Category: Daily Monitor

Following his nomination on September 24, Maj Gen Gregory Mugisha Muntu, the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) presidential candidate, kicked off his campaign on Tuesday.

On his first day of campaigns, the retired military officer embarked on a door-to-door campaign around the capital Kampala, where he braved the afternoon drizzles and visited slums from where he appealed to voters to elect leaders based on their abilities rather than money and power.

“When I was the commander of the army, I was sober. Even right now, I’m sober… I’m now 66 years of age, but I have never changed since I was 23. If you want a country that you’ll be proud of in future, vote out people who worship guns, money and power so that they go and rest,’ he told residents of Kisenyi, Kampala Central.

But before leaving for Mitooma and Rubirizi districts, the following day, Muntu, who served as the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party president from 2012 to 2017, before parting ways with the party citing ideological differences, was seen distributing fundraising cards to motorists and other travellers on the streets of Kampala.

Background Born in October 1958 at Kitunga Village in present-day Ntungamo District to Enock Ruzima Muntuyera and Aida Matama Muntuyera, Muntu has served at the highest levels of leadership both in the army and elective politics.

From a humble start at Kitunga Primary School, Mbarara Junior School and Kitunga High School (Kitunga High School was later renamed Muntuyera High School, in memory of his father, by former president Milton Obote), Muntu attended Makerere College School and subsequently went on to graduate in Political Science from Makerere University from where he joined the guerrilla National Resistance Army (NRA) of Mr Yoweri Museveni the day he completed his university exams. Later, he emerged as the head of Military Intelligence after the NRA victory in 1986.

Muntu was a member of the Constituent Assembly (1994-1995), and after disagreeing with Museveni’s approach to politics and the military, he was removed from the army command and appointed as a minister, a position he turned down.

In November 2001, he was selected by Members of Parliament to serve as one of the nine Ugandan representatives to the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA).

In 2008, he unsuccessfully contested for the FDC’s presidency against Dr Kizza Besigye but was later elected as the party’s president in 2012. But after internal wrangles, he quit FDC in 2018 to form ANT, promising a new brand of ‘clean, value-driven politics’ centred on integrity, patience, and institutional building.

His admirers say Muntu remains one of Uganda’s most disciplined and principled Opposition figures. Yet, more than two decades after he entered politics, his ability to attract mass support continues to face serious challenges. Muntu has not gained significant traction among ordinary Ugandans.

Analysts say his soft-spoken and calm style of politics appeals to a small section of the elite and middle class, which has made him struggle to resonate with a broader electorate that responds more strongly to fiery speeches, populist rhetoric, and confrontation with the State.

Steep road to climb

Unlike the National Unity Platform (NUP) under Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, also known as Bobi Wine, or the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) under President Museveni, Muntu’s party has limited grassroots structures and struggles with visibility.

In the 2021 General Election, ANT fielded only a handful of candidates nationwide and failed to secure parliamentary representation, a sign of its weak organisational base.

According to the 2021 results as released by the Electoral Commission, NRM’s Museveni won with 6,042,898 votes (58.38 percent), followed by NUP’s Kyagulanyi with 3,631,437 votes (35.08 percent), FDC’s Amuriat with 337,589 votes (3.26 percent), Muntu with 67,574 votes (0.65 percent), DP’s Norbert Mao with 57,682 votes (0.56 percent), Henry Tumukunde with 51,392 votes (0.50 percent), Joseph Kabuleta with 45,424 votes (0.44 percent), Nancy Kalembe with 38,772 votes (0.37 percent), John Katumba with 37,554 votes (0.36 percent), Fred Mwesigye with 25,483 votes (0.25 percent), and Willy Mayambala with 15,014 votes (0.15 percent).

The registered voters in the elections were 18 million. According to Mr Peter Otai, a political analyst and supporter of the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), Muntu has the respect, but his brand of politics simply doesn’t appeal to the ordinary Ugandan.

‘Muntu’s politics is clean and principled, but politics in Uganda is not just about values; it is about numbers, mobilisation, and connecting with the daily struggles of ordinary people. He has not yet mastered that connection,’ Mr Otai says. The majority of Uganda’s electorate lives in rural areas where poverty, unemployment, poor health care, and land disputes dominate daily life.

While Muntu speaks strongly about long-term reforms and institution-building, his message often feels distant to voters grappling with immediate needs. His critics argue that his reluctance to employ populist tactics makes him less relatable compared to other Opposition figures.

Honest, calculative leader

Prof Sabiti Makara of the Department of Governance at Kabale University describes Muntu as an honest and calculative leader who approaches Opposition politics cautiously.

‘He does not want to discourage the regime,’ Prof Makara says. ‘You cannot manage militarism by militarism. Being tough while campaigning is not the solution, and it cannot produce better results.’

Prof Makara notes that Muntu strongly believes in accountability within government offices and is firmly against corruption.

‘He has positioned himself as a third voice, not the State voice, not the radical Opposition, but a simple, honest voice,’ he says.

‘He is a sober leader with a strong sense of nationalism. You will not find him in radical Opposition.’ Regarding Muntu’s door-to-door campaign strategy, Prof Makara says:’This approach is generally not for presidential aspirants. No president can campaign door-to-door. I think Muntu is recruiting campaign agents to represent him and engage with villagers on his behalf.’

Supporters defend his approach

However, supporters of Muntu say he represents a necessary shift from the politics of confrontation and populism. They argue that his emphasis on building institutions rather than relying on individual charisma may be slow but will eventually pay off.

‘Uganda needs leaders who think beyond rallies and emotions. Gen Muntu is laying a foundation that will stand the test of time,’ says a member of ANT on condition of anonymity. But as the country edges closer to the 2026 elections, the question remains whether Muntu can repackage his message to attract wider support. Without strong structures on the ground and a strategy to connect with ordinary voters, analysts warn that ANT risks remaining a marginal force in Ugandan politics.

Muntu himself has repeatedly said he is not in politics for quick popularity, but to nurture a new culture of leadership. Yet with Uganda’s political arena increasingly polarised between NRM and NUP, his struggle to capture the national imagination continues to cast doubt on his political future.

Mr Timothy Chemongesi, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), says Muntu’s challenge has never been about credibility or integrity, but about political chemistry.

‘Unlike many of his contemporaries who thrive on populism and emotional appeal, Muntu has consistently positioned himself as a sober, principled, and process-oriented leader.

This approach has earned him admiration among elites and opinion shapers but has struggled to resonate with a mass electorate that responds more strongly to symbolism, charisma, and combative rhetoric,’ Mr Chemonges says.

Mr Chemonges says Muntu’s military background, though prestigious, does not translate into political currency because he embodies discipline and restraint rather than militaristic aggression, the very opposite of what Ugandan politics often rewards.

‘Simply put, his values of patience, system-building, and non-confrontation do not align neatly with a political culture conditioned by patronage, spectacle, and immediate gratification,’ he says.

‘Mass appeal is not just a product of ideology, but of networks that reach the last village, the boda stage, and the church pulpit.

Parties like NUP have mastered the art of connecting emotionally and symbolically with marginalised groups, particularly the youth, through bold rhetoric and visible defiance. FDC, despite its current struggles, still retains pockets of deeply entrenched grassroots networks built over decades of activism.’

He says ANT, on the other hand, has prioritised building from the ground up, but progress has been painstakingly slow.

‘The party has yet to demonstrate the ability to mobilise en masse or convert its principled posture into tangible political structures that deliver electoral numbers. Door-to-door mobilisation is arguably the most effective long-term strategy because it builds loyalty, trust, and real community linkages,’ he says.

Ms Phiona Mutesi, a retired history teacher, describes Muntu as a leader whose style reflects discipline, integrity, and long-term vision.

“While his approach may not excite the masses like some of his contemporaries, it reflects a commitment to building a responsible and accountable political culture. In my view, Uganda needs more leaders like him who prioritise long-term national interest over short-term applause,’ Mutesi says.

‘Unlike what many assume, being a retired army general does not guarantee mass appeal in politics. Muntu embodies restraint and process-oriented leadership, which often contrasts sharply with Uganda’s more populist political style,’ she says.

‘Muntu is planting seeds for long-term influence rather than chasing immediate popularity. It’s a strategy that reflects patience and careful planning, even if it does not produce quick wins in elections,’ Mutesi concludes.

However, Chemonges says in Uganda’s high-pressure, high-speed political environment, this method is vulnerable to being outpaced by the theatrics and visibility of rallies.

‘Rallies project strength, create momentum, and shape national narratives; they reassure supporters that they are part of something bigger,’ he says, adding that the door-to-door approach may be morally and strategically sound, but without a complementary strategy, it risks being too slow to shift the political balance by 2026.

In the meantime, for Muntu and ANT to remain relevant and, at a minimum, have some members in Parliament, analysts say they must bridge the gap between principle and perception.

‘They need to repackage their message in a way that resonates emotionally, not just rationally, because Ugandan voters are moved as much by identity and passion as by policy.

ANT must borrow visibility tactics from its rivals-investing in symbolic actions, digital presence, and coalition politics that project relevance,’ Mr Chemonges says.

Mr Otai agrees with him, saying Muntu should leverage his reputation for integrity to carve out a niche as the ‘alternative statesman’ in contrast to both the ruling establishment and the more confrontational Opposition.

‘ANT must accelerate grassroots penetration by aligning with local influencers-religious leaders, cultural institutions, and community-based networks-so that the party’s message spreads beyond its core elite base,’ he says.

As the eight presidential candidates start their three-month journey of campaigns, whether Muntu’s strategy of clean, value-driven politics begins to yield fruit remains to be seen.

We, old men, always feel uneasy when dry bones are mentioned in a proverb – a saying I took lightly in my younger days, but which I understand better now that I am officially an old man. So even if I speak generally, some sensibilities might be slighted! Just thought, though, that I’d help you take a sneak peek behind the curtains and tell you how presidential races play out in sub-Saharan Africa, otherwise called Black Africa.

But before that, I thought it’d be a good idea to point out that, for the record, this is the first presidential race, under the 1995 Constitution, where every contestant is flying a party flag. In the 1996 and 2001 elections, candidates ran on individual merit under the so-called ‘Movement Political System’, which is best described as a fraud, perfected into an art form, and worthy of patent. We’re talking about an elaborate charade, codified into law, and celebrated as reform.

A carefully – and dubiously – choreographed illusion, elevated to statecraft, and marketed as a democratic virtue and political system. In short, the Movement system was a masterclass in political sleight of hand, refined into a part-science-part-art, and paraded as a Ugandan speciality and its initiator – whose name I can’t recall just now – was celebrated as a national genius of rare proportion. Yawn, yawn, pass the salt! So, what should a keen eye look for in this election? Where you have a despotic or fascist government, the challenge usually comes in the form of how to present itself as a proper, democratic outfit to position itself as a good corporate citizen of the international community.

On the whole, it is common practice in Black Africa to have stooge candidates. These are candidates planted in order to give the election credibility, to give an otherwise despotic government a broad, democratic outlook.

This is good diplomacy: a classic example of statecraft aimed at signalling pluralism while retaining control. A tactical exercise in political façade and regime stabilisation. This is an instance of performative democratisation designed to secure both domestic and international legitimacy.

Stooge candidates are less about competition than choreography-carefully staged to sell the illusion of democracy while delivering political mileage to the regime.

Stooges may not have any particular merit worthy of note; but as long as they are in the contest, the ruling party will point to them and tell the whole, wide world, ‘See? This is a competitive democracy; people are free to do as they like – they even challenge the president!’ Then there will be the spoiler candidates: strategically positioned by dominant parties to fragment Opposition support and influence overall vote distribution.

Their presence in the election has, therefore, nothing to do with winning it; they are strategic to the ruling party because they split the Opposition vote and, therefore, make it impossible for the leading Opposition candidate to gain traction.

Candidates like that do not have mass appeal on a national scale, but they will be strong in certain parts of the country where the incumbent is not guaranteed a great performance. They are therefore in it, not to win it, but to spoil it by muddying the waters for the leading Opposition contenders. This tactic reflects a calculated approach to vote management, where additional candidates are introduced to dilute competing blocs.

Candidates like that will have lots of unexplained money during the campaign… and even more after the ruling party candidate has been sworn in. That brings me to the third category: the salesmen. Purely commercial candidates.

They treat elections the way traders treat market stalls: set up shop, display some posters, and wait for the highest bidder. Winning the vote is rarely the goal; cashing out is. Salesmen will, at a critical point, withdraw in favour of some candidate.

For them, democracy is just a bazaar where the ballot paper is not a covenant with the people but a receipt for services rendered. The salesmen see elections not as contests of ideas but as auctions of opportunity. They enter the ballot not to lead the people, but to invoice the process.

In their hands, candidacy is less a calling than a commodity-bought, sold, and withdrawn at the right price. For the salesman, politics is simply business conducted under the cover of democracy. So, good people, take a good, long look at those eight…

A month ago, I decided it was time to relieve the stress that comes with a workaday existence. Thus, I went to a bar in Bukoto with a curious name. It’s clear that whatever happens there does not stay there. It becomes part of the tales told about world-class Ugandan boozers. That’s why I’m sharing my own tale. It’s a big place.

But its size should be taken with a grain of salt at 1am, a time you’re most likely already seeing double. Anyway, as soon as I stepped into the joint, several women began winking suggestively at me.

Surprised that I had become an overnight Mukazi magnet, I was incredulous. So, I kept looking behind me to see who they were winking at. There was nobody. Clearly, it was me.

Feeling like a freshly minted superstar, I puffed my chest. I had to look like the star that they were looking at. After this briefly ridiculous theatricality on my part, my friend and I ‘attacked’ the counter like it was the UPC government and we were both Salim Saleh.

Clearly, by that time, we had already started seeing double. As soon as I ordered a drink, a woman materialised out of the blue. For a minute, I thought she came with the beer in a sort of hourglass-shaped beer promotion. Her smile earned her an instant drink, on me.

I asked her what she was drinking and her answer took aim at my wallet, then pulled the trigger. My wallet almost died of its wounds from that order.

The woman picked the most expensive drink in the house, in tots. That way, each drink she took, my wallet took a hit. Her radiant smile and noticeably buxom endowments were no longer placebos enough to get my wallet out of intensive care.

The bill for its restoration to health was close to Shs1m. Still, refusing to die in my own movie, I gave her tot upon tot like her body was a baby factory and I was its production engineer. It was a charmed night. I thought I was even in love. Then came the bad news. I was told that ‘big’ bars nowadays place alluring women at the bar counter to fraternise with the punters. Naturally, after being approached by a comely woman with sights and shapes in all the right places, a punter would even buy subsequent drinks with his land title as security.

Hence, the more the customer spent, the more commission the sultry bar counter queen received. Crushed by this revelation, I looked into my pocket and its inners looked at me, vacantly. I was broke. Immediately, the inequities of the world crystallised around me.

It was the President’s fault. If he had left power in the early 2000s, I would be rolling in money. This knee-jerk reaction to one’s problems in the context of the Museveni presidency is common. Many times, our over-the-top spending habits and poor saving culture have spelt ruin to our finances.

To compound matters, every week there’s an event, a wedding or a burial one must contribute to. Frugality having died of natural causes as soon as we resuscitated an economy savaged by the Bush War. The economy reflects how people make money and spend it.

If we spend every cent we make on women whose beauty comes with an exclamation mark, wedding launches and meetings, as well as weekly burials and other events, the economy shall continue to flounder at a personal level. That’s because its wellbeing is tied to our discipline, not our politics.

Youths in Kamuli District’s ghettos have spoken out against what they describe as longstanding government neglect and lack of meaningful support.

During a community engagement event, youth leaders urged local and central government officials to invest in skills training, job creation, and social services tailored to their needs.

“We are not happy with the government,” said Ms. Promise Violet Aliyinza, a youth leader. “What we need is an opportunity to channel our energy into productive ventures, like chapati making, poultry, brickmaking, among other skill training opportunities.”

The youths expressed frustration over being sidelined in development programs and called on the NRM party and its presidential candidate to use grassroots-based human resources rather than importing campaign mobilizers from Kampala.

Mr Igoola Waiswa, the group’s spokesperson, said, “The truth is, we are just deprived of access to government programs like the Parish Development Model (PDM), whose stringent requirements keep us out.”

The youths feel isolated by the government and political actors, which pushes them into acts of defiance not out of rebellion, but as a cry to be seen, heard, and supported.

“In our hearts, feelings, and decisions, we are born, raised, and bred under the NRM, and we expect equal treatment like others,” Mr. Igoola said.

In response, Mr John Robert Batambuze, Assistant RDC, encouraged the youth to formalize their associations and actively participate in government programs.

“We welcome your positive energy and your commitment to the NRM. Mzee and Mama Kadaga are pillars of our party, and through your leaders, we will help boost your poultry and chapati projects with inputs and support,” he promised.

He urged the youths to avoid being used by self-seeking politicians and individuals and to take ownership of their development path. The youth leaders emphasized that they need tangible support and opportunities to break the cycle of poverty and hopelessness in their communities.

October 3, 2025 marked a very historic and important celebration in my country Luxembourg. It is the day of our Grand Duke Henri’s abdication and the succession ceremony. On this day, in the Grand Ducal palace in the heart of Luxembourg City, there was formal signing of the Act of Abdication by the Grand Duke, followed by the swearing-in ceremony of his son, Hereditary Grand Duke Guillaume, the new Grand Duke of Luxembourg.

There was three days of celebrations to mark the events, with the usual ceremonies and receptions that included institutions in Luxembourg, diplomatic corps and other Royal families from all over the world.

Of course, the general public was not deprived from sharing these festivities.

They caught a glimpse of the Royal family as they waved to the public from the balcony of the Grand Ducal Palace, and as the royal couple was travelling to major cities in the north and south of the country. More people were able to meet and greet them. The last day of celebrations (today) we shall have a Sunday mass with Te Deum at the capital’s famous Notre-Dame Cathedral with the invitation done by the Archbishop of Luxembourg.

Grand Duke Henri and his family, are considered among the richest Royal families in Europe, yet this family remains close to its citizens.

I have lived a few years here before going to live abroad, and in it was one of those years when Duke Henri was still Heir Apparent , that we went with my husband to watch a movie in one of the smaller cinemas in Luxembourg City.

It was a new release and the queue was long, a bit further down the line, and in front of us, Duke Henri was in the same queue with his children.

I pointed out that to my husband as our Duke has very distinguished features that I could easily recognise him, a tall slim and extremely good looking man.

Truly representing all the royal blood that was running in his veins of generations of Dukes and kings and royal families, yet, humble.

He was standing in line, waiting for his turn, no VIP treatment and no visible bodyguards harassing the population. They paid for their tickets and entered the hall with everyone else. If anyone can tell me how many royals with billions of worth, will do the same, there maybe people who have other stories to tell.

I tell what I personally witnessed , my respect for the Grand Ducal family grew tenfold after this experience.

Another thing that strikes me about Grand Duke Henri, is that though he is not yet too old, he is only 70 years old, he decided to relinquish his position and give it to his son.

On that, he said this was a ‘natural process’ and that time had come for his generation to retire.

Again, this is another rare case of a head of state who knows his capabilities and who could have clung to the throne much longer, yet he let it go. He stated that he left with great gratitude and humility to let the next generation to take over, a new generation in which he had full confidence.

Congratulations Luxembourg, my beautiful country on this wonderful and historic occasion.

The retired Bishop of Namirembe Diocese, Rt Rev Wilberforce Kityo Luwalira, has urged the government to urgently address the ongoing teachers’ strike, warning that the industrial action risks disrupting national examinations scheduled to start this month.

‘Yes, it is true that some teachers have had their issues, and I trust that they have presented them to the relevant organs to handle. My appeal is that the government, through those responsible, continues to listen to the issues raised by teachers because, as we listen, we can reach a lasting solution,’ he said on the sidelines of commissioning Elite Junior School on Saturday.

The prelate warned that failure to resolve the standoff could cause devastating consequences to the country’s education system, which is already battered.

‘We do not want this to go on and on because it is the learners who will be affected, and the entire system could fall into chaos. Our God has good plans for all learners, and He has positioned parents, teachers, directors, and government officials to look into their education affairs. Let us handle these grievances decisively and move forward in good faith for the good of our children and our country,’ he said.

The prelate’s appeal comes at a time when the fate of more than 430,000 Senior Four candidates scheduled to start the Uganda Certificate of Education (UCE) exams next week remains uncertain following the teachers’ industrial action.

Many government schools, especially in rural areas, have been unable to reopen for the third term due to the Arts and Humanities teachers’ strike over unequal pay that began on August 6.

The strike was declared by the Uganda National Teachers’ Union (UNATU) and supported by other labour unions after the government failed to implement a comprehensive salary enhancement for all teachers despite several earlier promises.

The educators argue that the selective salary increment favouring science teachers is discriminatory and undermines morale in the profession.

Despite the government issuing a seven-day ultimatum early this week demanding that all teachers return to classrooms, union leaders have remained defiant, insisting they will not resume work until the government commits to a clear and time-bound plan for pay harmonisation.

UNATU Secretary-General Filbert Baguma said Saturday that the union was ready to negotiate but not to bow to intimidation from the government.

‘We are open to dialogue, but we cannot be forced back to classrooms when our concerns remain unaddressed,’ he said.

With national exams around the corner, UCE starting on October 11, and UACE in November, the deadlock has caused growing anxiety among parents, school administrators, and learners.

Many schools have been forced to rely on volunteer teachers and retired educationists to coach candidates in the final days before examinations.

‘We have been praying for our students that the Lord gives them sound mind, good health, and calm hearts as they face their final exams. This is what they have been waiting for, so there is no need to be anxious, but rather to rejoice that the moment they have been preparing for has finally arrived,’ Bishop Luwalira said Saturday during the dedication of senior four and six candidates of Elite High School to God as they prepare for their final exams.

He expressed concern that the strike could disadvantage learners who have spent years working hard towards this crucial stage in their education.

Schools across the country have since Friday been dedicating their candidates ahead of the national examinations, with heads of institutions expressing readiness to conduct the exams.

Mr Lawrence Onyango, the head teacher of Elite High School, told this publication in an interview that his school has prepared learners beyond expectation, saying it is their time to shine.

‘Teachers and schools across the country faced several challenges previously, but these have since been resolved. Teachers are now well versed with the new curriculum, and we are hopeful that our learners will perform better in this year’s exams. As a school, we have done all our continuous assessments and submitted them to UNEB. We have also completed all the projects required under the new curriculum and done everything it takes to ensure our learners excel,’ he said.

Meanwhile, the Director of the school, Mr Drake Lubega, said they have broadened their horizons by introducing a primary and nursery section, which is expected to start next year.

‘We want to groom our children right from the grassroots and produce learners who are well grounded in science and technology,’ Mr Lubega noted.

National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, has urged the Bugiri Municipality electorate to replace the incumbent Member of Parliament, Mr Asuman Basalirwa of Justice Forum (JEEMA) with NUP’s Macelino Egesa Mangeni after the former reportedly betrayed their course.

‘Our brother, the current MP, betrayed us. We believed he would deliver services to the people, but he has failed. We no longer understand his ways. It’s time to vote him out and bring in someone who will work for the people,’ Mr Kyagulanyi said as he campaigned in Bugiri on Saturday evening.

Mr Kyagulanyi, then Kyadondo East MP, backed Mr Basalirwa in a 2018 by-election in which the latter beat four other candidates, including those sponsored by Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) and the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), to emerge the winner.

However, Mr Kyagulanyi now argues that Mr Mangeni is better placed to address the current challenges facing Bugiri municipality if he becomes its legislator.

Campaigning for Basalirwa

It is worth noting that in the 2018 Bugiri Municipality by-election, Mr Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, vigorously campaigned for Mr Basalirwa, a move that significantly contributed to his victory.

That by-election followed a contentious 2016 general election result, where Mr Basalirwa’s initial win was challenged, leading to a re-run in 2018.

The final results of the 2018 Bugiri Municipality by-election were as follows:

Mr Asuman Basalirwa (JEEMA) – 3,928 votes (48.22%), Ms Eunice Namatende (FDC) – 928 votes (11.39%).

Mr John Francis Oketcho (NRM) – 3,267 votes (40.11%),Mr Joel Wamono (Independent) – 15 votes (0.18%),Mr Siragi Samanya Lyavala (Independent) – 8 votes (0.10%)

Despite their earlier alliance, Mr Kyagulanyi has now distanced himself from Basalirwa, accusing him of underperformance and betrayal of the people’s trust.

What the Bugiri electorate wants

Several locals who spoke to this publication echoed the need for real change in leadership and emphasised that Uganda’s next president should prioritise key sectors such as health, education, and agriculture.

Mr James Mugoya, a resident of Nakavule village in Kapyanga Sub-county, stressed the importance of leaders fulfilling their campaign promises.

‘Most leaders promise a lot but deliver nothing. This has hurt development in the country. We need leaders who will implement their manifestos,’ he said.

Mr John Wetyaki, a resident of Nabukalu Town Council, decried high corruption and impunity among government officials and politicians.

‘Corruption among government officials is destroying our economy. The new president must hold corrupt officials accountable because they are misusing resources that could be used for national development,’ he said.

Last Wednesday, Dr Kizza Besigye walked into the High Court in Kampala flanked by Obeid Lutale and Capt Denis Oola, his co-accused in a treason case the State has been working on for nearly a year.

His arm shot up and frenetically flashed the V-sign as supporters with access from an upper-floor vantage point both musically and lyrically urged that the veteran politician ‘never surrender[s].’

Across four electoral cycles, from 2001 to 2016, Dr Besigye left his rivals in the National Resistance Movement (NRM) party on tenterhooks with energetic displays at rallies where the V-sign was generously flashed.

After sitting out the 2021 presidential poll, it increasingly looks like he will remain behind bars as candidates barnstorm the country before Ugandans cast their votes in January. On Wednesday, the 69-year-old took what has since been described as a defiant stand in court when he engaged Justice Emmanuel Baguma in a direct exchange.

While there is no love lost between Dr Besigye and Justice Baguma, who the former accuses of being biased, a section of leaders in the Kigezi Sub-region have warned that the continued denial of court bail and detention of the four-time presidential candidate will not be without consequences. Mr Leopold Twesigye, the leader of the Opposition at Kabale District Council, told Sunday Monitor that many people in Kigezi may opt for a protest vote against NRM candidates on account of their son of the soil being victimised.

‘Some people in the Kigezi region have a feeling that denying Dr Kizza Besigye his constitutional right to get bail is total victimisation and abuse of the rights of their son. Some people are opting for a protest vote against the NRM party flag bearers and vote for the Opposition members because they feel their son is being victimised,’ Mr Twesigye said on Thursday.

Protest vote

Statistics from the Electoral Commission (EC) show that, in the 2016 General Election, Dr Besigye polled 161,838 votes in Kigezi against Mr Museveni’s 328,678 votes. Mr Roland Mugume Kaginda, a member of Besigye’s People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) party and former lawmaker of Rukungiri Municipality, disclosed that while some people in the area are planning to boycott the 2026 General Election, others are intent on voting out NRM politicians.

‘Majority of the people in Rukungiri District have already started sidelining the NRM party flag bearers by mobilising support for all the Opposition candidates because they feel the son of the soil, Dr Besigye, is being detained illegally. Two Opposition candidates vying for the post of district councillor in Rukungiri went through unopposed because the NRM party members feared competing with them,’ Mr Mugume said.

Dr Thaddius Nicholas Kamara, the Kabale Municipality lawmaker, reiterated Mr Mugume’s claims. ‘Many people who believed in Dr Besigye’s ideology of agitating for change in government leadership through democratic means feel that his continued detention is malicious. Others believe voting for Opposition leaders in the forthcoming general election will be the only way to show their feelings about the continued detention of the son,’ Dr Kamara said. Mr Daniel Eguma, the executive director Kigezi Human Rights Foundation, says PFF party candidates in Kigezi Sub-region may earn a sympathy vote because of the continued detention of their party leader. Mr Eguma said the impact will be most felt in the urban areas where Dr Besigye is the darling of many. Less so in rural constituencies where support for the ruling NRM party remains strong. ‘It’s a stretch’ Mr Edison Turyahabwa, the publicity secretary for the NRM party in Kabale District, told Sunday Monitor that threats of a so-called protest vote and the Opposition getting a sympathy vote are empty and hollow.

‘The NRM party support in the Kigezi [Sub-]region is massive and cannot be shaken by sentiments of a few individual Opposition leaders. Many people in this [sub-]region have benefited from the NRM government poverty eradication programmes such as the Parish Development Model, Youth Livelihood Funds, Emyooga, the Uganda Women Entrepreneurship Programme, among others. I strongly disagree with those politicians claiming that NRM party flag bearers will lose in the 2026 General Election because of Dr Kizza Besigye’s detention,’ Mr Turyahabwe said. Similarly, Mr Chris Turyomurugyendo, the assistant Resident District Commissioner (RDC) for Kabale District, said the detention of Dr Besigye is not connected with the politics of Kigezi.

90 percent target

‘People from the Kigezi [Sub-]region should not be diverted by some Opposition politicians using the issue of Dr Besigye, and they should continue with their mobilisation strategies to ensure President Museveni and all the NRM party candidates win the 2026 General Election with more than 90 percent. The arrest and detention of Dr Besigye has no negative impact in the politics of Kigezi [Sub-]region because the charges he is facing did not originate from this region,’ Mr Turyomurugyendo concluded. Away from lush greenery and cultivated fields of Kigezi, and to the concrete jungle of Kampala, Dr Besigye wrote a letter to Justice Baguma on Friday.

‘Being a person accused of a serious offence, I find it strange and oppressive if I cannot raise a concern directly in open court. If each time a written submission of the concern has to be made and time fixed for your response, the case may never be concluded. Meanwhile, I remain confined in prison,’ Dr Besigye wrote.

‘Be that as it may, prior to raising my concern in writing, I request you to point me to the provisions of the law that bar an accused person from orally raising concerns in court, touching their trial during audience with the judge in the presence of their lawyers,’ he added. Court is expected to reconvene on the eve of Independence Day-on Wednesday-to consider the concerns Dr Besigye penned.

Today, Uganda joins the rest of the world in celebrating teachers. Held annually on October 5, World Teachers’ Day, according to Unesco, ‘commemorates the anniversary of the adoption of the 1966 International Labour Organisation/Unesco recommendation concerning the status of teachers, which sets benchmarks regarding the rights and responsibilities of teachers, and standards for their initial preparation and further education, recruitment, employment, and teaching and learning conditions’.

Unfortunately, the day will be marked in Uganda when teachers have withdrawn their labour over salary disparities.

Teachers, mostly in secondary schools, are in the third week of their strike, which started on September 15. In July 2022, the government implemented a substantial pay rise for science teachers, increasing salaries by up to 300 percent.

Under the adjustment, graduate science teachers’ pay rose from Shs1.1m to Shs4m, and Grade V science teachers’ pay from Shs796,000 to Shs2.5 million. Currently, a graduate arts teacher earns a gross salary of Shs1,078,162 and takes home Shs841,931, while their science counterpart earns Shs4m gross and Shs2,858,000 net.

The minister of Public Service, Mr Muruli Mukasa, this week issued a stern warning to the striking teachers, declaring the industrial action illegal and directing teachers to resume work within one week. But labour unions have joined the Uganda National Teachers’ Union (Unatu) to reject the government’s seven-day ultimatum to end their strike, insisting that teachers will not return to classrooms until their demand for salary enhancement is addressed. But as we celebrate World Teachers’ Day, let us take time and reflect on all the challenges facing our teachers beyond their salaries. For long, teachers, especially in rural areas, have complained about poor working conditions.

Many of these schools are understaffed, have limited classrooms and accommodation, as well as limited textbooks and science apparatus.

Teachers also face limited professional development opportunities. We should stop treating the training of teachers as a one-time event, but rather a continuous process that must follow them through their careers if we want to transform our education system.

All these challenges have led to the demoralisation of teachers who play a key role in driving learning and innovation in schools and societies. It is our appeal, therefore, that all stakeholders, both from the government and private sectors, come together to tackle the challenges that teachers are facing today.

It is through addressing some of these bottlenecks and coming up with new policies that we shall transform our education sector to meet the demands of the 21st Century.

Prefects, a show that screened on NTV Uganda, has been nominated for the International Emmy Awards. Starring a dominantly Kenyan and Ugandan cast, Prefects was nominated for Best Kids Live Action category in the awards that will take place in New York on November 23.

Produced by Peripheral Vision International, Prefects will face off with TV shows such as Dodger (UK), En af Drengene [One of the Boys] (Denmark), Escola De Quebrada [School of Funk] (Brazil) and Gong! My SpectRacular Life (Germany). Prefects is a youth drama series produced by Peripheral Vision International and originally broadcast on Citizen and NTV Uganda.

Set in a fictional Mvule Secondary School, the show follows a diverse group of student leaders as they grapple with the responsibilities of power, the pressures of adolescence, and the challenge of balancing authority with empathy.

With a dominantly Ugandan and Kenyan cast, the series is grounded in East African realities while drawing on universal themes of identity, friendship, and leadership that resonate with young audiences everywhere. It is a story that takes its audience on a memory lane, especially those who went to boarding schools and had to stomach the wrath of student leaders.

With a cast blending seasonal and new actors such as Kenyan actors, Melvin Alusa, from shows such as Country Girl, The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind, Subira and Mission to Rescue, Vanessa Okeyo from the Showmax hit, Second Family, content creator, Aziad Nassenya to Ugandans, Natasha Sinayobye, Tracy Kababito from films, Mukisa, Katera and I Eat What I Want, Mushema Houlsen and Rachel Nduhukire both from the TV series Sanyu.

Of course they are joined by stage and screen actor, Michael Tamale, who by the time of the production had most of his credits on stage, he has since made moves on screen as well. Prefects is a bust of Afrocentrism from production and costume design, there is no way you can mistake the identity of Mvule students. Their African roots scream on the screen yet they still manage to be Gen-Zs, cool and energetic as they want to be.

But Prefects is not the only African TV show nominated for the International Emmys, Charlotte Hope is nominated for Best Actress for her role on Catch Me a Killer, a Showmax original. School Ties, a South African documentary is also nominated in the Best Documentary category.

Other nominated shows include Cake and Playroom Live, both from South Africa. Besides Prefects, however, there is more for the local film industry to celebrate, earlier last week, Mathew Nabwiso, the president of the Producers’ Guild of Uganda became a member of the International Emmys.

Nabwiso, known for films and TV series such as Rain and Sanyu was part of the 48 members who were announced by the International Academy of Television Arts and Sciences.

Nabwiso follows in the footsteps of Leonard Amanya, who joined the International Emmys and many other academies across the globe, paving the way for many Ugandans.