Category: Daily Monitor

He started in the 1980s behind the wheel of modified Peugeot taxis, survived rebel roadblocks, and trained under some of Uganda’s toughest transport systems. Today, Hanington Kiwanuka leads the country’s bus drivers.

In 1986, on one of Uganda’s major highways, Hannington Kiwanuka slowed his vehicle to a stop he would never forget. Ahead of him, armed rebels had mounted a roadblock. The message was direct; he should never return to the Masaka route.

‘I took it seriously. I never went back on that route,’ he recalls.

That moment, brief, tense, and life-altering, captures a career that has moved through Uganda’s most turbulent roads, literal and institutional. Today, Kiwanuka is the chairman of the Uganda Bus Drivers and Allied Association, but his journey began in a very different Uganda, one where taxis were modified pick-up trucks and formal bus systems were still taking shape.

The era of modified taxis

Kiwanuka began his transport career in 1980 as a taxi driver, when Uganda’s public transport system relied heavily on modified Peugeot pick-up trucks adapted to carry passengers.

The most common were the Peugeot 404 and later the Peugeot 504, vehicles that defined urban and upcountry travel in that era.

He first drove a Peugeot 404, mainly used for town service routes and capable of carrying about 10 passengers. It was a key vehicle for urban mobility at a time when transport options were limited.

He later transitioned to the Peugeot 504, which carried about seven passengers and was better suited for long-distance routes such as Kampala-Busia and Kampala-Masaka.

‘These vehicles played a big role in public transport at the time,’ Kiwanuka reflects, noting how they filled a critical gap in Uganda’s mobility system.

Uganda Transport Company

After his taxi driving years, Kiwanuka joined the then Uganda Transport Company (UTC) as a mechanic at its premises, where Mukwano Arcade now stands in Kampala. But his role quickly expanded beyond the workshop.

While working on buses, he also took up driving assignments, operating Tata lorries transporting goods across the country, including Bugiri, Kamuli, Masaka and Kyotera.

One of his key assignments involved transporting maize from eastern Uganda to Kampala before continuing with deliveries to upcountry destinations.

‘It gave me experience on Uganda’s main transport corridors,’ he says, describing the long journeys that sharpened his skills in both logistics and endurance.

Roadblock that changed everything

The most defining moment of his early career came in 1986, during a period of political instability. While transporting goods, Kiwanuka encountered rebels who had set up a roadblock on a major highway. They warned him not to continue using the Masaka route.

‘I immediately stopped going there,’ he says simply.

The incident forced him back to UTC, where he transitioned fully into structured transport work and into one of the most demanding training environments he would ever experience.

UTC training

At UTC, Kiwanuka expected his experience as a mechanic to fast-track him into driving buses. He was wrong. Every aspiring driver had to undergo strict assessment and training.

‘The bus was parked on a steep slope, and you had to move it without it rolling backwards even an inch. It was the strictest training I ever received,’ he recalls.

Failure meant disqualification. Precision and control were non-negotiable.

‘But when I passed, I really enjoyed driving,’ he adds.

The exercise, he explains, was designed to test discipline, control, and confidence, qualities UTC considered essential for passenger safety on long routes.

Learning the city

After passing the test, Kiwanuka was assigned short urban routes to build experience, including Kampala-Ggaba, Kampala-Natete and Kampala-Mukono.

After about a year, his performance earned him promotion to the Kampala-Gayaza route.

UTC’s system was structured. Every four years, drivers who demonstrated discipline and competence were promoted to longer routes such as Kampala-Gulu, Kampala-Mbarara and Kampala-Arua.

‘It was a system that rewarded responsibility,’ he says.

From buses to long-distance coaches

As Uganda’s transport sector evolved, Kiwanuka moved through different eras and employers, including operating Steyr buses introduced in the mid-1990s.

When Steyr buses entered Uganda around 1994, he enrolled for refresher training at what is now Spear Motors. He passed the tests successfully and returned to UTC.

His performance caught attention beyond UTC. He was later recommended to a private operator who deployed him on the Kampala-Gulu route.

The opportunity came with better pay, including a daily allowance of Shs10,000, and marked his transition into private transport operations.

He later drove for former Second Deputy Prime Minister Moses Ali on the Kampala-Moyo route, before moving into other regional assignments. After an encounter with rebels on that route, however, he stopped travelling there.

Across borders and back again

In 1998, Kiwanuka undertook a four-month road safety and transport management course in Eswatini, South Africa, sponsored by the European Union.

On returning, he advised businessman Godfrey Kirumira to invest in buses, leading to the establishment of BTC Coaches (Bagrey General Trading), which operated routes, including Kampala-Gulu.

The company quickly gained popularity, attracting notable passengers, including government officials and travellers on the northern corridor.

He later drove long-distance coaches to Kigali, Nairobi and Tanzania, cementing his experience across East Africa’s transport routes.

Among the passengers at the time, he recalls, was Minister of Justice Norbert Mao, along with many travellers on the Acholi route.

What has changed on Uganda’s roads

Now retired from active driving, Kiwanuka plays leadership roles, including chairperson of the Uganda Bus Drivers and Allied Association, chairperson of the National Union of Drivers, Cyclists and Allied Workers, and vice chairperson of the Federation of Bus Drivers Advocacy.

From this position, he reflects critically on how the industry has changed.

He argues that driver training standards have weakened over time, contributing to road safety challenges.

‘Passenger safety should always come first,’ he says.

He believes the strict training systems of UTC should be revived, where drivers undergo both theoretical and rigorous practical assessments before being allowed on the road.

A call for discipline

Kiwanuka also calls for stricter recruitment and vetting of bus drivers by transport companies.

He insists that possession of a driving permit and experience alone is not enough.

‘Drivers should be physically tested for competence. Not just on paper,’ he says.

He also raises concern about the growing informality in employment within the sector, where many drivers operate without contracts or formal job security. He says this leaves workers vulnerable while also undermining professionalism in the industry.

For years, Standard Chartered Bank occupied a distinctive corner of Uganda’s banking sector.

Before the Mortgage Refinance Institutions Act, Uganda had already tried to link long-term savings to housing finance.

The country faces a housing deficit of more than 2.4 million units, according to Habitat for Humanity, with about 60 percent of the population living in informal, overcrowded, or substandard housing.

To help address this, Uganda Retirement Benefits Regulatory Authority (URBRA) introduced mortgage security regulations in 2022, allowing pension savers to use up to 50 percent of their accumulated benefits as collateral for a mortgage, subject to trustee approval and proof of sufficient income.

If a borrower defaulted, trustees could settle the outstanding balance with the lender.

The idea largely failed. ‘In practical terms, the people who had enough savings to qualify, those with benefits worth more than Shs5m, already owned houses. So, it wasn’t, in a way, helping,’ Eric Mugisha, an investment and regulation analyst at URBRA, explains.

The arrangement faced another obstacle. Section 70 of the National Social Security Fund (NSSF) Act protects members’ savings from attachment, creating uncertainty over whether lenders could enforce pension-backed security in the event of default.

NSSF dominates the pension industry by over 85 percent with assets under management worth Shs29.5 trillion by the end of February 2026.

‘Banks have had a challenge with that kind of conflict,’ Mugisha says. ‘There’s nothing that gives comfort to the bankers.’

Uganda’s first serious attempt to connect long-term savings to housing finance, therefore, stumbled because the legal framework pulled in opposite directions. That experience is worth remembering as the country embarks on a far more ambitious housing-finance reform.

The problem

To understand what the Mortgage Refinance Institutions Act can and cannot do, one must start with the structural problem it is designed to solve.

‘Commercial banks, on the whole, are short to medium-term because that’s the nature of their funding. On the rates side, the current average lending rates can be challenging, unless it is commercial property that generates income,’ says Wibrod Owor, the Uganda Bankers Association executive director.

Three barriers define Uganda’s housing finance market. First, banks fund themselves largely with short-term deposits but are expected to provide loans that run for 15 to 25 years.

Second, mortgage rates of between 16 and 22 percent make repayments unaffordable for many households.

Third, the pool of borrowers who can meet banks’ income, collateral, and credit-history requirements remains small.

The result is one of Africa’s smallest mortgage markets. Fewer than 40,000 mortgages exist in a country of about 50 million people, according to banking industry records.

Income levels help explain why. Uganda Bureau of Statistics data show that about 60 percent of Ugandans earn less than Shs200,000 a month.

In a workforce of roughly 20 million people, six out of every 10 workers have incomes that leave little room for a mortgage payment.

As Emmanuel Kaganzi, Commissioner for Physical Planning at the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development, observed last month, ‘more than 60 percent of Uganda’s urban population lives in informal settlements and slums’.

‘The current mortgage market serves less than 5 percent of the population, with interest rates between 17 and 20 percent, making homeownership unattainable for the vast majority of Ugandans,’ he said.

These constraints reinforce one another. Expensive credit reduces the number of eligible borrowers.

Fewer borrowers mean lower lending volumes. Lower volumes keep costs high, which pushes rates higher still and excludes even more households.

The mortgage refinance company is intended to break that cycle. ‘Banks will sell that mortgage to the refinance company. The refinance company can wait much longer.

That is how the sector is trying to sort out the issue over the medium to long term,’ Owor explains.

In practice, the refinance company purchases mortgage portfolios from banks, freeing up capital for new lending.

Backed by long-term funding from government, the World Bank, African Development Bank, and other development finance institutions, it is designed to hold the long-term risk that commercial banks struggle to carry.

Oscar Mgaya, the former chief executive of the Tanzania Mortgage Refinance Company, says Tanzania’s equivalent reform expanded the mortgage market tenfold over 14 years, increased participating lenders from three to 29, and reduced lending rates from about 22 to 24 percent to 13 to 17 percent.

The experience suggests the model can work. The more important question is whether Uganda has the conditions needed for it to work at scale.

Problems beyond the law

The mortgage refinance company solves a problem for banks. Whether it solves a problem for borrowers is less certain.

Mugisha ‘feels it could still revolve around capacity’. ‘You might have all these refinancing entities, but still find that the capacity is restricted to a few.

It may not be helping the low-income earners. It could provide some mileage until you start the operationalization of it. I just need to see the uptake.’

His concern reflects a common pattern in emerging markets. Financial-sector reforms often improve access to credit for formally employed middle-income households while doing far less for low-income and informal workers.

The reason is that cheaper funding does not remove the requirements that keep many borrowers out of the market in the first place, such as stable income, a verifiable credit history, sufficient collateral, and the ability to service a loan.

Uganda’s numbers illustrate the challenge. According to Uganda Bureau of Statistics, the median urban income is about Shs190,000 a month.

Yet the cheapest formally constructed houses typically cost around Shs100 million, according to property developers.

Even if mortgage rates fell significantly, the repayments would remain far beyond the reach of most households.

That is why Michael Mugabi, the Housing Finance Bank managing director, argues that affordability remains the sector’s central challenge.

‘The key challenge for us is at the bottom of the pyramid that has low to medium income. That is the biggest challenge,’ he says.

Edward Mkangi, the Pride Bank executive director, reaches a similar conclusion from the lending side.

Pride Bank finances incremental construction, where borrowers build one stage at a time using loans ranging from Shs3m to Shs50m.

‘If there is some form of guarantee that can be offered to the lender to extend to the person on the ground, if they do not have the form of security required, then I am also driven to offer relatively affordable financial services,’ he said.

What he wants is not cheaper funding, but a guarantee mechanism for borrowers who lack conventional collateral and a modern digital land registry that makes ownership easier to verify and use as security.

Neither is a function of the Mortgage Refinance Institutions Act.

The law addresses the supply of long-term funding to lenders. It does not reform land administration, create credit guarantees, or change the rules that determine who qualifies for a mortgage.

Those challenges lie elsewhere in the legal and policy architecture.

The land question

Underlying the qualifying-borrower problem is a land tenure challenge.

More than 75 percent of the land in Uganda is held under the customary tenure systems that do not produce formal titles.

Millions of households have land, but cannot easily use it as collateral.

This law helps banks access more money for housing loans, but it does not solve the separate problem that many families still cannot qualify for those loans in the first place.

‘Financing alone would not fully resolve the housing crisis,’ acknowledges James Ssonko, a senior economist at the Ministry of Finance.

‘There are several interconnected challenges like limited access to land, physical planning constraints, inadequate infrastructure, and broader sector coordination challenges,’ he notes.

The risk is that the benefits accrue mainly to households already inside the formal economy.

The concern is not new. In 2015, the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights urged Uganda to take stronger measures to realise the right to housing. A decade later, housing spending remains below 0.3 percent of the national budget.

The Mortgage Refinance Institutions Act addresses a funding constraint. It does not address the land, infrastructure, and affordability constraints that continue to keep millions of Ugandans out of the housing market.

Absence of a social housing system

The biggest flaw in Uganda’s housing debate is one of framing. The mortgage refinance company is being presented as a solution to the housing crisis.

It is really a solution to a housing finance problem affecting a relatively small, formally employed segment of the population.

Anthony Kusingura, the Equal Housing executive director, argues that the deeper challenge is the absence of a well-funded social housing system.

‘The challenge is not the absence of developers or investors, but the absence of a strong, well-financed social housing system to cater for those that cannot afford housing on their own,’ he says.

The Constitution commits the state to ensuring access to decent shelter, while the Constitutional Court held in the Salvatori Abuki case that deprivation of land and shelter violates fundamental rights.

Housing is, therefore, not merely a market issue but a constitutional obligation.

But housing policy has increasingly shifted responsibility to the private sector. The result is that developers build for those who can pay, while those who cannot are left behind.

Other countries bridge this gap through public intervention.

France, Germany, Austria, and the Netherlands subsidise social housing. South Africa funds low-cost housing construction. Rwanda integrates housing into state-led urban planning.

Kenya is pursuing affordable housing through public-private partnerships and dedicated funding mechanisms. In each case, the state helps close the gap between incomes and housing costs.

Uganda has no comparable system on a meaningful scale. As investment increasingly targets urban land, the absence of social housing raises the risk that market-led reforms benefit property owners and higher-income households more than the people most in need of housing.

Uganda needs a mortgage refinance company, but it also needs a funded social housing programme.

Kenya’s Affordable Housing Programme provides one example. Through a housing levy, public land, and partnerships with private developers, the Kenyan government helps reduce the cost of housing and reserves units for lower- and middle-income earners who cannot be served by the mortgage market alone.

Without that second pillar, the Mortgage Financing Act may improve access to housing finance for some while leaving the broader housing crisis largely unchanged.

While livestock farming has traditionally been the source of livelihood for a bigger percentage of the households in cattle corridor districts like Sembabule, Kiruhura and Gomba, the integration of coffee farming has boosted incomes of many families. The sight of large acreage of freshly planted coffee plantations at former ranchlands through the sub-counties of Nabitanga, Ntuusi and Mateete, among other areas, explains the sudden shift in the economic setup in the cattle corridor area of Sembabule District.

The coffee gardens, according to a section of the farmers, are not totally replacing the cattle and goat rearing projects that defined their way of life, but slowly reshaping and giving fresh hope to many households. Mr Joseph Basiima, a farmer and resident of Nabitanga Sub-county in Sembabule District, says the first harvest from his two-year-old two-acre coffee garden helped him successfully clear all the his children’s school dues without selling any of the cows and goats at his farm.

‘For the first time as a parent, I did not debate about how many cows and goats to be sold at the farm for the school fees, among other family basics. I have now planted more than four acres of coffee,’ he says. Mr Basiima, like many other livestock farmers in Sembabule District had for many years resisted venturing into coffee farming despite visiting several farmers who had integrated coffee farming into their respective farm projects.

‘One prominent farmer in our sub- county, Mr Paul Ssembeguya, who practices mixed farming, convinced me to plant some coffee on my farm. I tried to resist, but he offered me his farm truck to transport coffee seedlings since I already had the land to plant the coffee. He also offered the initial farming tips and challenged me to keep a keen eye on the new coffee farm. The pioneer harvest was a game changer,’ he reminisces. According to Ms Kellen Nuwayombeka, the Gomba District councillor representing Maddu Town Council, farmers in the area are increasingly embracing coffee growing, which has led to a surge in prices of seedlings.

‘Previously, our people did not grow coffee, sticking with the tradition of cattle keeping, but many are now growing it at a large scale because they have a lot of land,’ she says. Currently, a single coffee seedling costs between Shs2,500 and Shs3,000, from between Shs1,500 and Shs2,000 and getting seedlings in existing nursery beds has become difficult. ‘This has forced farmers to make orders from Bukomansimbi and Masaka,’ she adds.

Model farmer

Coffee farming, according to the Sembabule District officials, has sustained many livelihoods in parts of the district, but farmers are encouraged to adapt to modern farming systems that match the new climate change challenge and market demands. At Kakinga Village, Sembabule District a 200-acre model coffee farm was established, where more than 70 people make up the work-force. Owned by Mr Ssembeguya, it is part of the inspirational coffee success stories in the district and acts as a demonstration farm for fertigation, a gardening practice helping coffee farmers to reinforce the soil nutrient through organic based practices.

Sembabule District falls within the cattle corridor and is prone to long dry spells that necessitate extra care for the coffee plants. To keep the soils moist with additional natural nutrients, Mr Ssembeguya advises farmers to collect the animal dung and pack it in loosely aerated bags. These are placed at least half a meter off the coffee plant. ‘The practice is fertigation and water is frequently added on to the bags, while keeping the soils moist and partly protected from direct or extra sun heat,’ he explains.

Mr Anthony Katamba, a livestock farmer in Ntuusi Sub-county with a freshly planted four-acre coffee garden, was amazed after a harvest of more than 3,000 kilogrammes of fresh coffee beans earned him about Shs13m in a single season. ‘This was a big surprise and we decided to add four more acres of the coffee because we had the extra land on our farm. Coffee is the new source of income.

For that single season, we did not sell any of our animals to pay the children’s school fees,’ he says. He adds that after learning about the fertigation method, the water that traditionally watered the animals at the nearby water dam is boosting the irrigation process for the coffee family project.

Better yields

According to the 2024 National Population and Housing Census statistics, Sembabule District has 305,971 people, with agriculture accounting for more than 85 percent of the economic activities in the cattle corridor districts. Mr Patrick Nkalubo, the Sembabule District chairperson believes that the coffee industry has a bright future because the farmers are adapting to the modern farming practices and now making use of the water resources to irrigate the coffee farms.

‘We advise our farmers to adapt to the new farming technologies,’ he says. Uganda has recently recorded higher coffee export volumes rising from 558,382, 60 kilogramme bags to 569,454 60-kilogramme bags between January 2025 and January 2026. On a monthly basis, coffee export earnings increased, from $161m in December 2025 to $161m in January 2026, according to the Finance ministry performance of the economy report for February 2026.

Sembabule is one of the districts in central Uganda with vast land occupied by mostly cattle keepers. However, some parts of the district such as Mateete and Mabindo have fertile soils, which have aided farming on a larger scale. The recent tarmacking of the main road connecting Masaka and Gomba districts has attracted many people looking for land for cultivation. Due to increasing demand for land, hundreds of squatters have encroached on government ranches. Other unscrupulous individuals have also claimed plots of land where Bigo bya Mugenyi, a historical cultural site of the Chwezi Dynasty, is located in Ntuusi Sub-county.

As the State begins to line up its witnesses, who are about 10 in number, this publication brings you some of those expected to testify against jailed opposition activist Dr Kizza Besigye and his political associate Obeid Lutale, and what they stated in their police statements;

Maj Gen Abel Kandiho, Special Presidential Adviser on Classified Operations

‘I’m of the above particulars with sound mind and do wish to state that it was during the year 2022, while Gen Richard Otto, who was still a military Attaché to South Sudan, approached me with information that there was a White man by the name of Mr Orlando [alias Wilson Andrew] who had been approached by some Ugandans in the diaspora wanting to recruit, train, and acquire firearms to overthrow the Government of Uganda. Upon receiving this information, I tried contacting Mr Orlando, but his phone number was off. I again tasked Gen Otto to continue engaging Mr Orlando.

Later, I got more information from Gen Otto, who worked with Lt Col Dan Atwine, who was heading the Special Investigations Bureau under the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence [since renamed Defence Intelligence and Security] of the Uganda Peoples’ Defense Forces, to process that information for strategic guidance and action. Gen Otto continued following up on this information. During the year 2023, I got a tour of duty and informed my successor, Gen James Birungi, about this subversive plot for him to follow up. That is where I stopped on handling this matter. That is all I can state to the best of my knowledge.’

Andrew Wilson, aka Orlando, an American business consultant

‘The above particulars are truly mine. I’m of sound mind, and I wish to clearly state that I was in the British Military for five years between 1988 and 1993, after which I went into private security and investigations. I wish to state that I’m also into writing and authoring books, mainly on security and crime.

I’m also associated with another company that has been in operation since 2023. These companies that I work with are largely dealing in investigations and tactical training on firearms.

The company has a website registered as www.tohff.com, and company activities are shown on that website. Our company provides services across the globe, and I have had opportunities to work in the USA, Haiti, Mexico, Colombia, Latin America, Europe, the Middle East, South Africa, and Nigeria, among other countries. Around late 2021, my contact in Somalia gave me details of Brig Gen Richard Otto and I linked up with him via WhatsApp, and I explained to him that I was approached by Mr Joel Wakayima, who told me that he needed a company to provide training to some Ugandans (both living in Uganda and in the diaspora) to overthrow the Government of Uganda.

The contact of Brig Gen Richard Otto was…, and he asked me to get enough information from Mr Wakayima and keep him informed. I was very careful about how to deal with Mr Wakayima because I never wanted to get caught up in terrorism activities, as this would tarnish the name of my company and country, or get me criminally charged since I would be seen to facilitate terrorism and related crimes. Around December 2012, I came to Uganda on a business and travel tour at the invitation of Moses, whom I had linked up with online since 2020, and we had been communicating. In our communication, we discussed the business of dealing in tourism, coffee, and tea.

While in Uganda, upon invitation by Moses, I informed Brig Gen Richard Otto I was in Uganda on a business visit and had linked up with my friend Moses. Upon his request, I then shared contacts of Moses with Gen Otto, who later linked him to Military Intelligence for the pursuit of the security information Mr Wakayima had shared with me. Later, Moses was instructed by officers from the military to inform me to continue engaging Mr Wakayima while giving him feedback to guide the process. During my engagements with Mr Wakayima after a period of two years, he introduced me to Salaam Musumba, whom I talked to on a Zoom call that I recorded the audio for, since I could not record the actual video as other parties were on the same call and would be made aware as Zoom shows recording is ongoing.

We discussed various aspects, including her requesting me to facilitate training for their people in journalism and covert communications with the aim of gathering intelligence on government personnel and supporters within and outside Uganda. Musumba also requested a meeting in Brussels, where she was inviting other people such as the mayor of Kampala, Erias Lukwago, Semujju Nganda, Lubega Mukaku, and Charles Rwomushana. I recorded the Zoom conversation between me, Wakayama, and Musumba on my phone. I was onboarded as their security military adviser for their shadow government. Musumba then requested Wakayima to put me in contact with Dr Besigye, which he did. Indeed, on a date I cannot recall, we had an online meeting with Dr Besigye, which led to a physical meeting a few weeks later in Geneva, Switzerland, on October 29, 2023.

In my first physical meeting with Dr Besigye, he asked me to help him to set up militant networks in Uganda to cause destabilisation of the country.

Here, I met Dr Besigye with Mr Wakayima and Frank Kihehere Atukunda. I booked and paid for Dr Besigye’s flight from Entebbe to Geneva as he had requested. He also provided me with his Ugandan passport number, a copy of which I have with me. Here, we planned for Kisumu training where some of their people were to be trained in covert intelligence and paramilitary tactics. In the same meeting, Dr Besigye further requested me to provide fake Ugandan Shillings, and with the help of some of their affiliate officials in the Bank of Uganda, would inject this fake money into the economy and cause inflation.

I presented Dr Besigye with real Ugandan Shillings and told him that this was fake money, which he believed. I continued communicating with Dr Besgye using a Swiss contact number …and we had several WhatsApp messages exchanged via this number.

After that meeting, I was made to believe that one Frank Kehehere Atukunda had travelled to Uganda to wait for the training in Kisumu, wherein he had planned with Mr Wakayima to stay in Uganda/Kenya to coordinate terrorist actions. They indicated to me that they wanted to poison the President’s water sources on his farms and then kill all the cows. Mr Wakayima was also asking for poison to attack some government officials in Uganda. Such poisons as ricin can be made from castor oil beans, which we discussed. Dr Besigye and his group wanted to prepare attacks on key government security installations and military facilities such as Simba Barracks in Mbarara, 2nd Division Makenke Barracks, Bugema Barracks in Mbale, Bihanga Military School, Kalyoma Mountain Brigade Kabarole, Gaddafi Jinja, Magamaga, Muhooti in Kabarole, Marine Division Luzira, Kalaama Armoured, Kabamba, Kyankwanzi institute, Olive Tambo Kaweweta, Nakaseke, Air force Academy-Nakasongola, Engineering College, Luzira, Junior Staff College-Kimaka, Urban Warfare School-Singo, Karugutu Training School-Ntoroko, Military Intelligence and security school-Nakasongola, Makindye Military Barracks, Kisumu Barracks, Wakiso, Police School, CIID, JAAT-Kibuli and police school- Bwebajja.

They provided these facilities as targets for attack by one of Mr Wakayima’s contacts, called Frank Mulira, a former ADC to the late Dr Kiyingi. We have screenshots of WhatsApp and telegram chats/ messages sent to me by Mr Wakayima, who assured me Dr Besigye was in the know. In addition, I have a copy of the resident permit for Frank Atukunda Kihehere for the Netherlands, a copy of which was provided to investigators in soft copy. The story I told Wakayima and Dr Besigye was that I’m a security and tactical trainer, also working with the Kurdish government company, which was interested in facilitating an operation in overthrowing the Ugandan government in return for business concessions, including access to Ugandan banking sector so as to do money laundering for illicit activities, visas for Kurdish businessmen and politicians, business license, use of airfields for trafficking of illicit goods, including drugs, and using the country as a safe haven for Kurdish fugitives.

Dr Besigye further claimed he had informants inside State House and the military who would provide him with information about the President’s movements and vulnerable points to assist with the planning of the assassination of the President. He said he had loyal military generals in Uganda military, who would assist him in taking over power. Dr Besigye said he had generals who, in the event of a coup, could control power and hold territories seized across the country, where our organisations could coordinate and take full control of the government.

In the meeting of 24th July 2024 in Geneva, I gave up to $5,000 to facilitate the movement of trainees to Kisumu, as he had earlier requested. In this meeting, I recorded videos of our conversation on a covert camera embedded in a mobile phone power bank, which video content I later transferred onto a hard drive for safety, and then later passed over to the investigation team for reference. For the first time, Dr Besigye asked for surface-to-air missiles (air defence), and we discussed the possibilities of attacking Nakasongola airport with drones so that they could destroy helicopters and other military aircraft. Dr Besigye further emphasised he had people within the military (Air Force) who could help him with intelligence and actions to destroy aircraft within Uganda.

On November 16, 2024, together with my associate, I met Dr Besigye with one of his associates. The meeting took place at 108 Riverside Apartment, Nairobi, at around 16.45 hours, and our discussion focused on cooperation between my associates and his shadow government and how they were planning to overthrow the Government of Uganda, how they would start, and how long it would take. Dr Besigye then said he had planned to begin attacking the government in March 2025 through civil disobedience strikes and also start planning for the assassination of the President.

In this meeting in Nairobi, Dr Kizza again asked for surface-to-air missiles and other weapons to attack helicopters and other aircraft. He further said he was engaging groups in DRC to assist him with military assistance, and he said he could arrange a meeting with the Minister of Works of DRC and a senior member of the Ugandan military quickly. As we discussed, I heard a knock on the door, and immediately, I opened it. About four plain-clothed men stormed the meeting, and I escaped, leaving Dr Besigye, his associate, and my Kurdish contact in the room. My colleague and I later linked up, and we came back to Uganda.

Throughout this case, I backed up my recorded information on the cloud and later on micro flash cards before wiping the whole content from all my primary devices for my personal security. I have willingly provided a hard drive containing all the audio-visual recordings, screenshots, documents, WhatsApp chats, Telegram, and other content of all the meetings and communications throughout this operation. This is all I can state. Statement self-recorded. Confirmed true and correct to the best of my knowledge. Recorded on March 24, 2025, at Criminal Investigations Directorate headquarters, Kibuli, Kampala.’

Maj Gen Richard Otto, Chief of Defence Intelligence and Security

‘The aforementioned particulars and address are mine, and I wish to state that around October 2013, I was deployed at Force headquarters in Mogadishu, Somalia, as Chief of Operations. While there, I used to have different meetings with different partners of the UN and other organisations. In December 2019, I was deployed back to Somalia as a Contingent Commander until December 2020. In April 2021. I was appointed the Defence Attaché and deployed to the Uganda Embassy in Juba, South Sudan. While at the embassy, I received a phone call from a White man who introduced himself to me as Orlando and told me that he got my phone contact from his friend in Somalia.

He informed me that he runs a security company and that the purpose of his communication was to inform me about some Ugandans who were seeking his services with intentions to overthrow the Ugandan government. He further told me that he did not want to destabilise the Ugandan government and, therefore, would consult with my leadership in Uganda and, thereafter, revert.

Subsequently, I contacted the then Chief of Military Intelligence, Maj Gen Abel [Kandiho], who guided that I maintain communication with Mr Orlando. I requested him to find out the details about the group, their numbers, the type of training they wanted, location, their leadership, and other relevant details, which he was willing to do. In every communication with Mr Orlando, I kept on updating the then Chief of Military Intelligence, who later took me over the matter and continued with Mr Orlando. This is all I can state to the best of my knowledge. Statement self-recorded and true to the best of my knowledge.’

A recent study among traffic police officers in Kampala revealed that nearly one in every five officers examined showed signs of noise-induced hearing loss due to prolonged exposure to traffic noise, vehicle horns, sirens, and the daily demands of managing traffic in a busy city. The findings remind us that every police assignment carries occupational risks.

For traffic officers, the danger may be hearing impairment. For Child and Family Protection Officers (CFPOs), however, the risks are often psychological, emotional, and relational. This raises an important question: if prolonged exposure to traffic noise can affect hearing, what are the long-term effects of daily exposure to domestic violence, child abuse, sexual offences, family conflicts, neglect, and trauma on the officers who handle such cases throughout their careers?

The Child and Family Protection Department occupies a unique position within the Uganda Police Force. Unlike many other policing functions, CFPOs work directly with victims of violence, abuse, neglect, and family breakdown. On any given day, an officer may interview a defiled child, comfort a survivor of gender-based violence, mediate a domestic dispute, investigate child neglect, or counsel a family in crisis. These responsibilities are emotionally demanding because they involve human suffering in its most personal form. Repeated exposure to traumatic stories can result in what psychologists describe as secondary traumatic stress or compassion fatigue.

There is a common assumption that officers who specialise in family protection are immune from relationship challenges because of their professional training. However, professional knowledge does not eliminate human vulnerability. Just as doctors fall sick and lawyers become involved in legal disputes, CFPOs may also experience marital stress, parenting challenges, and emotional exhaustion despite their expertise. One of the least discussed occupational hazards within policing is emotional overload. CFPOs are expected to remain calm when victims are crying, objective when listening to disturbing accounts of abuse, and professional while mediating emotionally charged disputes. Over time, the cumulative effect of such experiences can contribute to burnout, anxiety, depression, family conflict, and reduced job satisfaction if adequate support systems are lacking.

This challenge is not a sign of weakness. It is the result of prolonged exposure to trauma without sufficient opportunities for recovery and emotional renewal. The Uganda Police Force has made significant progress in strengthening victim-centred policing. The next frontier should be officer wellness. Just as traffic officers require regular health assessments, CFPOs require psychological support, peer counselling, stress management training, family enrichment programmes, and structured debriefing after traumatic cases.

These interventions are not luxuries. They are investments in organisational effectiveness. An emotionally healthy officer is more resilient, more productive, and better equipped to serve victims and maintain healthy family relationships. As we continue strengthening child protection and gender-based violence prevention efforts, we must also protect those who stand on the front-line of this work.

The well-being of the protector is an essential part of protecting society. An intentional healthy officer strengthens a non-violent healthy family, and healthy happy families build stronger communities and a stronger nation. Life begins and ends at home; let’s all go and be heroes at home first before getting society medals. Your health first, nucleus family and Uganda service follow.

The political theatre at the swearing-in ceremony of President Museveni’s new Cabinet exposed a quiet, yet significant question of faith within the governance structure. While the public anticipated a complete transition of power, a notable group of designated ministers missed taking their oaths. Officially, it is a legal technicality. Realistically, it is a poignant diagnostic test of our current socio-political environment.

At least four nominated ministers-representing roughly five percent of the entire Cabinet-could not take office due to unresolved questions surrounding their dual citizenship status. Under the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, holding allegiance to a foreign power strictly disqualifies any citizen from occupying critical Executive offices. These include the Presidency, Vice Presidency, Cabinet, and State Minister roles, alongside strategic State security apparatuses like military and intelligence leadership.

While globalisation makes acquiring foreign citizenship normal for ordinary individuals seeking alternative livelihoods, its occurrence within the inner sanctum of State power raises a vital question: What are they seeing that we are not? Why are the people closest to State authority looking for security elsewhere? What are they seeing that ordinary citizens are not? In research, we know that you do not need to enumerate an entire population to diagnose a condition. When a doctor tests you for malaria, they do not drain all the blood from your veins. They draw a single, tiny droplet. That sample tells the definitive story of whether the body requires treatment. The five percent of the Cabinet blocked on Monday is that symbolic drop of blood. They are a diagnostic sample indicating that our political and socio-economic systems are deeply unsettled. If the very individuals trusted to help steer the nation are quietly securing alternative options on foreign shores, it signals an uncomfortable truth about public confidence.

Only recently, President Museveni publicly castigated individuals leaving the country for destinations like Dubai, asserting that Uganda is a “Paradise” and questioning why anyone would willingly leave it for a desert. Yet, the long, winding queues twisting outside foreign embassies in Kampala tell a vastly different story. Millions of ordinary Ugandans are eager to leave, spending hard-earned resources on visa applications and turning foreign diplomatic missions into highly lucrative processing hubs.

The reality is that while ordinary citizens abroad fight for legal survival, and the youth at home seek low-wage labour export jobs, members of the political elite have executed a far more sophisticated, effortless flight of allegiance. When ordinary citizens migrate or fight for foreign status, it is out of economic necessity. When leadership figures do it-quietly acquiring foreign passports while being trusted with State secrets-it points to deep institutional fragility and a lack of long-term confidence in local stability.

Dual citizenship at the highest levels of government is not merely a legal barrier; it is a profound conflict of interest. How can an official faithfully execute State policy or defend national sovereignty when their ultimate safety net is a foreign passport? If President Museveni truly saw what some of these people swear unto when acquiring the citizenships of these other countries, with the Pan-Africanism that he has been preaching for decades, he would throw up. If the country faces an existential crisis, a citizen with a single passport stays to resolve it. A minister with a foreign passport has the option to simply leave.

The swearing-in ceremony was intended to project strength, continuity, and unshakeable confidence. Instead, it gave us a peek behind the curtain. This elite flight points to a worrisome national trajectory that we can no longer ignore.

To resolve these pending questions, Uganda urgently needs to embrace a comprehensive national dialogue. A structured, inclusive national dialogue offers the ultimate leeway for all Ugandans to redefine where they want their country to go. Rather than allowing the elite to quietly exit, we must bring all stakeholders to the table to fix the underlying structural flaws driving people away. It is only through such a collective conversation that we can restore faith in our institutions, answer the questions raised by the five percent, and ensure Uganda becomes a sustainable home for everyone, rather than a ship its pilots are secretly preparing to abandon.

There was an air of inevitability at Kati Kati in Lugogo on Monday evening as some of the best performers of the 2026 Pepsi University Football League gathered to crown the season’s best.

Having been involved in eight goals in 10 matches for Muteesa 1 University Royal University on their way to claiming their first ever Pepsi University Football League title, Ali Lutwama was the outstanding player in the team.

He ended the evening as the standout player in the entire league too after winning the MVP accolade in addition to being named best midfielder and making the team of the season as Muteesa dominated the awards to cap a successful season.

‘I deserved to win the awards. The season was not difficult because as our assistant coach ssebowa often tells us if you train hard, you fight easy. So we trained hard and fought easy,’ Lutwama said after being handed the accolades by Sammy Odong, the Assistant Commissioner Physical Education and Sports at the Ministry of Education and Sports.

The attacking midfielder scored four goals and contributed four assists to complete the championship with the most assists and collect the Best Midfielder award as Muteesa dominated the awards with head coach George Williams Ssengabi also scooping the coach of the season accolade.

Lutwama believes the awards could be the launch pad for a successful career in the game.

“The awards will contribute greatly to my career and I am hoping these are not the last awards I win. I had not really set my mind on winning the awards but I usually set personal goals that I want to achieve on and off the pitch which has helped me win.God willing I will continue showcasing what I can do with the ball,” he added.

YMCA goalkeeper Ssebabulya Kevin finished second behind Lutwama with Uganda Martyrs University striker Obedgiu Ronald finishing third to complete the top three nominees for the MVP award.

Muteesa defeated YMCA Comprehensive Institute 1-0 in the final courtesy of a Sam Mutambo header to lift their maiden league trophy.

Other outstanding performers rewarded on the night included YMCA’s Kevin Ssenabulya who was named Best Goalkeeper, St. Lawrence University’s Vincent Agaku won Best Defender, and Uganda Martyrs University’s Ronald Obedgiu finished as the league’s top scorer with five goals.

UFL team of the season

Kevin Ssenabulya (GK)- (YMCA), Twaha Bukenya (Muteesa I Royal), Ambrose Anyaka (Ndejje University), Vincent Agaku (St. Lawrence), Jude Asiku (YMCA), David Okema (Kampala University), Gideon Nsubuga (Kampala University), Ali Lutwama (Muteesa I Royal University), Ronald Obedgiu (Uganda Martyrs University, Nkozi), David Aheebwa (MMU), Joel Olupot (Ndejje University)

The Financial Year (FY)2025/2026 has been a mixed bag of achievements and setbacks, marked by ambitious government programmes, strong performances in key sectors, growing public debt, and persistent concerns over corruption and service delivery. As the financial year draws to a close, government can point to progress in wealth creation initiatives, oil and gas development, agriculture and tourism. However, these gains have been overshadowed by rising debt obligations, revenue collection shortfalls, deteriorating infrastructure and allegations of widespread misuse of public funds.

One of the biggest stories of the year has been the struggle by the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) to meet its collection targets.

Between July and December 2025, URA collected Shs16.8 trillion in net revenue against a target of Shs17.9 trillion, leaving a shortfall of slightly more than Shs1 trillion. Although the tax body achieved a 94 percent performance rate, better than the same period in the previous year, the deficit was significant.

The revenue gap was roughly equivalent to the amount allocated to the Parish Development Model (PDM), government’s flagship poverty alleviation programme that dominated the election-year Budget.

The PDM remained one of the most visible government interventions during the year. Despite numerous reports of fraud, kickbacks and beneficiaries receiving less than the amounts approved for them, the programme succeeded in injecting substantial sums of money into rural economies. Government allocated Shs1.1 trillion to the initiative during the financial year, including Shs1.059 trillion for the Parish Revolving Fund. In November 2025, the Ministry of Finance released an initial Shs529b, with each of the country’s 10,589 verified parish Saccos receiving Shs50m directly into their accounts.

To date, government says more than Shs3.26 trillion has been transferred to PDM Saccos since the programme was launched, with every parish receiving at least Shs300m. According to the Ministry of Finance, about 3.2 million Ugandans have accessed the funds and begun transitioning from subsistence farming to participation in the money economy.

Beyond PDM, Uganda continued making progress towards commercial oil production. The 2025/2026 Budget allocated approximately Shs876b towards mineral-based industrial development and the oil and gas sector, particularly the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (Eacop) and refinery projects.

Despite continued opposition from international environmental groups, implementation of the projects has advanced steadily, keeping hopes alive that Uganda could begin earning oil revenues in the near future.

Tourism also continued to demonstrate its importance to the economy.

The sector earned approximately $1.7b in foreign exchange last year, maintaining its position among Uganda’s leading foreign exchange earners alongside coffee, gold and remittances. However, the recent Ebola outbreak has created uncertainty for the industry. Although Uganda is not the epicentre of the outbreak, fears surrounding the disease have already triggered booking cancellations worth billions of shillings, threatening the recovery momentum the sector had built.

Agriculture, another pillar of the economy, remained relatively resilient throughout the year. Government allocated Shs1.8 trillion to the Agro-industrialisation Programme and an additional Shs1.4 trillion directly to the Agriculture ministry and Fisheries and its affiliated agencies. Favourable weather conditions and strong export earnings boosted the sector, with coffee alone generating $2.4b in export revenues during 2025. Nevertheless, experts warn that Uganda’s heavy dependence on rain-fed agriculture remains a major vulnerability. Prolonged droughts or erratic weather patterns could quickly undermine production, employment and broader economic growth.

Infrastructure spending

Out of the approved National Budget of Shs72.4 trillion, the transport and infrastructure sector received Shs6.92 trillion. Of this amount, Shs4.28 trillion was earmarked specifically for road construction and maintenance. Yet many road users say the investment has not translated into noticeable improvements on the ground. Several roads across the country have deteriorated over the past year, while many rural access roads remain in poor condition and become nearly impassable during heavy rains.

But perhaps the biggest concern emerging from the FY2025/2026 is Uganda’s rapidly expanding public debt. According to projections, public debt is expected to reach approximately Shs130 trillion in FY2026/2027. Debt servicing obligations are projected at more than Shs33.6 trillion, including Shs14.1 trillion in interest payments and Shs4.18 trillion in principal repayments.

This means nearly 40 percent of domestic revenue collections will be spent servicing debt, leaving less money available for healthcare, education, agriculture, infrastructure and job creation. While Uganda is not currently classified as being in debt distress, analysts are increasingly concerned about the pace at which public debt is growing. The Civil Society Budget Advocacy Group (CSBAG), working alongside AHF Uganda Cares, notes that public debt has risen from about Shs86.8 trillion in FY2022/2023 to Shs94.9 trillion in FY2023/2024 and is projected to climb further to around Shs130 trillion in the coming financial year.

Uganda’s debt-to-GDP ratio has also risen above 50 percent, a level that requires careful fiscal management. Experts warn that growing debt increases exposure to exchange rate fluctuations, interest rate shocks, refinancing risks and revenue uncertainties, while reducing government’s ability to respond to future economic challenges.

The effects are already being felt across public services. CSBAG notes that government is projected to spend Shs33.6 trillion on debt servicing in FY2026/2027 compared to Shs13.5 trillion for Human Capital Development, Shs2.26 trillion for agro-industrialisation and about Shs2.5 trillion for wealth creation programmes. This growing debt burden raises concerns that repayments are increasingly crowding out investments needed to improve service delivery and stimulate economic transformation. Evidence from recent audit reports paints a worrying picture.

Auditor General’s report

According to the Auditor General’s report for FY2024/2025, Mulago National Referral Hospital received only Shs18.25 billion against a requirement of Shs72.4 billion for specialised medicines and medical supplies, leaving a funding gap of approximately 75 percent. The same report found that 136 secondary schools lacked science laboratories, 182 schools had no libraries and 380 schools faced classroom shortages. The Universal Secondary Education and Universal Post O-Level Education and Training programmes also registered a capitation funding gap of about Shs26.65 billion.

These findings suggest that the consequences of rising debt are increasingly being felt by ordinary citizens through weakened public services and missed development opportunities. Alongside debt, corruption continues to pose a major threat to public finances. Billions of shillings intended for essential public services continue to be lost through inflated budgets, procurement irregularities, domestic arrears and abuse of public funds.

The Inspectorate of Government has repeatedly warned that political protection of high-profile individuals in Parliament and government programmes has fuelled large-scale corruption. Some estimates place the annual cost of corruption at as much as Shs10 trillion. As the country prepares for another financial year, the story of the FY2025/2026 Budget is one of both progress and warning. While government has made gains in wealth creation, agriculture, oil development and economic expansion, rising debt, persistent corruption and service delivery gaps continue to threaten the sustainability of those achievements.

The challenge going forward will not simply be spending more money, but ensuring public resources deliver meaningful results for citizens while keeping the country’s debt burden within manageable limits.

Leaders in Kyotera District have tasked government officials implementing the Parish Development Model (PDM) to abandon English and use local languages, particularly Luganda, during community sensitisation meetings. They argue that the continued use of English is severely limiting public understanding and stalling the progress of the flagship poverty alleviation initiative.

The concerns were raised during a heated district stakeholders’ meeting on June 8, 2026. Local leaders accused some technical officers of failing to effectively communicate crucial operational guidelines to the intended beneficiaries.

Mr Moses Kyewalyanga, the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) chairperson for Nabigasa Sub-county, noted that many residents are unable to fully comprehend the procedures and requirements of the programme due to language barriers.

“Most of the people we serve are ordinary villagers whose level of formal education is limited. When officers stand before them and explain government programmes in English, many leave the meetings without understanding anything,” Mr Kyewalyanga said.

He warned that communication gaps could derail the initiative. “PDM was designed to uplift households from subsistence to commercial production. If beneficiaries cannot understand how the programme operates, we risk excluding the very people it was intended to help. Officers should use Luganda or other local languages to make the information accessible.”

Launched by President Yoweri Museveni in February 2022, the PDM is the government’s premier strategy aimed at moving the 39 percent of Uganda’s population living from hand-to-mouth into the money economy. Under the initiative, each of the 10,694 parishes across Uganda receives Shs100 million annually, which is lent to selected beneficiaries to invest in lucrative agricultural value chains and income-generating enterprises.

Despite the nationwide rollout, local leaders argued that many Kyotera residents still lack basic knowledge about its implementation.

However, the Kyotera District Commercial Officer, Mr Mathias Kisekulo, dismissed allegations that technical staff were failing to communicate effectively with communities.

“Our officers understand the communities they serve and are trained to engage beneficiaries appropriately. We continuously assess the situation on the ground and ensure that information reaches the intended people,” Mr Kisekulo countered.

Mr Kisekulo revealed that Kyotera District has so far received Shs23.57 billion under the PDM programme since 2022, with the funds distributed across all the district’s 66 parishes.

The language debate drew mixed reactions, prompting a wider discussion on political accountability. The district NRM vice chairperson, Mr Enos Mugisha, challenged the local politicians to stop shifting blame and take greater responsibility for monitoring activities within their jurisdictions.

“It is surprising that some leaders claim they do not know what is happening in their own areas,” Mr Mugisha said. “You are elected to represent these communities. Demand accountability reports from your sub-county chiefs and parish officials. You should be the first source of information for your people, not the last.”

Mr Mugisha also urged leaders to actively utilise Parish Development Committees to gather information on wider service delivery issues, including education, healthcare, and access to clean water.

On his part, the acting Kyotera Chief Administrative Officer, Mr Mohammad Nfitumukiza, warned civil servants against negligence, promising disciplinary action against those who fail to perform their duties.

“We shall not tolerate complacency among public servants. Any officer who neglects their responsibilities will face disciplinary measures, including dismissal where necessary,” Mr Nfitumukiza warned.

The Kyotera Resident District Commissioner, Mr Apollo Mugume, urged all implementers to uphold transparency and strict accountability to ensure the project yields visible results.

“This is a presidential initiative and the government expects results. Every officer handling PDM funds must remain vigilant and ensure the programme achieves its intended purpose of transforming livelihoods,” Mr Mugume said, adding that rigorous monitoring would continue to prevent irregularities.

Right from its inception in 2022, a section of Ugandans, especially Opposition politicians, have expressed skepticism about whether PDM will succeed where previous wealth-creation programmes faltered. In Kyotera, leaders maintain that bridging the communication gap is the first step toward proving the skeptics wrong.

Lira University has been plunged into a leadership crisis that has split senior management and drawn battle lines in WhatsApp groups and other informal fora.

The standoff at the 11-year-old institution stems from Vice Chancellor Prof Jasper Ogwal Okeng’s decision to handpick Senior University Librarian Dr Andrew Ojulong as acting vice chancellor, bypassing the Deputy Vice Chancellor in-charge of Academic Affairs, Associate Prof Okaka Opio Dokotum. Documents and investigations seen by this newspaper reveal that whenever the vice chancellor previously went on leave, he delegated authority to the deputy vice chancellor (Academic Affairs). This time, however, he appointed Dr Ojulong to act on his behalf ‘until further notice’, a decision the University Council revoked on May 29.

That same evening, Prof Ogwal Okeng fired back via WhatsApp, issuing an ‘important notice to Lira University staff’ in which he openly challenged the council.

‘It has come to my notice that the council has held a meeting where they have backed the illegality of removing Dr Andrew Ojulong from carrying out the assignment in the office of the vice chancellor,’ he wrote. He added: ‘As far as I am concerned, l am urging all staff to disregard the illegal action of the council chair, and we should support Dr Andrew Ojulong in the assignment given by the vice chancellors.’

Dr Ojulong quickly replied: ‘Dear vice chancellor, thank you very much for your wise guidance, confidence and steadfast leadership. I sincerely appreciate the trust you have placed in me and the management oversight even while you are attending to your health. ‘Your encouragement strengthens my resolve to continue executing the responsibilities you have entrusted to me with utmost dedication, profound appreciation and respect. May the Almighty God restore your health and bless you.’ To which the vice chancellor responded: ‘Thank you Andrew for your resolve. Those fellows have no authority to cause any changes in the university. Good night.’

A senior source at the institution wondered what this portends for the university. According to Section 40.1 of the Universities and Other Tertiary Institutions Act, the council is the supreme organ of the university. The Act states that, ‘. . . in the absence of the vice chancellor, the deputy in-charge of Academic Affairs shall act.’ ‘In the absence of the vice chancellor, the deputy vice chancellor (Academic Affairs) shall perform the functions of the vice chancellor. It is the law, and the council is supreme; we have a real crisis of leadership,’ the source said.

He added: ‘The main argument is whether a deputy vice chancellor’s reappointment should involve a senate search committee and fresh competition with others for the position. To me, that is the process of recruiting a deputy vice chancellor, not the process of reappointment.’ The council’s decision to revoke Dr Ojulong’s appointment has left Assoc Prof Dokotum battling those who oppose his bid for another five-year term, with his current tenure set to expire on June 30. When contacted for a comment on Sunday, June 7, 2026, Assoc Prof Dokotum acknowledged authoring letters challenging the developments, although he appeared reluctant to divulge details.

‘These are all facts in the public domain. That’s why you were also aware of the Dr Ojulong acting vice chancellorship. The council revocation has already been discussed on radio Voice of Lango. I don’t want to be seen as venting in the media. Frankly, I’d rather you cite what I wrote,’ he said. In a letter to the university secretary, Assoc Prof Dokotum asserted that he is the substantially appointed and serving deputy vice chancellor (Academic Affairs), having been appointed in 2021.

‘I am now seeking for a statutory reappointment under Section 32 of the Universities and Other Institutions Act, Cap 26, through a service evaluation process without recourse to competition from new applicants. The law ring-fences and protects my position subject to performance appraisal,’ his five-page May 4, 2026 letter reads in part.

Assoc Prof Dokotum was responding to an opinion by the university’s legal department, which had sought an interpretation of Section 32 of the Act following an April 10, 2026 letter from the chairperson of the Lira University Academic Staff Association to the chancellor. The legal department challenged Assoc Prof Dokotum’s direct reappointment for a second term, advising instead that the position be opened to competition through a formal senate search process.

Assoc Prof Dokotum countered that such guidance ‘had no basis, considering that there is a sitting deputy vice chancellor eligible for reappointment.’

‘I received a formal notification from the vice chancellor dated February 2, 2026, that my current contract as deputy vice chancellor (Academic Affairs), which commenced on July 1, 2021, will expire on June 30, 2026, in accordance with the terms and conditions of my contract,’ Assoc Prof Dokotum’s letter reads in part.

It adds: ‘In that letter, he (the VC) also quoted Sections 3.5 of Lira University Human Resource Management Manual, 2017, which states that I am eligible for reappointment pending successful performance appraisal by my supervisor. He then stated that I should express interest in the job accompanied by my performance appraisal.’ For context, Assoc Prof Dokotum cites Articles 31 and 32 of the Universities and Other Tertiary Institutions Act, which stipulate that a vice chancellor and deputy vice chancellor are appointed by the chancellor.

‘Any previous appointments not done by the chancellor are in caretaker capacity,’ he adds. The University Council has since granted Assoc Prof Dokotum an additional three-month contract effective July 1, 2026, to allow the vice chancellor to complete his appraisal. Assoc Prof Dr Judith Abal, the dean of the Faculty of Management Sciences, was reportedly introduced at the 104th top management meeting as Assoc Prof Dokotum’s successor during the planned transition, with the intention of advertising the deputy vice chancellor (Academic Affairs) position. He was instructed to ‘work with her’ to prepare for the transition.

Dr Abal told this publication that the only person who could respond to the allegations was the university’s senior communications officer, Mr Patrick Opio.

Mr Opio, however, declined to comment, saying he was ‘somewhere in the village.’ Dr Ojulong did not respond to repeated calls, texts, or WhatsApp messages. Instead, he sent the university’s senior security officer, Mr Emmanuel Peace Opolo, to confirm that he owned the correspondence posted in the WhatsApp group. According to Mr Opolo, the University Council recently convened at Gracious Palace Hotel in Lira City. During the meeting, some staff, including the Secretary, Mr Augustine Oyang Atubo, were reportedly forced out.

‘They deliberated and came up with a position as council to extend these people’s contract for three months, awaiting the recovery of Prof Ogwal Okeng and the transition. But three people declined the offer for three months. They said their term is over,’ Mr Opolo said. ‘So, the council did not have a meeting at the time the university secretary was pushed out. It was adjourned for storytelling and peddling lies,’ he added. Mr Opolo downplayed the crisis, saying: ‘First of all I assure the country that there is no chaos at the university. The university is operating normally. Our roles of conducting research, teaching and scientific innovations are going on normally. Staff are working very well.’

He added: ‘I confirm that there is peace at the university. What we want is that if Assoc Prof Dokotum has issues, the university has structures and systems that he should submit to.’ According to Mr Opolo, nobody hates Assoc Prof Dokotum. ‘We still recognise him as our deputy vice chancellor in charge of Academic Affairs until the expiry of his contract this month. And we shall continue to accord him assistance, honour him and continue to work with him even after the expiry of his contract.’

‘We shall give him a salute if he comes. The media is not a solution to the problem. He is a man in the boardroom. Let him come to the boardroom. Let him also come along with people to support his proposals or advise on his proposals. For us as management, we have people who are competent enough to be part of the mediation team,’ he added. Mr Opolo also emphasised the need for reconciliation, saying: ‘We are a Christian-based institution. Let him not fear anybody. So, he should feel safe and comfortable with the team.’

Lira University, based in Lira City, was first established in 2009 as a constituent college of Gulu University. It officially opened its doors to pioneer students in August 2012 and later attained full autonomous status as a public university through an Act of Parliament in 2015.