Category: Daily Monitor

A new mini-survey conducted at Makerere University has exposed a glaring gender disparity in career progression, revealing that the number of women climbing both academic and administrative ladders is continuously diminishing compared to their male counterparts.

The one-month survey was conducted by university researchers under the Mainstreaming Gender in Higher Education Institutions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Magnetise) project-a broader three-year initiative.

The preliminary findings indicate that while Makerere University successfully recruits men and women in nearly equal numbers at entry and junior levels, male employees rise through the ranks at a much faster pace, leaving women stagnating at the bottom.

The study, which tracked staff and student progression across all colleges, highlighted a worrying trend, particularly in science-based disciplines. While the number of women in senior positions within the humanities shows some growth-though still falling short of parity with men-the sciences remain heavily male-dominated.

According to the data, women are overwhelmingly concentrated in junior academic roles, such as lecturers and assistant lecturers. Conversely, their male colleagues firmly dominate top-tier positions, including senior lecturers, associate professors, and full professors, alongside key administrative roles.

Speaking at the official launch of the Magnetise project at the university on June 11, Prof James Akwee Acai, the Deputy Principal of the College of Veterinary Medicine and the project’s Principal Investigator, called for an urgent probe into the trend.

“Our preliminary results show that men seem to grow faster in their careers, whether administrative or academic,” Prof. Acai explained.

“Representation at the entry level is almost equal, but as you climb the ladder, the number of men goes up until the top, where you find over 70 percent of positions are dominated by men.”

Prof. Acai questioned whether the blockage is rooted in institutional structures or external social factors.

“The question that is still on the floor is: Is it structural, or are there other factors causing ladies to enter but stagnate at the base and fail to climb the career ladder?”

University officials and gender rights advocates have reacted to the findings, stating that gender inequality must now be treated as a matter of national urgency requiring immediate intervention.

Prof Ruth Nsibirano, the Director of the Makerere University Institute of Gender and Development Studies, stressed that the institution can no longer afford to be complacent.

“Why should we be comfortable when we don’t have women in university leadership, or when we see no female students in certain classes? Let’s come together with different voices, skills, and best practices to move forward in promoting gender equality,” Prof Nsibirano urged.

She noted that the hesitation to place women in top university positions often originates within communities where men resist female leadership. To combat this, she called for concerted external efforts to champion gender equality starting from the school level.

Makerere University is not short of regulatory frameworks. Dr Florence Ebila, from the Department of Women and Gender Studies, noted that the university has instituted several progressive policies over the years. These include: The Gender Equality Policy (2007); The Policy and Regulations Against Sexual Harassment (2017) and The Safeguarding Policy (2025).

However, Prof. Acai argued that having policies on paper is no longer enough.

“We have had policies since the early 2000s, but the real question is: Where is the implementation plan, and how do we track progress? If a policy mandates 40 percent representation for women in leadership, we must be able to measure whether that is being achieved,” he said. He added that the Magnetise project will actively support capacity building and promote exchange programs with European institutions to bridge these gaps.

In a speech delivered on her behalf by Dr. Suzan Mbabazi, the Deputy Vice-Chancellor in charge of Academic Affairs, Dr Sarah Ssali, reaffirmed Makerere’s commitment to gender equality as a core part of its academic, research, and community mandate.

Dr. Ssali highlighted that the university has made “significant strides” by institutionalizing gender equality through specialized bodies like the Institute of Gender and Development Studies and the Gender Mainstreaming Directorate.

“Despite progress globally and locally, we must acknowledge persistent gaps, biases, and inequalities within higher education institutions,” Dr. Ssali concluded, signaling the university’s readiness to confront the issue.

The race to replace the late Hellen Nakimuli has officially taken shape after the Electoral Commission (EC) successfully cleared five candidates to contest in the upcoming Kalangala District Woman Member of Parliament by-election.

The two-day nomination exercise concluded on Thursday at the district headquarters, setting the stage for what political analysts predict will be a fierce battle between the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), the National Unity Platform (NUP), and strategic independent candidates.

According to Ms. Harriet Kashagire, the Electoral Commission Returning Officer for Central South, six aspirants originally picked nomination forms, but only five successfully returned them to fulfill the requirements.

The final day of nominations saw Independent candidate Ms. Babirye Sharifa Kaala and Ms. Agnes Nasuuna getting cleared by the electoral body. They joined three other contenders who were nominated on Wednesday: Ms. Aidah Nabayiga (NRM), Ms. Irene Nampala (NUP), and another independent, Ms. Helen Flavia Nagawa.

The race features complex internal party dynamics. Ms. Kaala is known to be NUP-leaning but chose to run on an independent ticket after the party card went to Nampala. Similarly, Ms. Nagawa is an NRM-leaning independent who chose to stand after losing to Nabayiga in the party’s primary elections.

Ms Kaala’s decision to run as an independent could trigger internal disciplinary action from her parent party. Article 5, Section 5(c) of the NUP constitution explicitly provides for the automatic expulsion of members who contest against officially endorsed party candidates.

However, speaking shortly after her nomination on Thursday, Ms. Kaala remained defiant, noting that consultations with residents convinced her to stay in the race.

“I realized I am the suitable candidate to represent the people of Kalangala. Added to the consultations I made, I decided to stand as an independent candidate,” Ms. Kaala said. She pledged to focus on revitalizing the district’s tourism and fishing sectors. “Kalangala District is one of the top tourism destinations in Uganda. However, we need to uplift our image, especially in Kalangala Town Council, to attract more visitors.”

The candidates have drawn distinct battle lines, focusing on health, infrastructure, and the island’s delicate fishing economy.

Ms Aidah Nabayiga (NRM): Pledged to lobby the central government to elevate Kalangala Health Centre IV to a fully-fledged general hospital. “Kalangala needs a district hospital so that our people do not continue spending a lot of money seeking treatment on the mainland,” she noted.

Ms Irene Nampala (NUP): The sister of the deceased MP, Nampala promised to carry forward the torch of her late sibling. She emphasized operationalizing new fisheries regulations, ensuring a consistent supply of medicines in health facilities, and empowering women through organized economic groups.

Ms Helen Flavia Nagawa (Independent): Focused her platform on improving the island’s road network and advocating for marginalized groups.

“I will fight for the boy child who has been left behind as girls continue to receive empowerment opportunities,” Nagawa said, while also promising to advocate for silverfish (mukene) fishermen who face stringent regulatory bans.

As the official campaign window opens from June 12 to June 22, top party mobilizers have descended upon the islands to pitch camp, each projecting ultimate victory for the polling day slated for June 24.

The NRM National Mobiliser, Ms Rose Mary Sseninde, stated that the ruling party’s existing dominance in Kalangala’s local leadership structures gives them an undeniable mathematical advantage.

“The President is from NRM, Kalangala has two MPs from NRM, and the district chairperson is also from NRM. We remain with just the Woman MP seat to make it 100 percent NRM leadership. The NRM government works for the people of Kalangala,” Sseninde asserted.

Conversely, NUP Secretary General David Lewis Rubongoya defended the party’s choice of Ms. Nampala, stating that her selection was purely data-driven and backed by local demand.

“We sent our teams to the ground and the people of Kalangala requested us to front Irene Nampala. Although we have been given a short campaign period, we believe our message has already reached the people,” Rubongoya said.

The Kalangala Woman MP seat fell vacant following the tragic passing of the former area MP, Hellen Nakimuli, in April. Given the high stakes, the Electoral Commission has issued strong warnings against electoral violence.

Ms Kashagire assured the public that the EC has put in place all necessary measures to ensure a peaceful electoral process across the islands.

“Everybody has been involved to make sure we have a peaceful election. What happens is that there are people who violate the laws and begin to tussle with security personnel,” Ms. Kashagire warned, urging candidates and their supporters to report any grievances directly to the commission rather than taking matters into their own hands.

Mr Rubongoya echoed the call for civility, expressing hope for an election free of the violence and intimidation that has marred previous by-elections in the country.

District leaders and accountability institutions in western Uganda have launched an integrity promotion forum aimed at strengthening transparency, tackling corruption and improving public service delivery.

The 23-member forum, unveiled on Thursday in Bushenyi-Ishaka Municipality, brings together key government and civil society actors to address accountability concerns through a coordinated local mechanism.

Members include the Resident District Commissioner (RDC), Chief Administrative Officer (CAO), district chairperson, Chief Magistrate, Resident State Attorney, officials from the Inspectorate of Government (IGG), the Auditor General’s office, the Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP) and civil society organisations.

Speaking at the launch, Dunstan Balaba, Permanent Secretary in the Directorate of Ethics and Integrity under the Office of the President, said strengthening grassroots accountability was critical in the fight against corruption.

“Government sends money to the grassroots for poverty eradication but there are many questions about how it is handled. For example, under the Parish Development Model, some beneficiaries who are supposed to receive Shs1 million end up getting less. Many fear reporting such cases or do not know the reporting mechanisms. We hope this forum will bridge that gap,” Balaba said.

Bushenyi Resident District Commissioner Emmy Ngambirano said the initiative would enhance community participation in promoting transparency and ethical governance.

“Our goal is to review ethical issues, corruption, transparency and accountability across all sectors, deterring corruption at the local level before cases escalate to other agencies. We are based here and understand the issues affecting our communities. If a matter cannot be resolved by this committee, it will be forwarded to the relevant investigative authorities,” Ngambirano said.

District chairperson Prosper Twebaze welcomed the forum, saying corruption allegations had increasingly damaged the district’s public image.

“There have been integrity concerns in our district that have painted a negative image. With this forum, many issues can be addressed internally before they escalate. Some arise from misunderstandings and internal disagreements,” Twebaze said.

Lee Kakonge, chairperson of the Western Ankole Civil Society Forum (WACSOF), said the new platform would provide a structured avenue for addressing accountability concerns.

“True, there have been challenges relating to integrity and accountability, but there was no harmonised forum to address them. Corruption issues have often been politicised in this district. With the political will now demonstrated, service delivery is likely to improve,” Kakonge said.

Officials said the forum is expected to serve as an early warning and response mechanism for corruption-related complaints, while promoting ethical leadership and accountability in public institutions.

Outgoing veteran Finance Minister Matia Kasaija has urged officials at the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development to safeguard Uganda’s economic gains and remain focused on sustaining growth as he handed over office to his successor, Henry Musasizi.

Speaking during a handover ceremony in Kampala on Friday, Kasaija said Uganda’s economy was on a positive trajectory and cautioned against actions that could undermine progress achieved over the years.

“The economy is moving forward and we should not accept anybody or anything that will start pulling us down. We are progressing, and at the end of the day our generation will be remembered for the contribution we made to this country,” Kasaija said.

He thanked the ministry’s political and technical leadership for their support during his tenure and urged them to continue serving the country with dedication.

Musasizi paid tribute to Kasaija, describing him as an honest and dependable leader who earned the trust of both Parliament and the public.

“I have worked closely with Kasaija since 2011 when I joined Parliament. I found him to be a man with a good heart and a man who is sincere. He would never mislead Parliament, even when faced with difficult situations,” Musasizi said.

He credited Kasaija with strengthening the Finance Ministry into one of the government’s most effective institutions and pledged to continue implementing policies aimed at expanding economic growth.

“We have a common responsibility of continuing to grow this economy. No one can achieve this alone. We must continue working together as a team,” Musasizi said.

State Minister for Planning Amos Lugoloobi called for increased investment in physical planning, saying it was essential for managing Uganda’s rapid urbanisation, industrialisation and population growth.

“Failure to plan is planning to fail. We need resources for physical planning so that our growth remains organised and sustainable,” Lugoloobi said.

He also urged Uganda to maximise opportunities under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) by strengthening regional integration and expanding access to export markets.

“We should not be spectators in the continental market. When we produce, we must have markets where we can sell our goods and services,” he said.

State Minister for General Duties Cissy Mulondo praised Kasaija for his contribution to Uganda’s economic development and pledged to support the ministry’s agenda under the new leadership.

“You have taken this country to another level economically. Thank you for the service you have rendered to Uganda,” Mulondo said.

She said she was committed to learning from colleagues and working closely with both political and technical leaders in the ministry.

“I am ready to learn. I am a good listener and communicator. I thank the President for entrusting me with this responsibility and I look forward to serving alongside my colleagues,” she said.

The handover marks the beginning of a new leadership team at the Finance Ministry, with officials pledging continuity in policies aimed at sustaining economic growth, creating jobs and deepening regional integration.

East Africa’s FY2026/27 budgets read like a region trying to walk two tightropes at once: keeping growth engines running while making sure debt does not pull the plug. Across all seven East African Community member states the fiscal story is the same dilemma expressed with different numbers.

Young populations are demanding schools, hospitals and jobs. Yet creditors are demanding interest payments on time. New geopolitical shocks mean governments can no longer borrow without thinking carefully about the cost.

That tension runs through every budget tabled by Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi, DR Congo and South Sudan. The headline across the region is fiscal consolidation, but the details show each country placing a different bet on what will pull it forward.

Resource envelopes

Uganda’s FY2026/27 budget is about managing the wait for oil while holding the line on discipline. The budget is pitched at about Shs84 trillion, roughly $22.8 billion, a 13 percent rise year on year. Earlier drafts had cut spending by 4.1 percent to Shs69.4 trillion to reduce borrowing and ease interest pressure.

That back and forth captures Uganda’s core tradeoff between immediate needs and long-term stability. The government is channeling money into infrastructure tied to the East African Crude Oil Pipeline and related fuel lines.

Once production starts, GDP growth is expected to push above 7 percent. But debt service already consumes close to 40 percent of the budget, so domestic borrowing is being scaled back to free space for private credit. Tax policy is being reworked to broaden the base and scrap exemptions that yield little in return.

Compliance enforcement is getting tougher. The official narrative is economic transformation through agriculture, mining, oil, tourism and technology, but it is tempered by fiscal caution. Uganda’s EAC contribution rises to $7.3 million, matching Rwanda.

Mr Aly-Khan Satchu, Sub-Saharan Africa Geoeconomic Analyst, views Uganda’s move as strategic.

‘Uganda and Tanzania appear to be trimming their cloth to suit these new uncertain times ahead of what I expect to be a significant growth spurt in the medium term,’ he says. ‘The overarching point is extreme global geopolitical volatility and headwinds and a significant risk around deficit funding.’ In short, cut now to expand later when oil revenues land.

Kenya is taking the opposite tack. Parliament approved a KSh4.7 trillion framework, up KSh435.7 billion from the previous year. The national government receives KSh2.878 trillion while counties get KSh420 billion plus KSh75.69 billion in equitable share. Education received the biggest boost, with KSh64.2 billion more for teachers, universities and Competency Based Curriculum reforms.

Total education allocation now hits KSh767.3 billion, keeping it at about 28 percent of the budget. Infrastructure is second. Roads, rail, housing and metropolitan projects received KSh59.9 billion extra. The Affordable Housing Programme retains KSh139.3 billion after a KSh25 billion top up. Health stays central at KSh167.4 billion for Social Health Authority enrollment and vaccines. Security remains heavy with police at KSh143.19 billion and defense at KSh241.36 billion.

The cost of this approach is fiscal stretch. The deficit widens to 5.3 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) from 4.7 percent. Financing needs KSh99.5 billion externally and KSh1.01 trillion domestically. Interest payments are now above 25 percent of the budget, squeezing county allocations and other services.

Kenya also faces the steepest EAC bill at $11.6 million. Satchu is blunt on Kenya’s position: ‘Kenya remains challenged by the debt service load and has apparently hit a wall on the tax side which makes the situation a little precarious.’ The bet is that investments in education and housing create jobs fast enough to offset the debt load.

Tanzania’s TSh61.9 trillion budget, about $21.7 billion, represents a 9.7 percent increase. The Office of the Prime Minister is seeking TSh12.5 trillion, with TSh8.7 trillion for recurrent costs and TSh3.7 trillion for development. The priority stack puts energy security at the top, followed by health and education.

The logic is simple: reliable power unlocks industry and private investment. Domestic revenue mobilization is the other pillar, targeting TSh46.37 trillion from taxes and non-tax sources.

Regional and local governments are expected to collect TSh2.41 billion, pushing decentralization and accountability closer to citizens. Tanzania avoids Kenya-style deficits, relying instead on better collection and administrative reform. Its EAC contribution is $8.2 million, second only to Kenya.

Satchu groups Tanzania with Uganda as countries trimming cloth ahead of growth. The risk is whether domestic revenue can truly replace donor money without slowing private activity or forcing new taxes that hurt consumption.

Rwanda’s 2026/2027 budget, presented by the Minister of Finance and Economic Planning Yusuf Murangwa, includes a total budget of Rwf7.8 trillion. That reflects an increase of Rwf844.2 billion from the previous budget for FY2025/26. The budget aims to support implementation of the National Strategy for Transformation while maintaining public debt at sustainable levels.

‘The increase in expenditure is expected to support strategic sectors including infrastructure development, education, healthcare, agriculture, social protection and job creation, in line with the country’s National Strategy for Transformation,’ Murangwa noted.

Financing will come from a mix of domestic revenues, external grants and loans, with emphasis placed on improving tax collection and using public resources more efficiently. Toward the EAC integration agenda, Rwanda’s contribution is $7.3 million, same as Uganda.

Satchu adds: ‘Of all the EAC countries, Rwanda is the best organised with the most efficient overall governance structure.’ The test is whether efficiency can deliver results with a smaller fiscal envelope compared to its larger neighbours.

DR Congo’s budget has to take course despite the Ebola outbreak testing resilience. In the next financial year 2026/2027, the state budget was revised upward to $21.9 billion from $20.3 billion. Security tops the resource allocation list because of conflict in the east.

Infrastructure and agriculture are stated priorities because roads and farm output are critical for a vast country with weak connectivity. In practice, instability limits delivery and social services receive less than planned.

The four-year-old EAC member state plans to set aside $5.9 million, reduced because it is a serial defaulter with tight fiscal space.

Satchu calls DR Congo ‘an interesting play sitting at the intersection point of the new AI economy,’ pointing to its mineral wealth that powers batteries and technology. For now, conflict means long-term development goals stay secondary to immediate stability.

Burundi’s 2025/26 budget is Bf5.2 trillion, about $1.77 billion. Figures for 2026/27 are not out yet, but priorities remain infrastructure, agriculture, and basic social projects. Roads and farm productivity matter because most people depend on subsistence farming and connectivity is weak.

Under the new EAC formula, Burundi’s contribution drops to $4.5 million. The relief is meant to improve compliance and keep the country engaged regionally while focusing domestic cash on stability and essential services.

South Sudan’s 2026/27 budget is $87 million are pending. The budget is dominated by public sector wages and debt service tied to oil-backed loans and arrears. Infrastructure is a priority on paper, but receives little resources after recurrent costs are met.

The budget depends heavily on oil prices and donor support, making it vulnerable to external shocks. EAC contributions fall to $5.2 million, reducing default risk but also regional influence. Satchu is harsh in his assessment: ‘South Sudan is the least and has mortgaged the future.’

Private sector retorts

The business community’s verdict is consistent across the region. Priorities are right, execution is not.

Mr.Ahmed Farah, EABC executive director, says: ‘The East African private sector welcomes the EAC Budget Estimates where they prioritise infrastructure, energy, agriculture, value addition, skills and digital transformation. These are the foundations for trade, jobs and improved livelihoods. We, however, must move from budget allocations to implementation. This has been the challenge.’

Farah lists what businesses actually need: lower transport and energy costs, faster border clearance, predictable taxes, affordable credit and fewer non-tariff barriers.

He warns that rising debt service and domestic borrowing must not crowd firms out of capital, ‘especially MSMEs.’ That implementation gap is the region’s recurring theme. Budgets can list Bugesera Airport or oil pipelines, but if non-tariff barriers remain and credit stays expensive, growth stalls.

Pattern

Four patterns stand out across the seven budgets. First, human capital is the consensus. Education and health rank in the top three sectors for everyone except DR Congo and South Sudan, where security and wages take precedence.

Kenya protects education despite cuts elsewhere. Uganda and Tanzania list it prominently. Rwanda uses agriculture and job creation as human capital investment. The driver is demographics. East Africa is young and competitiveness depends on skills and health.

Infrastructure is the growth bet but focus varies by country. Uganda and Tanzania target energy and oil transport to unlock production. Kenya bets on roads, rail and housing to manage urbanization. Rwanda builds an airport and expands power to become a logistics hub. Even Burundi and DR Congo put infrastructure first because poor connectivity blocks trade. Capacity to deliver differs, but agreement on importance is unanimous.

Debt is forcing consolidation. Uganda’s budget is heavily influenced by debt servicing costs projected to consume over Shs33.4 trillion to control interest. Kenya accepted a wider deficit but is near limits.

Tanzania leans on domestic revenue to avoid new borrowing. This marks a shift from deficit-financed expansion in the early 2020s to caution. The risk is slower service delivery amid rapid population growth. The alternative, unsustainable debt, is now seen as worse for long-term stability.

Monetary Union

Layered on top of national budgets is a reset for the East African Community itself. From July 1 2026, EAC contributions will shift from equal splits to a formula-based 50 percent on equality and 50 percent on GDP per capita. Kenya’s bill jumps 67 percent to $11.6 million.

Burundi and South Sudan get relief under the new formula. The idea is to improve compliance and build a community that functions better.

Experts say whether national budgets align with that goal will depend on how much fiscal space each government has after meeting domestic obligations.

That divergence also explains why deeper integration remains stuck. On the delayed implementation of the Monetary Union and a single currency, Satchu was direct: ‘Currency project is for now a pie in the sky thing. There needs to be considerably more fiscal convergence amongst member countries and there has been divergence, and interest rate policies are too far apart. If it was in place it would work like the Euro, but we are very far away.’

The budgets themselves show why. With debt service, deficits and monetary policy moving in different directions, the conditions for a shared currency do not yet exist. For now, national priorities will continue to override regional monetary ambitions.

East Africa FY2026/27 budget snapshot

Country

Budget Envelope FY2026/27

Key Priorities

Main Funding Sources

EAC Contribution

Uganda

Shs84.3 trillion /

$22.8 billion

Oil infrastructure, agriculture, mining, tourism, technology, debt control Domestic revenue, reduced domestic borrowing

Domestic revenue, reduced domestic borrowing, oil future revenues

$7.3 million

Kenya

KSh4.7 trillion/

$36.3 billion

Education, affordable housing, infrastructure, health, security

Domestic borrowing KSh1.01T, external borrowing KSh99.5B, taxes $11.6 million

$11.6 million

Tanzania

TSh61.9 trillion / $21.7 billion

Energy security, health, education,

Domestic revenue mobilization Tax and non-tax revenue TSh46.37T, local collections

$8.2 million

Rwanda

Rwf6,952.1 billion /$5.75 billion

Bugesera Airport, electricity, agriculture, jobs, governance, digital courts

Domestic revenue, performance-based decentralization funds

$7.3 million

DRC

$21.3 billion

Security, infrastructure, agriculture, rural connectivity

Domestic revenue

Constrained by conflict and defaults $5.9 million

Burundi

Bf5.2 trillion / $1.77 billion

Infrastructure, agriculture, basic social development

Domestic revenue

Reduced EAC burden $4.5 million

South Sudan

$87 million

Wages, debt service, limited infrastructure Oil revenues

Donor support

$5.2 million

How does it feel walking around Kampala and seeing your face on billboards?

I am still in denial. Every time I see one, I go ‘OMG, who is that fine girl?’ It is surreal because it is something you dream about but never really expect to happen, so I am still getting used to it.

You are given one of the trunks of cash allegedly found at AAA’s house. What are you spending on first?

I want the Rolls-Royce they took from her. Why think small when we are already talking about trunk money? Let me start with the car and figure out the rest later.

Has your Black tax increased since you became a reality TV star?

Oh, 100 percent, yes. Suddenly everyone remembers they are related to you, know you, or have always supported you. The requests definitely increased.

Be honest: How much of Kampala Creme is reality and how much is ‘camera is rolling, let me act accordingly’?

Most of it is reality, but when one of the girls is really trying to test my levels of madness, that is when I remember, ‘The camera is rolling; act accordingly.’ Sometimes self-control deserves an award.

Have you ever looked at someone’s relationship and said, ‘God, when?’ And who was it?

Probably Lucy Smize, if that is her name. Sometimes you see a couple and think, ‘Okay, God, I have seen what you have done for others.’

Complete the sentence: ‘Kampala women are not crazy; they are just…’

…. just girls. Sometimes we are emotional, sometimes we are dramatic, sometimes we are overthinking, but at the end of the day we are just girls.

Which of the girls on the show gives you the most pressure after you have hung around them for a day?

I would not call it pressure exactly, but I would say Zahara. You spend enough time around her, and you definitely start questioning whether you have done enough with your day.

Which of your cast members would you trust with your boyfriend for a weekend… and which one would you never?

I would not trust any of them. No offence to the girls, but women are bad people sometimes. Why would I voluntarily put myself in that situation?

In Kampala dating, what usually comes first: Intention, confusion, or vibes?

Definitely confusion. The intentions and vibes usually show up later after everyone has spent weeks trying to figure out what is actually going on.

You are tasked with organising the ultimate girls’ night experience. Between Sheebah and Cindy, who is making the list?

Sheebah. No hesitation. She has the music, the energy, the confidence, and she knows how to get a room going. Plus, I am not sure I know Cindy well enough to invite her to the party.

What is something people do not realise about how much effort goes into looking effortless on camera?

People think you just wake up and show up, but there is a lot that goes into it. The outfits, make-up, hair, lighting, and even your energy.

What is something you used to judge people for, but now you fully understand?

I used to judge people for always wanting to go out, but Kampala is actually really nice. I get it now. The only problem is that it is also very draining, especially for your wallet and your energy.

What is a controversial opinion you know will start an argument at brunch?

Men are good people. I know that statement alone is enough to start a fight at brunch, but I genuinely think there are a lot of good men out there. (I am joking; the good ones are scarce.)

The Minister of Works and Transport, Fred Byamukama, has blamed corruption, inflated compensation claims, and contractor inefficiency for the prolonged delays on the Shs395 billion Mityana-Mubende Highway project, warning that the government will terminate the contract if it is not completed within eight months.

Speaking during an inspection of the project on June 12, Mr Byamukama said the Serbian contractor, EnergoProjekt, had failed to meet the original completion deadline despite receiving substantial government payments and multiple deadline extensions.

‘The contractor was supposed to deliver the work by 2024. He did not deliver, rather asked for three more years, up to 2027, which we allowed. But I was surprised to see another request to extend to 2028, which we can’t allow,’ he said.

The 86-kilometre Mityana-Mubende Highway, including 14 kilometres of Mityana town roads, links the central part of the country to the mid-western region. Construction commenced in early 2021 and was initially scheduled for completion in 2024.

Mr Byamukama said that despite limited progress on the ground, the government had already paid nearly half of the contract sum.

‘This contract was supposed to be for Shs395 billion. Out of that, Shs195 billion has already been paid. But when you look at the work done, a lot of money is going into claims,’ he observed.

The minister raised concern over what he described as questionable claims submitted by contractors, which he said were worsening cost escalation and slowing down implementation.

‘These are claims for delays, negotiation time and being given a design they can’t implement. Such issues should not be the basis for more money,’ he said.

He further alleged that corruption involving government officials and engineers was contributing to the project’s slow progress.

‘We have discovered that when these people are getting contracts, some Ugandans take 6 percent from the contract value at award, and 3 percent from every payment certificate. That is corruption. We have evidence, and we are going to take it to the anti-corruption agencies,’ he remarked on Friday.

He warned that those implicated would face arrest and prosecution.

‘Those people should be arrested. We have seen big people in government being arrested for corruption. Government projects cannot suffer at the expense of a few individuals,’ he added.

Mr Byamukama added: ‘We have two of our staff engineers who have been working with this contractor. With immediate effect, they are withdrawn pending further investigation over alleged involvement in irregular dealings with the contractors.’

He accused some contractors of influencing the selection of supervising engineers, which he said had compromised accountability in public infrastructure projects.

‘Even engineers are being selected by contractors. That is how deep the problem has gone. I want to see those big people hiding behind the President’s name to steal government money. I have nothing to lose,’ he said.

He further revealed that the government was also investigating other road projects where similar claims had been made, including the Kampala-Jinja road maintenance contract, where he said a Shs54 billion claim had been submitted despite little visible work.

‘We gave them a project worth Shs82 billion, but so far about Shs30 billion has been paid. Yet there is a claim of Shs54 billion for doing nothing. We cannot proceed like this,’ he said.

The minister warned that the government would not hesitate to blacklist non-performing contractors.

‘If they fail to complete this project in eight months, we shall terminate the contract and get another contractor. We don’t care whether it is expensive or not, as long as the road is completed,’ he said.

Byamukama said the deteriorating condition of the road had increased transport costs, delayed travel time, and caused accidents due to deep potholes.

‘From Kalamba to Mubende, taxis are taking longer, transport fares are going up, and people are losing tyres and knocking one another. We must fix this on the entire stretch. The government has heavily put a lot of taxpayer’s money,’ he said.

The contractor did not immediately comment on the matter.

Mr Drake Ssembuusi, the district chairperson of Kassanda District, said communities along the corridor continue to suffer social and economic consequences.

He said excessive dust from the unfinished road has affected businesses, caused health concerns and complicated access to essential services, particularly for expectant mothers.

‘Our road is very dusty and people are suffering. Businesses have been affected, pregnant women face serious challenges using this road and we have even lost a woman after she fell because of its condition. We need this road completed as soon as possible,’ he said.

The construction roadmap includes widening the road, stabilising the pavements, constructing wider shoulders, improving drainage channels and culverts, and bringing the surface up to modern standards.

Judicial officers have been urged to adopt a human rights-based approach to the administration of justice and to ensure that fairness, equality, and respect for court users remain central to their work.

Speaking at the closure of a two-day training for selected judicial officers on applying a human rights approach in judicial work in Kampala, Supreme Court judge Mike Chibita said the concept extends beyond legal decisions to the conduct and attitude of judicial officers while serving the public.

Justice Chibita, who serves as the chairperson of the Governing Council of the Judicial Training Institute (JTI), said judicial officers must demonstrate courtesy, integrity, and professionalism in their daily interactions with court users.

‘We have been reminded that a human rights approach is reflected not only in the decisions we make but also in how we conduct ourselves as judicial officers. It demonstrates through courtesy to court users, integrity in the discharge of our duties, timely delivery of judgments and rulings, and our willingness to simplify court processes and explain proceedings in the language that litigants can understand,’ Justice Chibita said on Thursday.

He noted that judicial power is exercised on behalf of the people and should therefore inspire public confidence in the Judiciary.

‘The administration of justice is not merely a legal function; it is a public trust. Judicial power is exercised on behalf of the people, and therefore every interaction we have with court users should reinforce public confidence in the Judiciary,’ he added.

Justice Chibita further cautioned judicial officers against any form of discrimination, stressing that courts must remain accessible and fair to all persons regardless of their background.

‘We must remain vigilant in ensuring that our courts are places where every person receives equal treatment and where no one is disadvantaged because of their gender, age, disability, social status, ethnicity, or any other characteristic,’ he said.

He also emphasized the need to empower litigants by ensuring they understand court processes and can meaningfully participate in proceedings affecting their rights.

‘Court users should not be passive observers in proceedings that affect their rights. We must ensure that litigants understand the processes before them and are enabled to participate in the pursuit of justice meaningfully. Our decisions must consistently reflect fairness, openness, and adherence to human rights standards,’ Justice Chibita said.

In a related development, Principal Judge Jane Frances Abodo highlighted the growing significance of forensic science in the adjudication of criminal cases, noting that advances in criminal activity require corresponding improvements in judicial approaches.

‘As crime becomes increasingly sophisticated, so too must our approaches to adjudicating criminal matters,’ Justice Abodo said.

She cited statistics presented during the training, indicating that more than 70 percent of court cases whose outcomes depend on forensic evidence are successfully resolved.

‘The statistics shared yesterday by the Executive Director of the Judicial Training Institute were particularly insightful. Learning that over 70 percent of cases taken to court whose outcome depends on forensic evidence are successfully resolved is a powerful testament to the reliability and significance of forensic science in the pursuit of justice,’ she said.

The training, organized by the Judicial Training Institute, sought to equip judicial officers with knowledge and skills to integrate human rights principles into judicial processes while enhancing access to justice and public confidence in the courts.

Many times, Sydney Gongodyo was the driving force behind a Black Pirates attack. The flanker in the No. 7 jersey would lead the charge over the gain line, and moments later the fans would rise in celebration as Pirates crossed for a try before the fly-half added the extras.

On Tuesday, that same jersey was retired.

No player at Stanbic Black Pirates will wear the No. 7 shirt again. The club decided in honour of Gongodyo, the 27-year-old Rugby Cranes forward who was buried on Tuesday at his ancestral home in Buweri Town Council, Budadiri in Sironko District, on Heroes’ Day.

Perhaps, a fitting, if not heartbreaking, coincidence for a man who gave everything for club and country and was laid to rest on the day Uganda honours its heroes.

That day, Pirates formed one final rolling maul. There were no points to score and no try-line to reach this time. Instead, teammates carried Gongodyo’s casket shoulder to shoulder, walking him to his final resting place the way rugby players do everything together.

Then they turned back, alone.

Back for duty

The No. 7 jersey stays behind and memories remain but rugby does not stop.

The Union postponed the Uganda Rugby Premiership semifinal between Pirates and Heathens that was originally scheduled for June 7, to allow players, officials and supporters time to mourn.

That time has now passed and the two sides will finally meet on Saturday afternoon at Kyadondo as Pirates marks the beginning of life without Gongodyo.

The circumstances surrounding his death have shaken the rugby fraternity and country at large, sparking wider conversations about mob justice and public safety.

Those questions will not disappear when the whistle sounds and neither will the grief but rugby has a way of demanding presence. Head coach Marvin Odongo faces a challenge of channeling what his players are carrying into something purposeful rather than paralysing to match the demands of a knockout contest.

‘It is a chance to play for Gongodyo, to celebrate his memory in the way he loved most, and to keep alive the dream he helped build,’ Odong and Pirates will be telling themselves.

Good form

Heathens edged Victoria Sharks 20-18 in a tense quarterfinal second leg to advance 26-18 on aggregate. They will acknowledge the occasion but they will also arrive intent on winning.

Pirates, meanwhile, can draw confidence from their own form after their 48-6 dismantling of Walukuba Barbarians in the quarterfinal first leg showcased the attacking quality and physical dominance that made them title contenders.

In the other semifinal, Makerere Impis will be hoping Lady Luck shows up at Kyadondo on Friday. The side that staged a second-leg coup to eliminate Kobs now face a sterner assignment, needing to overturn a 20-11 deficit against Buffaloes. It is a steep hill, but Impis have shown they do not read the script.

2026 UGANDA RUGBY PREMIERSHIP

SEMIFINAL FIXTURES

Friday – Buffaloes vs Impis – Kyadondo, 4.30pm

Saturday – Heathens vs. Pirates – Kyadondo, 4pm

We have once again completed one of Africa’s grand political festivals. The President and legislators stood before cameras with Holy Bibles raised high above their heads, reciting promises polished like campaign posters. Yet somewhere between the oath, the sirens, and the evening banquet, corruption is already outside, warming its engine and checking whether the treasury doors are unlocked.

Africa made a mistake when it abandoned traditional accountability for ceremonies politicians no longer fear. Today’s swearing-in rituals increasingly resemble bridal showers for corruption. African leaders should once again swear under the tamarind tree, where leadership is feared because the oath itself is feared. Under those branches, oaths are not performances for cameras or lawyers, but terrifying confrontations with truth, ancestors, morality, and communal shame before the living, the dead, and the unborn.

The entire community gathers under the tamarind tree, a place of judgement and ancestral witness. Elders arrive carrying staffs darkened by age and wisdom, while old women sit near the front bearing memories of sons lost to war, hunger, cattle raids, and greedy rulers. The drums fall silent. Even dogs wander carefully, as though they too sense spirits moving among the gathering. Then the ritual begins. Goats, bulls, and black chickens are brought before the elders for sacrifice. The politician removes his shoes, watch, and every decoration of pride before stepping barefoot onto the soil because no man stands above the land that raised him.

The oldest elder clears his throat slowly, and suddenly even the wind seems afraid to interrupt the gathering. Then the politician swears before the elders, the community, and the restless ancestors of the land: ‘If I steal money meant for schools, may my children revise for exams using charcoal on banana leaves. If I swallow hospital money while the poor die on cold floors, may every mosquito know my bedroom address. If I build roads only during campaigns, may my convoy sink in mud while goats overtake me on foot.

If I appoint cousins, tribesmen, girlfriends, and drinking partners into public office, may even my own dogs fail to recognise me and bark at me in broad daylight. If I hide public money abroad while villagers drink dirty water with frogs inside, may my cattle wander without return, and may my granaries stand empty even in harvest season.” ‘If I lie before microphones, may my trousers tear loudly at state functions, and may radio presenters replay the sound for seven days.

If I betray service, loyalty, and the trust of my people, may chickens crow my secrets at midnight, may my shadow refuse to follow me, and may the chair of power grow thorns each time I sit on it. If this oath is false, may I return home colder than these slaughtered goats and chickens lying before the shrine.’

And the people roar together: ‘Ayi! So let it be!’

Then, finally, the politician leaps over the carcass of the sacrificed animal, crossing into sacred obligation. The elders release blessings wrapped in dreadful warnings. They invoke the wrathful gods of the land and the restless spirits believed to gather under the ancient tamarind tree whenever truth and leadership are tested. Under the tamarind tree, leadership is not a microphone, a V8 convoy, or sirens scattering boda bodas from the road. It is a fearful covenant between the leader, the community, the ancestors, the soil, and the unseen spirits believed to watch every oath uttered under those sacred branches.

Modern politics has perfected the language of accountability while emptying it of fear. That may be why corruption now walks so confidently through public offices. Under the tamarind tree, however, shame still has witnesses. The oath is not merely spoken; it is carried by memory, ritual, and communal judgement. Our leaders should once again be dragged from the comforts of Kololo and made to swear under the tamarind tree, where lies fear the ancestors, betrayal fears shame, and leadership is measured not by convoys, microphones, or slogans, but by truth, service, and responsibility before the people.