevent anthrax.

Risky beliefs such as ‘well-cooked meat is always safe’ or ‘business must continue,’ contribute to outbreaks.

Preventing anthrax requires sustained social and behavioural change communication, supported by local leaders, religious and cultural organisations, health workers, and women’s groups, to shift norms and encourage safer practices.

Communities should avoid touching, butchering, or eating animals that die suddenly or under suspicious circumstances, report such deaths promptly, wash hands after handling animals or animal products, seek immediate medical attention if exposed, and bury carcasses in 2-4 metre pits under supervision of trained burial teams. In summary, anthrax remains a threat in Uganda because risky behaviours persist.

The disease will only be controlled when people change their behaviour by reporting animal deaths, avoiding dangerous practices, and seeking timely medical care.

Behaviour change, adopted as a social norm rather than an individual choice, is Uganda’s most effective defence against anthrax.

If numbers don’t lie, then the National Unity Platform (NUP) party has every reason to delight in the ones they have mustered before Uganda go to the polls in under three months.

In the sub-regions of Tooro and Rwenzori, the party has made significant progress even before a single ballot is cast. This as statistics show that the leading Opposition party will field 26 party flag-bearers at the parliamentary level out of 31 parliamentary positions. In every district in the sub-regions, compared to the 2021 General Election, NUP has a flag-bearer, with many political analysts attributing this to the costly National Resistance Movement (NRM) party primaries.

Many politicians who could not afford to take part in the NRM primaries ended up, per the analysts, switching allegiances to NUP. Out of the 31 positions in the sub-regions in question, 20 are in Tooro’s districts. They include directly elected women representatives from seven districts, including Fort Portal City. Our analysis shows that, this time, NUP has fielded 16 flag-bearers. This is up from just five flag-bearers the last time Uganda went to the polls in 2021.

We have also established that the leading Opposition party has, this time round, only failed to have flag-bearers in four constituencies across the sub-region of Tooro. Elsewhere, in Rwenzori, in 2021, NUP had seven candidates fly its flag in the sub-region. This meant that the party did not have candidates in all 11 positions that were up for grabs.

Crunching the numbers

All 12 candidates that NUP fielded across both sub-regions in the 2021 General Election did not make it to Parliament. They either lost to NRM or Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party candidates. NRM was particularly dominant in Tooro, where it swept all the positions, something that it has consistently done. This is unlike Rwenzori, specifically Kasese, which tends to cast its lot with the FDC party. NUP will, however, take heart in the fact that it is better represented numerically before a ballot is cast this time round. In 2021, districts like Bunyangabu, Kamwenge, and Kitagwenda had no NUP candidate. Not this time.

In Fort Portal, which has two constituencies, NUP has presented candidates for the District Woman Representative (DWR) seat and the Central Division seat. Only the North Division remains vacant from a NUP perspective. In Kitagwenda District, the party has a candidate for the County MP seat, but did not field one for the DWR seat. In Kyenjojo District, out of four positions, NUP has managed to field candidates in three constituencies.

It has, however, missed out on the DWR slot. Similarly, in Kyegegwa District, the party filled three of the four positions, with only Kyaka South left without an aspirant candidate. NUP has fielded candidates in all the other districts-two in Bunyangabu, two in Kabarole, and three in Kamwenge.

Reading between the lines

Mr Joshua Asiimwe, a political analyst, has attributed the growing number of NUP flag-bearers in Tooro to the high cost of contesting in the NRM party primaries. He explained that the financial requirements for aspirants in the NRM party make it difficult for many young people and ordinary Ugandans to participate. NUP, he added, makes the process more affordable and accessible. ‘In NRM, one needs at least Shs50m to stand a chance in the primaries. This cost automatically locks out many youth and average citizens who cannot raise such amounts,’ the analyst told Sunday Monitor.

He added that NUP’s system of vetting, rather than holding expensive primaries, has made it easier for aspirants to secure the party flag without incurring heavy financial burdens. ‘NUP uses vetting instead of costly primaries, meaning aspirants don’t have to spend millions just to get the party flag. This is why the party is attracting more flag bearers this time compared to 2021,’ he noted.

Mr Asiimwe further predicted that if NUP maintains this model, the number of people seeking the party flag will continue to rise in future electoral cycles. ‘As long as NUP remains inclusive and cost-free in its vetting process, more Ugandans, especially the youth, will be drawn to the party. This trend will likely see NUP fielding even more candidates in the years ahead,’ he concluded.

Mr James Kugonza, an NRM supporter in Fort Portal, however, defended the ruling party’s primary system, arguing that while many people said they are expensive, it ensures fairness and competitiveness.

‘Yes, NRM primaries are costly, but that cost reflects the strength of the party. Aspirants must invest because they are competing in a party with a strong national base. It also helps us sieve out unserious candidates who may not manage campaigns at a national level,’ he said. He added that despite NUP’s growing numbers in fielding party flags, winning elections would be another challenge altogether.

‘Fielding candidates is one thing, but winning is another. NRM remains strong in Tooro and Rwenzori, and the structures we have on the ground cannot be matched by NUP. That’s why even in 2021, when they fielded candidates, none of them made it to Parliament,’ he said.

NUP on cloud nine

Mr Innocent Natukunda Bitariho, the NUP coordinator for the Tooro Sub-region, said the growth in flag-bearers is attributed to the growing demand for change among the people.

‘This time people want change because we have many candidates, despite the intimidation from NRM and security agencies,’ Mr Natukunda said.

He also revealed that for the first time, NUP has an unopposed candidate in the forthcoming general elections, a development that provides proof that the people are ready for change.

‘In Batalika Sub-county, in Kyenjojo District, our male youth councillor is unopposed. Unfortunately, security is intimidating him to step down, which we shall not accept. But this shows the people’s readiness for change. We expect to win more seats than in 2021. People used to dismiss NUP as a Buganda party, but now we are fielding candidates across the country,’ he told Sunday Monitor.

Mr Natukunda, who was given the party flag for Mwenge North, Kyenjojo District, said for years, he has been mobilising and working hard to ensure representation across the sub-region with party flag-bearers.

‘I have been among those working tirelessly to ensure most districts in Tooro get NUP flag bearers. Getting the party flag was not a mistake. I expect victory this time because people have realised the need for change, and they are rejecting the propaganda spread by NRM,’ he disclosed. In the Rwenzori Sub-region, which comprises the districts of Kasese, Bundibugyo, and Ntoroko, NUP has also expanded its presence.

Out of 11 constituencies, the party has fielded 10 flag-bearers, missing only one seat; Ntoroko County in Ntoroko District. Mr Brian Basisa, the NUP chairman for Kasese District, said the increase in demand for the party flag ahead of the 2026 General Election is largely driven by the youth, who form the majority and are seeking change. He further explained that, unlike other parties, NUP offers them an opportunity to contest for leadership positions.

‘In the NRM party, it is very difficult to get the party flag because for years, they have maintained the same individuals. Youth are denied opportunities to contest, so they have crossed to NUP because they want change,’ Mr Basisa said.

Pandemic barriers

He noted that NUP struggled to field many candidates in 2021 due to the fact that it was new as a political party and the challenges posed by the Covid-19 pandemic. ‘In 2021, it was Covid-19. Most meetings were held virtually, and many of our members did not know each other. Security [agencies] also disrupted several of our meetings in Kasese, which made it difficult to get candidates,’ he explained.

Mr Basisa added that during the 2021 electoral cycle, many aspiring candidates were intimidated or even coaxed into withdrawing before nominations. This time the party has prepared its flag bearers through training, leaving Mr Basisa confident that none will pull out after nomination.

In Kasese District, during the 2021 General Election, NUP fielded candidates in five out of six parliamentary seats, only missing Busongora North. This time, all six positions have been filled with flag-bearers. Compared to 2021, when most of the candidates were new to the party, this time only one returning aspirant has been handed the flag again-Ms Fatuma Katembo Kamama, for Kasese District Woman MP. The rest are new faces awaiting nomination. In Busongora South, Mr Jackson Mbaju, who contested as an Independent in 2021 and later ran on the NUP ticket in the 2022 by-election, has once again been endorsed by the party to contest.

The other new flag bearers include Mr Bwambale Tinkasimire for Bukonzo East; Mr Shahidu Tuhakaba Muhindo for Bukonzo West; Mr Jonan Bwambake for Busongora North; and Mr Robert Muthoma for Kasese Municipality. In the 2021 polls, NUP did not win any parliamentary seat in Kasese District. However, with the broader slate of candidates in 2026, the party is optimistic about securing victories. Elsewhere, in the Rwenzori Sub-region, Bundibugyo District, which fielded only two candidates in 2021, has now filled all three parliamentary positions.

In Ntoroko District, where the party previously had no representation, NUP has managed to field one aspirant candidate. This has-much like its principal, Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, alias Bobi Wine-left the party with a spring in its step.

In mid this year, President Museveni’s youngest brother, Godfrey Aine Kaguta, popularly known as Sodo, was confident of fulfilling his lifelong ambition of joining Parliament in 2026. Sodo’s brief moment of triumph came after Shartsi Musherure Kutesa, the daughter of former Foreign Affairs minister Sam Kutesa, who has been Mawogola North Member of Parliament (MP) since 2021, pulled out of the race to defend her seat.

She did this in a bid to avert the possibility of intra-violence among members of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party. Many of Musherure’s supporters within the NRM, whom this writer has spoken to, have insisted that they were caught flat-footed by her decision not to stand. With no time to front another candidate, Sodo sailed through the NRM primary unopposed.

Since Sembabule, the district where Mawogola North is situated, is considered a National Resistance Movement (NRM) stronghold, a seat in the House appeared to be a certainty for Museveni’s youngest brother. That was until Jet John Tumwebaze, a lawyer, joined the race this past week, albeit as an Independent.

Tumwebaze insists that he didn’t jump into the race immediately because he had counted on Musherure to run again. ‘She [Musherure] is the most competent MP in the entire country. She was good in terms of legislation and also monitoring government services,’ Tumwebaze, a partner at Kampala Associated Advocates (KAA), says of Musherure, whose slogan Goberera-loosely translated to following up on government programmes-struck a chord with many.

Unqualified?

Tumwebaze said he had entered into the Mawogola North race to avert the possibility of Mawogola being represented by the most unqualified person in history. ‘We are talking about a person who can’t read and write. So how can that person represent our people? How will that person participate in the law-making process and then explain such a complex process to our people in Mawogola North?’ Tumwebaze asked.

When he turned up at the NRM headquarters in early June to signal his intent in challenging fellow party member Musherure, Sodo explained that standing in the NRM primary had been greenlighted by Mr Museveni and other authorities whom he didn’t mention.

‘Last time when I tried to stand, something happened, and I didn’t finish. I dropped out of the race at the last minute. But this time I want to assure my supporters that I’m with them until the end,’ Sodo explained. In 2020, Sodo had positioned himself as the successor of long-term Mawogola North legislator, Sam Kutesa.

The relationship Kutesa shares with Museveni is historical as the pair started their rivalry in the 1980 General Election. Although for decades he has notoriously had a grip on the politics of the central district of Sembabule, in 1980, when he set out to participate in elective politics, Kutesa, who was 31 years old, stood in the western constituency of Mbarara North, presently known as Nyabushozi.

Historical perspective

Following a period of anarchy, the 1980 elections were the first elections to be organised in post-independent Uganda, and Kutesa, who stood as Democratic Party (DP) candidate, took on his main challenger, Museveni, the UPM candidate, who had fallen out with the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) government.

The elections, according to critics, were riddled with sectarianism and religious undertones, and the Mbarara North race wasn’t any different. One of the biggest accusations levelled against Mr Museveni by his opponents is gerrymandering constituencies and districts in the bid to give his NRM party an advantage in Parliament. In 1980, he was on the receiving end of gerrymandering, or so he claimed.

Once he lost, Museveni, an Anglican, pointed out how he had won in sub-counties in Nyabushozi, which were predominantly Anglican. But he had lost to Kuteesa, an Anglican, in sub-counties that had been carved from Ibanda into Mbarara North and that were populated by Catholics.

It’s not clear how Mr Museveni was serious about the case, but he hired Hunter and Greig, now known as Kateera and Kagumire advocates and filed a petition in the High Court in Kampala, therein listing 10 grounds of annulling Kutesa’s victory. Museveni alleged a plethora of electoral indiscretions, including that registered voters did not appear on the voters’ registers and that the registers were not displayed for inspection as required by law, inter alia. But in his memoirs, Sowing the Mustard Seed, Museveni intimated that, in the grand scheme of things, his group wasn’t serious about the elections.

Whatever the case, while Kutesa was taking up his position in Parliament, Museveni went to the bush where he would emerge victorious and mend fences with Kutesa, who had been appointed Attorney General by the Junta regime of Tito Okello Lutwa. Appointed a minister, Kutesa didn’t return to Nyabushozi, where the chances of defeating Elly Karuhanga were simply minimal. He instead stood against NRM’s Secretary-General Jaberi Bidandi Ssali in Nakawa. There, he was soundly beaten.

The National Resistance Council (NRC), which Kutesa wasn’t part of, passed a resolution which was to the effect that there would be a Constituent Assembly (CA) that would debate and pass the envisaged Constitution. By and large, members who would constitute the CA were to be elected via the universal adult suffrage, and Kutesa once again shifted constituencies. He dumped Nakawa and found refuge in Mawogola. It’s said that Luweero Bush War hero David Tinyefuza was the only person who could have beaten Kutesa in Mawogola, but the maverick General decided to go to the CA via the slots given to the army.

King maker

From that time, Kutesa came to define the politics of not just Mawogola but also Sembabule. Kutesa’s relationship with Museveni was strengthened when, in 1999, Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the President’s son, married his daughter, Charlotte Nankunda. It’s this marriage that complicated Sodo’s political ambitions in Mawogola North because, as Kutesa set his eyes on retiring from politics in 2020, his daughter Musherure sought to replace him.

For instance, Muhoozi, the Chief Defence Forces (CDF), who is positioning to replace his ageing father, would have to choose whether to support his paternal uncle, Sodo, or his sister-in-law, Musherure.

In the run to the 2021 elections, Sodo trounced Musherure in an NRM primary, but Museveni sensed danger and sought not to declare his brother as the Mawogola North flag-bearer. Sodo and Musherure were told to run as Independents. With the bus symbol not available, Sodo had chosen the bicycle as his symbol. Musherure went with a ball. Both candidates continued to wear the NRM colour-yellow-and the party symbols on their T-shirts and posters.

Rise of Musherure

Sodo didn’t mind running as an Independent until Museveni called for a family meeting at State House, Entebbe, to resolve the impasse. Besides Museveni and the warring parties, Sodo and Musherure, the meeting was attended by the President’s brothers, Salim Saleh, Michael Nuwagira, alias Toyota, and Sedrack Nowomugisha Nzeire. Others who attended were Gen Muhoozi, Kutesa, Nankunda (Muhoozi’s wife) and Isaac Kutesa (Kutesa’s son). It is Sodo who revealed the results of the meeting, saying there were fears that a confrontation between the first family members would increase violence in Sembabule.

‘There were allegations from Kutesa that our supporters were attacking each other. Mzee [Museveni] decided that I should pull out because if we were fighting, there was nothing we were going to do for the people of Mawogola North Constituency,’ he said.

‘Mzee then decided to call 30 people from Mawogola, and after consultation, he told me that I should step down. I should come back in 2026. The President is the chairman of the party [NRM] and the head of the family. He is like my father. I don’t want to disagree with him. If the head of the family decides, then what else can I do?’

Even as he was quitting the race, Sodo didn’t commit to supporting Musherure. ‘For the President, I support Museveni. The rest, I leave people to choose the best choices,’ he said. While these contestations were going on, Gen Muhoozi had already hit the campaign trail, canvassing votes for his sister-in-law, Musherure.

‘I’m an army officer, not a politician. Ms Musherure is my in-law. She is a twin sister to my wife, and what I know about her is that she is religious, trustworthy and not a thief,’ Gen Muhoozi told the people of Mawogola. With Sodo out of the way, Musherure easily won the elections with 17,274 votes. Salim Kisekka, an Independent, came second with 2,544 votes, and NUP’s Henry Mawejje Nyanzi came third with 2,346. From 2019, when Kutesa introduced her to the crowd as his successor, Musherure was been christened as a leader, not a politician.

‘What the people of Mawogola North need now, more than ever, are leaders, not politicians. Great leaders set aside their differences and focus on collectively working with others towards a common good for the benefit of the people. This is the kind of leadership I would like to offer to the people of Mawogola North,’ Musherure said.

Climate change is a concern due to flash floods, air pollution, and depletion of forests. The government, through the Ministry of Water and Environment (MWE) and the National Environment Management Authority (NEMA), has taken action such as educating the public about the dangers of encroachment on wetlands, issuing restoration orders, and demolition of houses illegally constructed in swamps. The most recent restoration exercise commenced in May 2024 with the demolition of houses in the Lubigi swamp in Nansana Municipality, Wakiso District. Over 2,000 people were left homeless, with the majority setting up makeshift tents where they lived for over four months. This eviction exercise awakened climate action activists, like the Africa Tourism and Environment Initiatives Uganda (ATEI-U), to work towards preventing future evictions.

The Initiative is a youth-led organisation that promotes climate change awareness through sports, music concerts, seminars, and beauty contests, among others. According to Bismac Moses Amumpeire, the executive director, the organisation chose these avenues to bring youth on board to spread climate change awareness. With other partners, ATEI-U organised a climate change awareness marathon last week at Makerere University in commemoration of World Car Free Day. ‘We aimed to raise funds towards climate resilience in the Karamoja sub-region. On such a day, the public is expected to use clean mobility other than fuel in vehicles and motorcycles,’ Amumpeire says. The marathon themed: Running for a Green Future: Youth Innovation and Action for Climate Justice, attracted over 200 participants, including university students from Makerere University, Cavendish University, Kyambogo University, and youth from neighbouring communities.

‘I commend the management of Makerere University for respecting their initiative by stopping the movement of vehicles for three hours, to honuor the day. Our mission in Karamoja will focus on tree planting and cleaning valley dams in Karenga-Kaabong agro-tourism village,’ Amumpeire explains. The organisation will promote agro-tourism and eco-tourism. They will also plant indigenous tree species, mostly fruit trees, to curb food insecurity. Other areas that will benefit in subsequent fundraisers include Kotido, Moroto, and Abim districts. To date, at least 2000 trees have been planted. ‘We want to clean and maintain the valley dams to ensure that during the drought, the local communities irrigate the trees we have planted.

We want to plant as many trees as possible near the water points before stretching out to the rest of the community,’ Amumpeire adds. This was the first climate change marathon, and Amumpeire is hopeful that with time, Ugandans will start adopting electric transport to mitigate the dangers of fuel emissions if the government makes deliberate efforts to put in place tax incentives on electric vehicles and motorcycles. In Uganda, it is estimated that over 30,000 people die annually due to air pollution-related illnesses. According to NEMA, the transport sector contributes 60 percent of nitrogen oxide exhaust emissions within the city. It was suggested that regulating emissions would greatly reduce the air pollution.

Miss Climate Change Awareness

After realising that climate change awareness needed a wider advocacy campaign to reach the grassroots, ATEI started Miss Climate Change Awareness, which is always held on Women’s Day, to put women at the forefront of advocating for climate action. This year, eight contestants were crowned at the regional level, basing on different aspects, including community impact and conservation, among others. Sandra Namirembe was crowned the overall Miss Climate Change Awareness Uganda. Resty Mbwali, the ATEI-U’s programme manager, says this year they focused on clean mobility because every hour a car is stalled in a traffic jam, it burns fuel, emitting carbon into the environment. ‘This is a call to action for city planners to put in place lanes which cyclists, skaters, and pedestrians can use,’ she advises.

The organisation also uses music, anti-poaching initiatives, and Ekkula Sustainable Tourism Awards to inspire conversations around climate change, especially for those who find it difficult to read articles about climate change. Maria Moureen Nabuule, who was crowned Miss Climate Change Awareness Central Region, says she holds outreaches in schools every month to educate learners about climate action. ‘I am advocating for the introduction of green jobs in schools and communities, for example, people who recycle plastics to reduce plastic pollution. We also held restoration exercises in Bunjako and Lazarus forests, where we planted native tree species. Before the restoration exercises, we held community meetings, rallying people to support our initiatives,’ she explains. Through the ‘Pet a Tree’ campaign, ATIE-U plants a tree and gives it a pet name.

The campaign encourages people to view trees as companions, fostering a culture of emotional bonding and stewardship through actions like planting, naming, nurturing, and celebrating the growth of trees, similar to how one would care for a pet. The goal is to promote tree planting and conservation to combat climate change and increase vegetation in Uganda. ‘In urban areas like Kampala City, we are planting small forests also known as Miyawaki forests due to limited space. Such forests have been planted at some schools within the city,’ Nabuule notes. Miyawaki forests are dense, multi-layered mini-forests created using the Miyawaki method, which focuses on planting native, diverse tree and shrub species at high densities on degraded soil, accelerating natural processes to rapidly establish a self-sufficient and resilient forest ecosystem within a few years.

These mini-forests provide significant environmental benefits, including enhanced biodiversity, increased carbon capture, and improved local climate conditions, making them a valuable tool for urban greening and climate change mitigation. Sandra Namirembe, the reigning Miss Climate Change Awareness Uganda, hails from Bweyogere, an urban area. She has embarked on community awareness about proper waste management. ‘Poor waste disposal is the root cause of flash floods because when it rains, garbage gets stuck in trenches, blocking water flow. This has led to loss of lives and property. I have sensitised people on how to separate plastics from decomposing material,’ she says.

Namirembe discloses that once a month, the community cleans up the trenches, unblocking the drainage system. In Western Uganda, she has held outreaches to schools to initiate children into being environmental stewards. Stella Aber, the Climate Change Awareness Queen for the Northern Region, has engaged cultural leaders in the climate change awareness campaign. ‘Northern Uganda has suffered a high rate of deforestation due to charcoal burning. The land is bare, causing excessive heat, and when it rains, there are no organisms to open up the earth so that water can penetrate the soil. The most affected districts are Agago, Pader, and Amuru,’ she says. The Western region Miss Climate Awareness Queen, Christine Kirungi, uses her social media platforms to reach out to the public. She is planning to conduct tree planting campaigns in Kyenjojo, Kyegegwa, and Kabarole districts.

Government response

The government, through MWE launched a five-year tree planting campaign, called the ROOT (Running Out Of Trees), with a target of restoring Uganda’s tree cover by 200 million trees by 2026, planting 40 million trees each year. According to the ministry’s statistics, Uganda has 440 indigenous species of trees, but people prefer artificial species like pine and eucalyptus because some of the indigenous species are not commercially viable. ‘Since the launch of the ROOTS campaign, the government, working with private partners and non-governmental organisations, planted 8.3 million trees in 2021, 13.7 million in 2022, and 20.9 million in 2023.

The ministry also organises an annual National Tree Planting Day, planting millions of trees in different areas in commemoration of the day,’ says Isa Katwesigye, the assistant commissioner for Forestry. David Okurut, the commissioner for Wetlands Management, warns those who encroach on wetlands that they will be evicted, especially those who were issued with restoration orders and did not comply. ‘The areas likely to face the eviction exercises include Lubigi, Munyonyo, and Nakuwadde. Some of these people were issued with restoration orders last year, and their houses were marked for demolition. The law is clear that all wetlands are gazetted and belong to the government,’ he warns. Muhammad Ssemambo, the assistant commissioner in charge of the Climate Change Department, appreciated ATEI-U for the initiative, revealing that the MWE indicated in the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) that the government will move towards reducing emissions in the transport sector.

There was a near-imperceptible lift to the breeze as I breezed into Nyungu Yamawe two Tuesdays ago at midday. Immediately to my left, I saw something like a makeshift amalgam of wood. It’s like the trees of the forest fell in love, then broke up to make up at this spot. The varnished wood is smooth to the touch, inviting you to take a seat in the restaurant.

So, I sat down. Seated opposite me was a woman of substance. And not because she was picking up the bill. I would have done so. But being a gentleman, I have always thought it proper for women to go first. That includes in the race to pay the bill. To make sure that happened, I raced to the toilet as soon as the bill arrived. As I tore away, Crystal Rutangye-Bazirake rifled through her handbag to pony up the bill. I returned when the bill was settled and the metaphorical dust was back in its resting place.

I could see three donkeys braying in the mid-distance. They added lustre to Nyungu Yamawe’s reputation for being a peri-urban rustic getaway. Which is perfect in view of the fresh and healthy food served in Nyungu Yamawe’s nameless restaurant. The fish is so big, you’d think it was a whale. I found this fishy. How do you have fish so big it fillets you, leaving you with no eyeballs because they popped out in shock when you saw the fish? The chips are sizeable, too. It seems the potatoes were truly Irish, their size seemed to be Dublin. Opps, that’s actually spelt as doubling. At any rate, the chefs explained to me that the larger chips were conduced to customer demand. Ham and Chris, the chefs, are an interesting duo. Ham told me his name was Chris and Chris informed me he is called Ham. Yet their names seem as interchangeable as chalk and cheese, when they are not the ones doing the swapping.

The beginning

As Rutangye-Bazirake and I launched into the meal, we took in our surroundings. Mixed with the peppermint breeze, trees abounding, and cottages circumjacently located, this restaurant is bigger than its menu. Rutangye-Bazirake agrees. She has a nose for good copy and she did copy when I praised the joint. Being an exacting professional, compliments rarely bloom eternal in her vocabulary. The lady has always been about standards. High standards. This has been her story since her somewhat storybook career began. ‘I often say I stumbled into publishing by following my love for books. As a child in Kampala, I was always surrounded by stories, folktales, school readers, religious books, and later, novels I exchanged with friends. That passion slowly grew into a profession.

Today, I am an editor, writer, and publishing consultant, helping independent authors produce books that are not only well-written but also well-packaged for readers,’ says Rutangye-Bazirake. In 2015, she became the first Ugandan known to graduate with a Master of Letters in Publishing Studies from the University of Stirling in Scotland, where she studied as a Commonwealth Scholar. Before that, she worked at Moran Publishers Uganda and did editorial internships with Modjaji Books in South Africa and Palimpsest in Scotland. Since then, she has edited dozens of books, including the autobiographies of Archbishop Henry Luke Orombi and former Director of Public Prosecutions Justice Mike Chibita.

Through Scribe House, the publishing agency she founded, her team has supported more than 50 authors and organisations in bringing their manuscripts to life. ‘My own writing has also travelled. My short story Legal Alien, first published in anthologies by African Writers Trust – the online anthology titled Ssubi, and a print anthology titled Moonscapes. It was adapted into film and included in curriculum books in Kenya, India, and the Philippines. More recently, my essay Maternal Everlasting appeared in the Ibua Journal,’ she says. ‘Beyond editing and writing, I chair the Christian Writers Association-Uganda, I sit on the board of the Uganda Reproduction Rights Organisation, and I mentor young editors and publishers. My life revolves around words, stories, and the people who carry them. At home, I share that love with my husband, Dr Joseph Bazirake Besigye (PhD) and our two children.’

Taking stock

Rutangye-Bazirake was and is still struck by Ernest Bazenye’s description of Uganda being ‘a literary jungle but a publishing desert.’ The description, she tells me, still rings true. ‘We have plenty of manuscripts, yet too few systems to carry them to readers,’ she notes. Uganda has, Rutangye-Bazirake further observes, never lacked storytellers. ‘From Okot p’Bitek’s Song of Lawino to Jennifer Makumbi’s Kintu, our writers have always found ways to give voice to our experiences. But for decades, many of those voices had to travel outside our borders to be heard,’ she offers. She adds: ‘Our publishing journey began with missionaries who set up presses to produce Bibles for new readers. Later, the colonial government supported the East African Literature Bureau, which published writers like p’Bitek.

In the 1960s and 1970s, Ugandan authors even featured in the Heinemann African Writers Series, Mukotani Rugyendo, Timothy Wangusa, and Robert Serumaga among them. Those were exciting times, when being a writer from Uganda meant your book could travel the world. ‘Over time, however, publishing became tied to education. By the 1990s, most local publishers focused on textbooks for schools, competing for government contracts through the National Curriculum Development Centre. That made business sense since textbook orders were reliable, but it left trade publishing, fiction, memoirs, children’s books, inspirational books, cookbooks and all, thin and under-resourced.’

Challenges

Fast forward to today, there’s both growth and struggle. First, even though literacy in Uganda has risen slowly but steadily, millions still remain outside the reading circle, and even those who can read often struggle with comprehension. A 2024 Uwezo report showed that 23 percent of Primary Seven pupils could not handle a Primary Two text. With students struggling to read to pass exams, one can only imagine if they are inspired to read for leisure, all the benefits that come with being an avid reader notwithstanding. And then, what does this mean for all the authors who assume there’s 70 percent of a nation’s population under 30 years old ready to consume their written works? Are Ugandan authors really writing to sell books to Ugandan readers, the same Ugandan readers who just want to pass exams then never want to pick up a book again? Then there is access.

Uganda has just about 47 public libraries, many of which are underfunded and inactive. Bookshops are concentrated in Kampala, leaving rural readers with very few options. Distribution networks across borders are also weak, making it hard for a book published in Uganda to easily reach Nairobi, Lagos, or Johannesburg. ‘On the production side, however, more Ugandans are writing than ever before. In 2020, only about 350 new local books were registered, and in 2021, the number shot up to more than 1,600. But then most of these books are self-published, and many authors do not know how or where to get quality editing, design, or marketing support. Without professional guidance, some books fall short of international standards, making it difficult for them to compete in wider markets,’ Rutangye-Bazirake says.

‘Costs make things even harder. Because after investing in editing and book design, many authors cannot afford large print runs, so books are often sold in small quantities at high prices. This fuels the perception that ‘books are expensive’ and feeds into Uganda’s weak book-buying culture. In fact, I personally believe our book-buying culture is the real problem stunting our publishing industry, not necessarily the reading culture. I write more about this in my #MarketingMonday series on Muwado.com. I think there’s a large enough readership to earn a local author reasonable profit from book sales. It is not that there aren’t enough people who enjoy reading; it is that books compete with daily needs and are rarely prioritised in an economy where there’s not much disposable income,’ she adds.

There is a gap to be bridged, says Rutangye-Bazirake. Thousands of authors are writing books that are not always well edited and produced but are expensive for readers who prioritise educational books over the hundreds of trade books produced each year. ‘At least if production of all local content matched international standards, and there were affordable means to avail all our content to the international market while our publishers resolve the multi-layered challenges of our local readership, the publishing industry would be more lucrative.’

How things are changing

Rutangye-Bazirake, nevertheless, sees ‘shifts worth celebrating.’ Digital publishing, for one, is growing steadily. ‘Uganda’s ePublishing market was valued at about $18m (Shs62b) in 2024, with nearly nine million users expected by 2027. This means more readers are coming online, more stories can be distributed digitally, and more authors can bypass the costs of large print runs. Another encouraging trend is the rise of hybrid publishers: companies like Scribe House that partner with authors to ensure quality while still giving them control combining expert publishing processes and guidance with author investment,’ she says.

‘We also see more Ugandan authors gaining international recognition. Jennifer Makumbi, Goretti Kyomuhendo, and others remind us that our stories resonate globally. Local networks like the Christian Writers Association-Uganda and the African Writers Trust are also nurturing talent and building communities of practice,’ she adds.

Uganda in comparison

When you place Uganda next to countries like Nigeria, South Africa, or even Kenya, the differences are striking, says Rutangye-Bazirake. South Africa and Nigeria together produce nearly half of Africa’s books and account for a much larger share of the continent’s book sales. Kenya has a livelier book trade, with stronger book fairs, better distribution, and more visibility for its authors. Uganda, by contrast, still leans heavily on educational publishing. ‘Our trade publishing market is small, our distribution channels fragile, and our global footprint is limited. For example, while Nigeria publishes thousands of trade titles each year, Uganda registers only a fraction of that. Our eBook revenues are projected at just over $4 million (Shs14 billion) in 2025, promising but still modest compared to larger markets,’ Rutangye-Bazirake says.

As the National Resistance Movement (NRM) doubles down on the Parish Development Model (PDM), questions about its design, implementation, and economic logic remain unanswered. This is the darling policy proposal that NRM is hyping.

A critical look exposes its misgivings. In its latest manifesto, NRM has placed PDM at the forefront of its poverty alleviation strategy, even proposing to triple its funding.

While the government presents PDM as a transformative solution, a closer examination reveals a programme beset by structural flaws, questionable economic assumptions, and a troubling gap between political ambition and practical reality.

Rather than doubling down, this is a moment for a sober rethink. To dismiss the PDM entirely would be to ignore the tangible benefits it has brought to some Ugandans. Verified reports from local media and government communications highlight genuine cases of transformation.

In Ntoroko District, a PDM beneficiary group used a loan to purchase a motorised boat, revolutionising their fish trade on Lake Albert. In Luweero District, a farmers’ cooperative used PDM funds to acquire a collective maize mill.

In Lira, several individuals have successfully invested in retail shops, motorcycle (boda boda) businesses, and small-scale poultry farming, citing PDM’s accessible credit as the crucial seed capital they previously lacked.

However, these individual successes exist alongside worrying systemic data. The central pillar of the PDM’s sustainability-loan repayment-shows alarming signals.

According to the Ministry of Finance’s report on the implementation of PDM for Financial Year 2022/2023, the national loan recovery rate was projected to be a concern, with many local governments reporting collections below 30 percent in the initial phases.

A more recent Parliamentary Committee on Finance Report from mid-2024 noted that while recovery is improving in some parishes, the national average remains “unsatisfactory and a threat to the revolving fund model.”

This data aligns with the unofficial figures often cited by critics and mirrors a familiar pattern. This is not a new problem for NRM’s poverty alleviation schemes.

A direct comparison with past programmes reveals a discouraging trend: The Youth Livelihood Programme, launched in 2013, was plagued by exceptionally low recovery rates. A 2021 report by the Parliament’s Public Accounts Committee (PAC) cited a national recovery rate of just 3.8 percent.

The Uganda Women Entrepreneurship Programme has also struggled with recoveries. The same 2021 PAC report indicated a recovery rate of approximately 24 percent.

PDM, with its early recovery rates hovering in a similar low range, risks following this well-trodden path to fiscal insolvency. PDM’s core mechanism-providing low-interest loans through a digital platform-is touted as a way to leapfrog bureaucratic delays and inject capital directly into the grassroots. However, this very design is its primary weakness.

By framing poverty alleviation primarily as a problem of access to credit, PDM misdiagnoses the issue. It loads financial risk onto the most vulnerable populations, whose challenges often extend far beyond a simple lack of capital. Could this be a debt trap in disguise? The most immediate red flag is the abysmal loan recovery rate. Furthermore, the model provides a lump-sum “windfall” without the necessary scaffolding for success. A Shs1m loan, devoid of sustained business development support, mentorship, or a step-laddered investment plan, is a high-risk gamble.

The programme’s one-size-fits-all allocation model is another critical flaw. By allocating the same Shs100m to a densely populated, economically dynamic parish in Mutungo, Kampala, as to a remote parish in Abim District, PDM promotes a geographical fallacy over economic sense.

Population density is a key indicator of economic activity; people migrate towards opportunity. Equating these vastly different parishes on a map ignores their wildly divergent economic potentials and needs, rewarding inefficiency and diluting the impact of scarce resources.

NRM’s manifesto pledge to increase PDM allocation from the current Shs2.4 trillion annually to a potential Shs7.2 trillion is, therefore, a fiscally irresponsible proposition. Instead of pouring more money into a leaky system, Uganda must have the courage to explore more innovative and direct approaches.

The debate around a Universal Basic Income (UBI), for instance, deserves serious consideration. A UBI would provide a direct, no-strings-attached financial floor for all citizens, stimulating local economies from the ground up, empowering individuals to invest in their own priorities.

According to the Police 2024 annual crime report, a total of 397 cases of land-related crimes were reported compared to 271 cases in 2023, giving a 46.5 percent increase in the crimes reported in this category. Of these, 64 cases were taken to court, 103 were not proceeded with, while 230 were still under inquiry. Historical injustices instigated by the colonialists are being blamed for the ongoing land turmoil in Uganda. Before British colonisation, land was under a customary tenure system, meaning in places like Buganda, it was under the control of the Kabaka (King), who managed it through the Bataka (clan heads).

It was through this system that land was distributed to families and communities; however, following the signing of the 1900 agreement between Britain and the Buganda Kingdom, the land tenure system eroded the Kabaka and chiefs’ rights over the land and transferred such powers under the British monarchy.

Former Prime Minister Kintu Musoke, argued: ‘Countries where land is public are better off; this privately-owned land is a British introduction. Baganda and the rest didn’t know about private land.’

The 1900 Buganda Agreement later created two land systems – Mailo and Crown land; and, although the country was affected by the change, Buganda was particularly impacted by the former system. Mailo land is named for its measurement and distribution in square miles.

The Kabaka, who was previously responsible for the 19,600 square miles that make up Buganda, was now subject to the British land allocation system. Mailo, one of the land systems created by the British, was further subdivided into Official Mailo and Private Mailo. Under the Official Mailo, the British allocated 350 square miles for institutional use under the 1919 Official Estates Act.

The Katikkiro and sub-county chiefs under the Kabaka also held Official Mailo for the purposes of their offices and couldn’t transfer them as personal property. The Official Mailo cannot be sold as it is meant to finance the reigning and future generation of kings; however, it can be leased, meaning an occupant can only use it for 49 years, subject to renewal by the Buganda Land Board (BLB).

The British also allocated land to individuals and institutions like the Catholic Church and Church of Uganda, with 92 square miles under the 1908 Land Law and Registration of Titles Act. The young Kabaka, Daudi Chwa, was also allocated land in his capacity. In this regard, his regents and sub-county chiefs could now own freehold land, meaning they could determine the usage of land in perpetuity and had the right to sell it.

Another category of the land system was Crown Land, which was administered on behalf of the public by the British monarch. This was composed of 9,000 square miles traversing wetlands, forests, hills, and rivers, where no certificates were ever issued.

Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo, who was a delegate of the Constituent Assembly (CA), says his grandfather died believing he had land, but in actuality, he didn’t, as the bulk of it had been designated Crown Land during the colonial era. ‘When we got independence, the entirety of that Crown Land became public land vested in the Uganda Land Commission (ULC).’

Private Mailo has been a notable source of land disputes due to its characteristics. Most of the Private Mailo land was inhabited since the landlords preferred areas with large populations because it guaranteed revenue collected from the ground rent paid by the tenants.

The chunk of land was located in different places, making the collection of ground rent difficult and unprofitable. Additionally, there was the issue of absentee landlords giving leverage to tenants to claim ownership. These factors combined have fueled land conflicts as unscrupulous individuals have resorted to grabbing land from the vulnerable at the barrel of a gun. Genuine landlords have also suffered at the hands of fraudsters and their would-be tenants.

Dan Wandera Ogalo, a former CA delegate, says Mailo owners had very large land, but people had already settled on it. ‘The landowner is saying, ‘this is my land and I have a title’, but the person on the land is saying, ‘who are you? That is the grave of my great-grandfather, who was buried in 1924; the one next to him is of my grandfather and then my father. He can show the graves of four grandfathers.’

In 1961, as the British prepared to hand over power and self-rule to Uganda, they returned Crown Land to Buganda for management by the BLB. The status quo prevailed until the 1966 Mengo Crisis, when kingdoms were abolished and what was Crown Land was taken over as public land by the government, ULC, and district boards.

A decree issued by then-President Idi Amin summarily abolished private land. After President Museveni captured State power in 1986 following a protracted five-year guerrilla war, the kingdoms and cultural institutions were restored in 1993; however, Buganda has since demanded the return of its properties.

Dr Rose Nakayi, a senior lecturer at the Makerere University School of Law, says with hindsight, what the Constitution embeds on land seems more like a compromise generated through the constitution-making processes than a consensus.

She says the resulting situation is, therefore, fraught with disputes for a number of reasons, including intrinsic tenurial deficiencies underlying our multiple tenure system, making it difficult to prove disputes over them. ‘What works for one tenure may not work for another, yet the multiple approaches or efforts come at a cost.’ Secondly, she says the registration processes began in the 1900s, but very little of Uganda’s land is registered. ‘Fraud perpetrated in processes of registering land at times breeds land disputes.’

Thirdly, she notes that in some areas where mailo is predominant, the simultaneous claims to the same land by landlords and tenants with occupancy rights is a significant factor, especially in the face of limited implementation of the laws. Nakayi further explains the dwindling available land within the context of an increasing population, a declining moral economy where self-interest overrides others’ land rights; an individual can evict entire villages with impunity.

Responding to the narrative that the private mailo land system has been a notable source of land disputes based on its characteristics, Dr Nakayi says the mailo land is in only a very small proportion of the entire land mass in Uganda and it is ‘ridiculous’ to blame for the disputes in the country where tenures are multiple. ‘Land disputes are a feature of all tenures in Uganda; it is the nature, kind, and extent that differs across tenures. Indeed, for mailo land, the overlapping rights of landlord and tenant is a peculiar characteristic that can lead to land disputes. ‘That, however, does not explain other extraneous factors causing land disputes on mailo land; for example, planting freehold titles over mailo land, issuance of special titles without legal basis, and other factors such as the continuing evictions despite the relatively good legal and administrative efforts on paper to prevent/curb evictions resulting from and leading to land disputes.’

When the NRM captured power and started preparing for a new people-centered constitution, settling the land question was critical. Two issues surrounded the land debate, including whether to make land public or privately-owned, and how to address the historical mess left behind and rampant and unresolved land evictions, especially in Buganda. One of the key issues awaiting the CA delegates was resolving the land question. Justice Owiny-Dollo said: ‘The majority of the land being public continued until the promulgation of the 1995 Constitution that reversed the status quo. When I was coming to the CA, I knew that I had two roles to play – to fight for land and return it to the people and a return to a multiparty system.’

The former CA delegates say they all agreed about changing the public land into private land, with Jack Sabiiti, one of them, saying he doesn’t remember land being a sticky issue of debate. Ogalo, however, says the land issue was contentious with the consensus being not to put land in government much as the President reportedly ‘appeared to prefer land going to the government for purposes of development’.

‘The contentious issue was with those who were saying that land should belong to the government and those asking, ‘where did the government get land in, say, a village deep in Namayingo District’?’

At the end of it all, the reform sailed through.

Justice Owiny-Dollo says: ‘We succeeded with that and by the stroke of a pen, on October 8, 1995, the rural land in Tororo and anywhere ceased to be public land, and now remains what in the minds of the people it has always been. ‘I thought we needed to resolve the land issue; it was actually the main issue that tilted my mind.

I saw it as a great opportunity to resolve the inequities brought by colonialism with regard to land.’ Miria Matembe, also a former CA delegate, says if land belonged to the people, it meant the government had no land and yet the government needed land for investment, among other development projects.

Kintu-Musoke says we are dealing with a very serious problem of private ownership of land. ‘Rwanda where this doesn’t exist is doing very well because the government implements projects wherever it wants and builds roads anytime; but here, building a road in Buganda, particularly, is impossible.’ The 1995 Constitution created four forms of land ownership, including customary, mailo, leasehold, and freehold.

Customary land is owned by communities and is managed according to their norms and usually passed down through generations, Freehold is land owned in perpetuity allowing the owner to use it in any form or sell it, Leasehold is a system guaranteeing ownership of land from 49 to 99 years in exchange for a rental payment, and mailo accords individuals perpetual ownership of land as landlords and allows tenancy in the form of freehold.

But the Constitution had only settled one problem and was yet to address the root cause of the rampant land evictions, mainly a characteristic of mailo land. Justice Owiny-Dollo says he was going further on the issue of mailo land (bibanja holders). ‘You have a mailo title of three square miles (but) you cannot even till one square inch of that land because it is occupied by bibanja holders.

You will die without tilling it, your grandchildren will never till it because of bibanja holders; and if they have to pay you, they pay a token. So, for me I said, ‘let us use the 1995 Constitution to put provisions and get rid of bibanja in Buganda’.’

This is because mailo land is characterised by absentee landlords, an unknown expanse of the private mailo, illegal conversion of the private mailo from being clan-based into family land, and the change of tenure by the tenants on mailo land that turned around to claim permanent ownership. This is partly the reason for multiple claims of ownership over the same piece of land, a situation which was exploited by fraudsters.

Lawyer Peter Mulira, in an earlier interview that: ‘What the people in the Land Office do is to look for this land and when it is valuable, they find a buyer and sell it to him; that buyer spends as much as Shs1 billion corrupting the system.

This kind of person wants to get his money back,’ Mr Mulira said in an interview on October 11, 2021. Christopher Bwanika, the Buganda Kingdom Attorney General, says corruption in the Lands Office and inefficiencies is another factor.

‘The position of Buganda is that instead of focusing on mailo land, its history, and because it is a Buganda issue as the source of the problem is the wrong approach.’

The former delegates to the CA say the solution they sought to address the challenge of the rampant land conflicts was to provide for the creation of the Land Fund under Section 41 of the Land Act, 1998.