Category: Daily Monitor

Thirty-two years ago last month, the Director General of the Internal Security Organisation (ISO), Brig Jim Muhwezi, dismissed reports in the international media that Uganda was one of the main suppliers of arms to the Rwanda Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A).

‘They are the usual baseless allegations,’ Brig Muhwezi told The Monitor on May 19, 1994.

At the time, a genocide had broken out in Rwanda, where the RPF, which had invaded Rwanda from Uganda on October 1, 1990, was fighting to take power.

The trigger of the genocide was the shooting down on April 6, 1994, of a jet on which President Juvénal Habyarimana and his Burundian counterpart, Cyprien Ntaryamira, were travelling. The jet was shot down over the Rwandan capital, Kigali. All occupants of the plane perished in the ensuing crash.

Hutu extremists subsequently launched a genocidal campaign that targeted the Tutsi, moderate Hutus and others who were opposed to the genocidal intentions. The RPA responded by abandoning a ceasefire and power-sharing agreement that had been signed in August 1993 by President Juvénal Habyarimana and the chairman of the RPF, Alex Kanyarengwe.

The agreement had provided for the formation of a transitional government, integration of the RPA fighters into the Rwandan military and demobilisation of some of the members of Rwanda’s army.

The RPA resumed fighting government forces and the Hutu militias, who were involved in the fighting.

Accusations

According to a copy of The Monitor newspaper’s edition of May 20, 1994, Brig Muhwezi’s comments were precipitated by allegations made by several United States (US) based human rights groups that Uganda and other countries were the main suppliers of war materials to the parties involved in the civil war that was raging in Rwanda and was at the time believed to have resulted into the death of more than 500,000 people.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) had always accused Uganda of complicity in the war. Those accusations were carried in the paper, ‘Arms Project survey: Arming Rwanda,’ which was published in January 1994.

‘The Arms Projects finds a high degree of institutional complicity between the NRA and the RPF. At the very least, Uganda and its leaders are responsible for allowing military renegades to plan and execute the invasion of a sovereign State with Ugandan weapons, launched from Uganda. The Arms Project also believes there is credible evidence that the Ugandan government allowed the RPF to move arms, logistical supplies and troops across Ugandan soil, and provided direct military support to the RPF in the form of arms, ammunition, and military equipment,’ the paper stated.

Now, following the outbreak of the genocide, HRW’s representative in Uganda alleged at a press conference in Kampala that Uganda, Egypt, France and South Africa had been the main suppliers of weapons that had entered Rwanda.

Denial

However, Brig Muhwezi dismissed the claims, saying it seemed some people had embarked on what he described as a wild search for the sources of the arms that were in the possession of the RPF/A.

‘The Uganda government is not involved in any way in supplying the RPF,’ Brig Muhwezi said.

Brig Muhwezi left ISO in 1996 and after joined elective politics and was elected a Member of Parliament for Bujumbura County in Rukungiri District. He was appointed the first State minister for Primary Education following the introduction of the Universal Primary Education (UPE). He retired from the army at the rank of Major General. He is currently the Minister in Charge of Security.

Mbabazi letter

By the time Brig Muhwezi dismissed the allegations by HRW, then State minister for Defence, Mr John Patrick Amama Mbabazi, had also dismissed similar allegations that had been made in the international media.

On May 6, 1994, the Daily Monitor published a letter in which Mr Mbabazi stated that the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) was not involved in any acts aimed at destabilising any of the neighbouring countries. He said the NRM government was instead trying to mediate conflicts.

Mr Mbabazi’s letter was in response to the contents of the paper, ‘Arms Project survey: Arming Rwanda’.

The document claimed that HRW had established that the Ugandan government was purchasing weapons from South Africa through the former South African homeland of Bophuthatswana and other sources on behalf of RPF/A.

‘… when, through our survey, we learnt that Uganda and France in particular were competing in arming the warring sides in the Rwandan conflict, we did warn the world of a catastrophe that awaited Rwanda…,’ the document further stated.

The watchdog claimed that while Uganda was purchasing arms on behalf of the RPF, South Africa was clandestinely selling huge quantities of arms to the Rwanda government in violation of an international sanction of 1977 of the UN Security Council, which prohibited it from buying or selling arms anywhere in the world.

HRW said while the quantities of arms Uganda purchased for RPF were unknown, the Rwandan government reportedly bought 13,000 South African-made R4 automatic assault rifles, 10,000 hand grenades, 10,000 rocket launcher grenades and more than a million rounds of ammunition at $6 million.

The money Kigali used to purchase the weapons was allegedly directly provided by France.

The watchdog also claimed France’s role in arming Rwanda’s armed forces and militias extended beyond providing funds for Kigali to purchase weapons. It said after Belgium, Rwanda’s former colonial power, ended its support in 1990, France stepped in, deploying military advisers to Rwanda and, by 1994, became the Rwandan government’s principal military backer.

According to the newspaper, Brig Muhwezi said it was nonsensical for anyone to suggest that Uganda was competing with other countries to arm parties involved in the Rwanda conflict.

‘France and the other countries mentioned are arms manufacturers; Uganda is not. How can we compete with them?’ Brig Muhwezi asked.

In a related report, The Independent newspaper of London also reported at the time that the RPF had been ‘equipped by a cross-border operation from Uganda to which the Kampala government and the UN turn a blind eye.’

‘The RPF may be getting their arms through Uganda, but certainly without our knowledge,’ said Brig Muhwezi when asked to comment about the Independent newspaper’s claims.

He argued that surveillance of arms movements is very difficult.

‘The Kony rebels (the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), who were fighting the government forces in northern Uganda) bring in arms, and we have not been able to stop them. Can anyone then surely say the government is helping to arm Kony?’ he wondered.

Brig Muhwezi was quick to point out that even the West’s arch-enemy, Saddam Hussein of Iraq, had moved a lot of big and sophisticated equipment from Europe, but he was not caught except once.

‘These countries have very sophisticated surveillance systems, but they did not catch Saddam, so it is not surprising if we have not detected RPF movement of arms through here.’

He acknowledged that because many of the first batch of RPF/A combatants defected from the National Resistance Army (NRA), many people still viewed the rebels as having links with the Ugandan government.

In a brief interview, the Chief Executive Officer of the Arms Corporation of South Africa (ARMSCOR), Andre Buys, told The Monitor that even if Uganda had been one of the countries that secretly bought weapons from ARMSCOR, it would not be known at that point in time as the dealings at that time were not on a State to State basis, but individuals acting clandestinely on behalf of governments and other clients.

On June 2, the Constitutional Court of Uganda unanimously declared Section 11(2)(a), (b) and (c) of the Human Rights (Enforcement) Act Cap. 12 unconstitutional. The five-judge bench of Oscar Kihika, Margaret Tibulya, Moses Kazibwe Kawumi, Asa Mugenyi and Musa Ssekaana JCC did so in Faruku Muhamed and others versus Attorney General. I doubt that this case is about acquittals; it is about the constitutional meaning of non-derogable rights and how far a constitutional democracy may tolerate institutional misconduct in pursuit of criminal convictions.

The Constitutional Court told the Uganda Police Force, UPDF [Uganda People’s Defence Forces], SFC [Special Forces Command], Uganda Prisons [Service] and other security services that it can be business as usual when they torture Ugandans. A case can basically continue. The confession is excluded, but everything else stands. You face a civil claim, and the State will pay the victim while you keep your job, and you do it (torture) again and again-as it has been anyway, now it has been legalised.

Before, Section 11(2) imposed a mandatory duty on any presiding judicial officer, especially whenever it appeared to the court, was brought to its attention, or the court made a finding, that an accused person’s non-derogable rights had been infringed, the officer was required to declare the trial a nullity and acquit the accused, and the language admitted no discretion. The court noted in paragraph 89 that an ordinary dismissal leaves open the possibility of re-charging. Section 11(2) went further, that nullification and acquittal in the same moment, with no alternative available.

Three advocates brought the petition, arguing that mandatory acquittal denied victims and society a fair hearing under Articles 28 and 44(c) of the Constitution. The Attorney General conceded unconstitutionality, while the intervenors admitted because the Attorney General refused to defend the Act, argued the opposite. My mentor, the indefatigable Prof Christopher Mbazira, participated as amicus curiae.

The court’s central holding appears in paragraphs 128 and 129. Section 11(2) was unduly narrow because it focused on State accountability toward accused persons and ignored what the court called the reciprocal constitutional obligation of accused persons to answer to the law. Accountability is not unidirectional. In paragraphs 99 and 113, the court held that Article 28(1) guarantees a fair hearing to a person, not merely to an accused.

Victims hold compensation rights under Article 126(2)(c) of the Constitution, Section 125(1) of the Trial on Indictments Act and Section 267(4) of the Penal Code, and may bring private prosecutions under Section 42 of the Magistrates Courts Act. The combined effect of Articles 28 and 44, the court stated in Paragraph 114, is a right to fair hearing that is inclusive in scope and absolute in protection.

Anti-torture provisions

The court’s accountability framework is internally coherent. The difficulty is what it does not engage with. The judgment declares in Paragraph 92 that Article 44(c) is a cornerstone of the rule of law and affirms in Paragraph 26 that constitutional history is a relevant guide to interpretation. It then fails to apply that guide to the provision most in need of it. Article 44 did not appear in a vacuum.

The Commission of Inquiry into Violations of Human Rights, whose findings were delivered in October 1994, and the Uganda Constitutional Commission, chaired by Justice Benjamin Odoki, which reported in 1992, documented systematic patterns of torture, arbitrary detention and Executive abuse that directly shaped the 1995 Constitution’s anti-torture provisions.

The amicus raised the aforesaid in Paragraph 57. The court set his brief aside in Paragraph 72, criticising him for lack of neutrality rather than engaging with the substance. This is a serious analytical failure. The court’s own interpretation principles, drawn from David Tusingwire Vs Attorney General [2017] UGCC 11 and from John Livingstone Okello and six others Vs the Attorney General, require examination of a provision’s history and purpose. The court applied that standard to Article 28(1) in favour of victims’ rights, but it did not apply it to Article 44.

International law and comparative jurisprudence speak with one voice on this question, ie, Article 15 of the Convention Against Torture, to which Uganda is a party, requires states to ensure any statement established to have been made as a result of torture shall not be invoked as evidence in any proceedings, whether criminal, civil or administrative.

This is not a procedural technicality. It is a foundational obligation grounded in the principle of judicial integrity: a court that benefits from torture becomes part of the abuse it is meant to condemn. The UN Committee Against Torture has confirmed in General Comment No. 2 that the absolute prohibition on torture is a matter of customary international law, binding on all states regardless of treaty ratification.

No automatic acquittal

Three courts have applied this principle with utmost precision, i.e. in A and others versus Secretary of State for the Home Department [2005] UKHL 71, the UK House of Lords held unanimously in Paragraph 51 that evidence obtained by torture is inadmissible before any English court or tribunal, and that the common law had set its face against such evidence from its earliest days. In Mthembu versus the State [2008] ZASCA 51, the South Africa Supreme Court of Appeal held in Paragraph 31 that admitting torture-induced evidence is tantamount to involving the judicial process in ‘moral defilement,’ that it ‘would compromise the integrity of the judicial process and dishonour the administration of justice,’ and that public interest demands exclusion irrespective of whether the evidence affects the fairness of the trial.

The Mthembu Court explicitly applied CAT Article 15 as operative law. In Gäfgen versus Germany, (paras 166 and 178), the European Court of Human Rights Grand Chamber held on June 1, 2010 that effective protection of individuals from investigation methods that breach the prohibition on torture may require, as a rule, exclusion of all evidence obtained through such a breach, and that modest punishment of offending officers does not function as a sufficient deterrent for future violations.

None of these courts ordered automatic acquittal, all of them treated torture as categorically different from an ordinary procedural defect. The Faruku judgment cites the ICCPR in Paragraph 84 for the equality principle but fails to engage with CAT Article 15, with the Grand Chamber’s deterrence analysis, or with the institutional integrity reasoning in Mthembu, which the Attorney General himself placed before the court in Paragraph 44. That silence is not accidental, it is the judgment’s central weakness.

In Paragraph 134, the court cited Section 41 of the Prevention and Prohibition of Torture Act, which bars evidence obtained through torture. In Paragraph 135, it held that where remaining evidence is insufficient, acquittal follows, but the exclusionary rule does not extinguish accountability where admissible evidence establishes guilt.

The exclusionary rule is a serious remedy. It is not a complete answer to what Article 44 requires. It handles specific items of evidence, but it does not address proceedings where the entire investigation was built on coercion and the torture was systematic rather than incidental.

Diminished legitimacy

When the State uses torture to build a prosecution, the legitimacy of that prosecution is not merely diminished–it is structurally compromised. The court, in Paragraph 149, held that habeas corpus, judicial review and constitutional petitions provide sufficient redress. The consequences extend far beyond the petitioners before the court. For political detainees, the judgment removes one of the few remedies capable of deterring torture by security agencies that routinely view compensation awards as a manageable cost of repression.

For military and security-linked prosecutions, it signals that even where torture is established, the prosecution may survive if alternative evidence can be assembled. For future torture cases, the incentive structure shifts dangerously. Lazy prosecutors who once risked losing an entire case through misconduct now risk only the exclusion of particular evidence, creating a legal environment in which the constitutional prohibition of torture remains absolute in principle but becomes increasingly negotiable in practice.

The court also acknowledged in Paragraph 147 that the abduction of Paul Akamba from court premises on June 14, 2024, his seven-day detention in an ungazetted facility and the coercion applied to him appeared to be a ‘somewhat common occurrence.’ The court looked at a documented pattern of State torture, acknowledged it was common, and then removed the one legal mechanism that was forcing it to stop.

The declaration is precise: Section 11(2) is unconstitutional to the extent that it acquits without a fair hearing on the initial charges. That leaves the operational question open, which the Supreme Court must answer.

The answer requires engagement with Article 44’s constitutional history, with CAT Article 15 and the international law of judicial integrity, with the deterrence function of remedies for torture, and with what remedy makes the prohibition practically effective rather than formally declared. The Constitutional Court affirmed that Article 44(c) is absolute. The Supreme Court must now say what that absoluteness requires in practice, because how can a constitutional court protect torture while condemning it?

The writer is a novelist, playwright and lawyer.

Police in Kole District are investigating the killing of a 50-year-old traditional healer who was allegedly beaten to death in a suspected revenge attack after a 22-year-old man died from consuming herbal concoction she had prepared in a cattle theft case.

The deceased, identified as Mary Oming, a resident of Dibadi Cell in Western Ward A, Akalo Town Council, was attacked on Saturday, June 13, 2026, at around 5pm by relatives of the late Ivan Ecom, 22.

According to residents, the confrontation stems from an incident two weeks earlier in which Oming was hired by a woman identified as Mary Ayo to help identify suspects who had allegedly stolen two cows.

It is alleged that Oming prepared a herbal mixture which was administered to two suspects, including Ecom and another man identified as Selestino Ogoro. Ecom reportedly died after consuming the substance, while Ogoro survived.

Moses Odyek, a resident of Akalo Town Council, told Monitor that the incident triggered anger among Ecom’s relatives, who later mobilised and attacked the herbalist.

‘The two cows were stolen from her home, then she hired this native doctor who made the suspects drink the herbal concoction. Ecom died and Ogoro survived,’ he said.

Police said the attackers also set ablaze two grass-thatched houses and damaged a motorcycle, registration number UFH 274E, during the violence. The suspects remain at large.

North Kyoga Region Police spokesperson Patrick Jimmy Okema confirmed the incident, saying investigations have commenced and a manhunt is ongoing.

‘The hunt for the suspects is underway,’ he said, adding that more details would be provided in a scheduled briefing.

The body of the deceased was taken to Lira Regional Referral Hospital mortuary for post-mortem examination, alongside that of the deceased youth.

The incident comes amid rising concerns over mob action and revenge attacks in parts of northern Uganda. Authorities have in recent weeks stepped up public awareness campaigns against mob action following the lynching of national rugby player Sydney Gongodyo in Kampala.

Barely a week after laying former teammate Sydney Gongodyo to rest, Stanbic Black Pirates put in a shift full of heart and purpose as they edged Heathens 15-3 in the first leg of their 2026 Uganda Rugby Premiership semifinal at Kyadondo on Saturday.

This was their first outing since the tragic death of the Rugby Cranes star, whose absence was deeply felt at Kyadondo throughout the afternoon. Humphrey Tashobya stepped into the back-row role wearing No. 25 after Gongodyo’s No. 7 shirt was retired permanently.

Pirates channelled their grief into a disciplined display that now leaves them firmly in control heading into next weekend’s decisive second leg.

‘We wanted to honour our fallen friend and we did just that and will continue to do it until the season ends,’ Pirates vice-captain Frank Kidega said.

Quick action

Pirates settled quickly, taking the lead through William Nkore’s early penalty before Alex Aturinda broke from the base of a scrum and created space for Erix Mulamula to cross over before halftime. The conversion missed but Pirates carried an 8-0 lead into the break.

Heathens reduced the deficit when Mathew Musasizi kicked a penalty after the restart but Pirates maintained their composure.

Aturinda then reacted sharply to a quickly taken penalty, catching the defence off guard before diving over for the second try, before Nkore converted to stretch the lead to 15-3.

‘We wanted to dominate the forwards but were not so efficient. We expect Heathens to come with fire but we’ll match them and hopefully win it,’ Kidega added. Heathens insist the semifinal remains alive.

‘Both teams were emotional but we congratulate them for the good game but I can assure you we’ll go all out next weekend.’ Heathens’ eighth man David Waako said.

In the other pairing, Buffaloes roared into their first Premiership final after defeating Impis 48-23 over two legs. Having carried a 20-11 advantage into the return fixture, Buffaloes wasted little time asserting themselves as they sealed a 28-12 victory powered by Fatmon Moses.

Yassin Waswa opened the scoring and added the conversion before Impis responded through scrum-half Robert Ssentongo.

Buffaloes regained control through tries from Hector Twinomugisha, Meddie Abdullah and Daniel Otim, with Waswa reliable from the tee throughout, sealing a convincing win and a place in their first-ever Premiership final under the current playoff format.

Attention now turns to next weekend, when Pirates seek to finish the job against Heathens and set up a championship showdown with Buffaloes.

UGANDA RUGBY PREMIERSHIP

Semifinal results

Heathens 3-15 Pirates

Toyota Buffaloes 28-12 Impis

Government says 95 percent of the 2026/27 budget will go to agro-industrialisation, tourism development, mineral-based industrialisation, science, technology, and innovation (ATMS) to achieve the $500b economy by 2040.

The commitment was highlighted during the 5th NTV-Absa Post-Budget Dialogue, where government officials, private-sector leaders, and development experts discussed the implementation of the 2026/27 budget and Uganda’s long-term growth agenda.

Speaking at the event, Permanent Secretary and Secretary to the Treasury Ramathan Ggoobi, said the ATMS framework is designed to double Uganda’s Gross Domestic Product every five years and increase per capita income from $1,146 to $7,000 by 2040.

‘We are shifting from exporting raw materials to higher-value goods,’ Ggoobi said, noting that agro-industrialisation has a value-addition potential of $20b, while tourism is expected to generate up to $50b annually.

Under the strategy, government plans to transform subsistence agriculture into a commercial enterprise through agro-processing and value addition, enabling farmers to participate more actively in local and international markets.

Under the plan, government expects tourism to become one of the leading foreign exchange earners through increased visitor arrivals, investment in infrastructure and stronger promotion.

Another major target is increasing annual foreign direct investment inflows from $2.9b to $50b by 2040, as well as raising the share of exports on GDP from 12 percent to 50 percent.

To support long-term growth, government plans to increase national savings from 20 percent to 40 percent of GDP, arguing that higher domestic savings will provide more capital for investment and reduce dependence on borrowing to finance development priorities.

Ggoobi stressed that achieving the ambitious growth targets will require more than investment, such as curbing wastage and misuse of public resources by enforcing stricter budget discipline and accountability across public institutions.

‘We are committed to implementing painful things like enforcing budget discipline and accountability to ensure that money is not being used for buying things that do not add value to the economy,’ he said.

The reforms include performance contracts for accounting officers, tighter expenditure controls, procurement reforms, digitisation of government processes, and stronger audit mechanisms.

Private sector leaders welcomed the direction of the budget but cautioned that implementation would determine whether the ambitious targets are achieved.

Absa executive director and chief finance officer Michael Segwaya said the country is entering a period of renewed optimism driven by anticipated oil production, continued infrastructure investment, and industrialisation efforts.

‘The emphasis on productive sectors such as agro-industrialisation, mineral-based industrial development, science, technology, and innovation aligns well with Uganda’s aspiration to expand economic opportunities, create jobs, and deepen value addition,’ he said, welcoming government’s plan to reduce domestic borrowing from about Shs11.4 trillion to Shs9 trillion, saying this could ease pressure on domestic credit markets.

Segwaya further praised the increase in funding for clearing domestic arrears from Shs200b to Shs1.4 trillion, arguing that the move would improve liquidity for businesses, especially SMEs and contractors.

‘The success of the Budget will not only be measured by the resources allocated, but by how effectively those resources are translated into improved infrastructure,’ he said.

Nation Media Group managing director Suzan Nsibirwa urged government to create a more supportive environment for small and medium enterprises, many of which continue to face difficult operating conditions.

‘They are suffering because of geopolitical occurrences the world is facing, so government should design proper measures that can make them reap from the upcoming Afcon and oil,’ she said.

Farmers in Mpigi District have raised concern over a destructive pest outbreak that is damaging maize crops and threatening the livelihoods of households that depend on agriculture.

The farmers say the pest, which attacks young maize plants, destroys leaves and cobs, resulting in poor crop growth and reduced yields.

Despite using various pesticides, many growers report that the infestation persists, raising fears of significant losses during the current growing season.

The concerns were raised during a Farmers Field School event held at Bulerejje Agribusiness Cooperative Society in Muduuma Sub-county on Saturday. The event brought together farmers, agricultural officials, extension workers and development partners under the Joint Energy and Environment Projects (JEEP) programme.

“We have used different chemicals, but the pest remains resistant. We are now running out of options,” said farmer Stella Nabaloga.

She said many farmers had invested heavily in maize production but were watching their crops deteriorate because of the continued attacks.

Farmers said the infestation has affected gardens across several villages in Muduuma Sub-county and neighbouring areas, with some expecting substantial reductions in harvests unless urgent interventions are undertaken.

Agricultural experts urged farmers to adopt integrated pest management practices, including regular field monitoring, timely planting, use of recommended farm inputs and consultation with extension workers when outbreaks occur.

Mpigi District Agriculture Officer Emmanuel Mutebi Jjuuko said farmers should work closely with technical officers to identify sustainable solutions.

“Climate change and changing farming conditions have contributed to the increasing prevalence of pests and diseases. Farmers need to remain vigilant and embrace modern agricultural practices that improve resilience and productivity,” Mr Jjuuko said.

He said the district agricultural department would continue sensitising farmers on pest control measures and the safe use of pesticides.

Two remarkable comeback lit up the woodball national qualifiers as Uganda Prisons warder Isaac Nabugere and KIU’s Bridge Byamukama powered their way into the 8-man World Cup training squad after a tense final round at Uganda Prisons grounds on Labour Day.

The duo, both outside the qualification bracket with one leg to go, produced late surges that confirmed their places for the residential camp ahead of the 10th Woodball World Cup in Malaysia.

The 10th Woodball World Cup Championship and the 26th Malaysia Open International Woodball Championship will be held in Perlis, Malaysia from 24th to 30th July 2026.

The global showpiece will attract a strong field featuring Thailand, China, Korea, Japan, Singapore, India, Kenya, Indonesia, Hong Kong and Taiwan among others.

Byamukama, who balances competitition with work at Tomosi’s Farm in Bwesharire, Rushere, was the standout performer of the day. Opening with 53 strokes, he maintained consistency across four rounds to finish on 472 strokes overall, climbing to fourth place in the rankings.

He had begun the final day trailing by nine strokes off the cut off but surged back with composure, eventually finishing just behind leader Brian Gwaaka, Prisons’ Daniel Apita, and Ndejje’s Thomas Kedi.

‘I knew I had to stay patient. Working in Rushere and travelling for training is not easy, but I never allowed circumstances to define my performance,’ Byamukama said.

Nabugere’s resurgence

If Byamukama’s rise was measured, Nabugere’s was emphatic. The Uganda Prisons ‘silent assassin’ began the final day tenth, but roared back with a decisive 216 strokes overall, including a final-round 49 that sealed his leap into sixth place.

At one point in the competition, he was 10 strokes off the qualification mark. His late charge reinforced Prisons’ influence in the national team.

‘Prisons is a place of discipline, and I carried that same discipline onto the course. I reminded myself that every stroke matters. I refused to give up,’ he said.

Uganda Prisons emerged as the biggest winners with four players making the final squad. Alongside Apita, Nabugere and Samson Rugongeza, Isaac Ariho sealed the final qualifying spot.

Ariho praised the team’s commitment.

‘Having four players on the final team shows the level of work we have put in. We are proud of this achievement and ready for the next challenge,’ he said.

No surprises for women

In the women’s category, consistency prevailed as Denise Nanjeru topped the standings to lead a predictable final squad selection.

She will be joined by Noeline Babirye, Christine Birungi, experienced campaigners Joan Mukoova and Joyce Nalubega, as well as Mirembe Sanyu and Florence Mukoya from Kampala University. KIU’s Shakirah Nagudi completes the lineup.

Birungi’s return to top-tier selection after missing out in 2024 due to maternity-related setbacks was one of the emotional highlights of the women’s competition.

FINAL TOP 8 FINISHERS

Men

1. Brian Gwaaka (KIU) – 408

2. Daniel Apita (Prisons) – 428

3. Thomas Kedi (NCWC) – 453

4. Bridge Byamukama (KIU) – 472

5. Samson Rugongeza (Prisons) -472

6. Isaac Nabugere (Prisons) -477

7. David Kabugo (KU) – 480

8. Isaac Ariho (Prisons) – 483

Women

1. Denise Nanjeru (KYU) – 461

2. Christine Birungi (MOPS) – 491

3. Noeline Babirye (UNIK) – 491

4. Joan Mukoova (MOPS) – 492

5. Joyce Nalubega (MOPS) – 494

6. Mirembe Sanyu (KIU) – 496

7. Florence Mukoya (KU) – 504

8. Shakirah Nagudi (KIU) – 509

Jason Kato Geria’s international career has been very much a slow burn. When he came on in the 73rd minute of Australia’s 2-0 group D victory over Turkey, Geria completed a huge part of his life cycle.

The 33-year-old right back, who qualified to play for Uganda through his parents, was first capped by then Australia coach Ange Postecoglou in 2016.

Geria was eligible to represent Uganda (as both of his parents had Ugandan nationality). Prior to October 2024, he had only represented Australia in friendlies, so was still eligible to represent Uganda.

‘Geria is from Maracha district. The grandfather is still alive (and) currently resides in Mvara, Arua City.’ Weekend Monitor columnist Godfrey Drabe wrote. ‘He occasionally comes to Uganda during the December holiday festivities.’

Geria played for Australia numerous times at youth level, including participating in the 2013 Fifa U-20 World Cup, and the 2016 AFC U-23 Championship.

He missed out on the 2018 and 2022 World Cup squads but got the call from Tony Popovic after his former coach at Melbourne Victory took over the Socceroos in late 2024.

Geria won his second cap eight years after his first and has since become a regular in coach Tony Popovic’s squads.

“I’m just very grateful that this opportunity has come and that I persisted in working as hard as I did for as long as I did, and believing that one day something like this could happen for myself,” he said.

“I’m still pinching myself, honestly, that I’m part of the final 26 in here in base camp and in preparing for a World Cup.”

His father Moses Geria originally shifted from Arua to Australia in the early 80s on a university exchange program. He was granted asylum during the civil war and started a family there.

Australia are benefiting from the warm embrace of immigrants. Their first goal on Sunday morning came from Nestory Irankunda.

The 20-year-old Watford forward became the youngest scorer in the World Cup for the Socceroos when he netted their opener in Vancouver.

Irankunda was born in a Tanzanian refugee camp in 2006 to Burundian parents, who had fled their homeland because of a civil war.

He was still a young child when they moved to the country he now represents on the biggest stage of world football.

Irankunda found football in Australia and came through the ranks at Adelaide United in the A-League.

After 16 goals and eight assists for the senior side, an eye-catching move to Bayern followed in 2024.

The Inspectorate of Government (IGG) has called for the adoption of Kiswahili in public institutions as part of efforts to strengthen ethical leadership and curb corruption in Uganda.

The IGG says the widely spoken East African language can help promote shared values of integrity, accountability and unity in public service.

Speaking at the unveiling of the 3rd edition of the Twende Zetu Butiama Pilgrimage Safari, Deputy Inspector General of Government Dr Patricia Achan Okiria said Uganda’s corruption problem is partly rooted in the erosion of moral and ethical values.

She said restoring integrity in governance requires both institutional reform and a cultural shift anchored in public ethics.

‘To achieve meaningful development, we must be decisively able to confront corruption. In Uganda, corruption is happening because of the degeneration of values of integrity and accountability,’ she said.

Dr Okiria also urged leaders to embrace governance principles associated with Tanzania’s founding president Julius Nyerere, including honesty, humility and servant leadership.

Corruption remains one of Uganda’s most persistent governance challenges, with the IGG estimating that the country loses about Shs10 trillion annually through bribery, embezzlement, procurement fraud and abuse of office.

Dr Ronex Kisembo Tendo, secretary general of the African Academy of Languages Kiswahili Commission, also backed regional integration, saying Uganda’s economy depends heavily on trade with Kenya and Tanzania.

He questioned Uganda’s continued reliance on English despite Kiswahili being widely used across East Africa.

Mr Kisembo said Uganda has been selected to host the headquarters of the African Union Kiswahili Commission, describing it as a continental initiative aimed at promoting linguistic unity.

On June 9, he said preparations are ongoing with government agencies to secure office space for the institution.

Efforts to establish Kiswahili as one of Uganda’s national languages have in the past faced delays despite repeated policy discussions.

Pilgrimage itinerary

The Twende Zetu Butiama Pilgrimage in October will include visits to key historical and political sites across Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania.

The programme includes stops at Dr Apollo Milton Obote’s home in Akokoro, Uganda’s Parliament, and Namugongo Martyrs Shrine, before proceeding to Kenya and Tanzania.

Pilgrims will visit Butiama, the ancestral home of Tanzania’s founding president Julius Nyerere, and Jomo Kenyatta’s gravesite in Nairobi.

The cross-border tour will feature commemorative activities and cultural visits linked to East Africa’s independence history.

Lawyers under the umbrella of the Uganda Law Society (ULS) have urged government agencies responsible for environmental protection to clearly demarcate wetlands across the country, arguing that the absence of visible boundaries is fuelling disputes and controversial evictions.

Mr Arthur Isiko, the ULS treasurer, said the National Environment Management Authority (NEMA) and the Ministry of Water and Environment should install permanent boundary markers in protected wetlands to help residents identify restricted areas.

“The government should come out and clearly mark where the wetlands fall. Just as roads have markstones showing where road reserves begin and end, wetlands should also be clearly demarcated,” Mr Isiko said on Saturday.

His remarks followed a visit to residents displaced by recent demolitions in Buggu Village, Busabala, in Wakiso District, where houses were destroyed during a wetland restoration exercise.

Mr Isiko argued that simply marking structures for demolition was insufficient and that authorities should provide clear guidance to communities, including owners of undeveloped plots within protected wetlands.

He also questioned why authorities had allowed settlements to grow in some wetlands before launching enforcement operations.

“The 1995 National Environment Act found some of these people already settled in these areas. If they are to vacate, compensation has to be considered,” he said.

NEMA says more than 100 homes occupying about 10.3 hectares of the protected Kaliddubi Wetland were removed during a restoration exercise conducted between June 2 and June 4.

A separate operation in Kawaala II Zone in Kampala’s Rubaga Division led to the removal of 58 illegal structures and the restoration of 25 acres of degraded wetland, according to the agency.

Some affected residents have questioned the criteria used during the demolitions.

Mr Polycarp Ssekweyama, a resident of Buggu Village, said NEMA officials had previously assessed the area and displayed names of people earmarked for eviction, but his name was not among them.

“To my surprise, my house was demolished. We are no longer crying over the houses that were destroyed. What we need is an explanation,” he said.

On June 11, officials from Wakiso District and NEMA destroyed crops on more than 20 acres in Gobero along the Kampala-Hoima Road, citing encroachment on the River Mayanja wetland. Residents said they were not given prior notice to harvest their crops.

NEMA recently announced a temporary suspension of enforcement operations in Kampala to allow voluntary vacation of wetlands but warned that restoration exercises would continue in other parts of the country until all encroachers are removed.