Category: Daily Monitor

Import trade in Uganda expanded sharply between June 2022 and June 2025, with customs records showing that a small group of border points, inland logistics hubs, and air cargo centres handled the overwhelming share of the country’s imported goods.

The Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) Annual Data Book 2024/25 shows that in four years, the country’s imports have surged from Shs32.12 trillion in June 2022 to Shs56.83 trillion in 2025, while total trade has risen from Shs45.27 trillion to Shs97.16 trillion over the period.

URA customs data also shows that Uganda maintained records for at least 34 entry stations and customs points, but the import economy was dominated by a handful of strategic gateways, particularly Malaba Station, which in the period ended June 2025, handled 36.41 percent of import traffic followed by Entebbe Courier Centre (35.82 percent), Mombasa Port (15.52 percent), Entebbe Cargo Centre (7.56 percent) and Busia (2.35 percent).

The top five entry points alone accounted for approximately 97.66 percent of Uganda’s total recorded import traffic, underscoring the country’s heavy reliance on a few major trade corridors and logistics hubs.

Busiest entry ports

URA data shows that Malaba remains Uganda’s largest import gateway despite a slight decline in the value of imports handled from Shs19.43 trillion in June 2024 to Shs16.98 trillion in June 2025.

The station’s dominance is tied to its strategic position on the Northern Corridor linking Uganda to Kenya’s seaport infrastructure. Malaba handles most of the country’s containerized cargo, fuel, industrial machinery, cereals, motor vehicles, and consumer goods arriving from Mombasa Port.

The station also benefits from the Single Customs Territory arrangement under the East African Community, which reduces border clearance delays. URA records show that Malaba consistently remained above Shs13 trillion in import traffic throughout the four years from June 2022 to June 2025.

The most dramatic growth story was recorded at the Entebbe Courier Centre, where import traffic rose from Shs98.21b in June 2022 to Shs16.71 trillion in June 2025.

The growth was driven by the rise of e-commerce and express parcel deliveries, increased imports of high-value and low-volume goods, expansion in electronics and technology shipments, improved air cargo handling and courier logistics, and increased use of international courier services by businesses and consumers.

The centre effectively became Uganda’s second-largest trade gateway by value.

Mombasa Port handled Shs7.24 trillion worth of imports, up from Shs4.95 trillion in June 2022, remaining Uganda’s principal maritime gateway for imports from Asia, Europe, and the Middle East.

URA data show that Asia alone accounted for Shs28.97 trillion worth of imports in June 2025, while Africa accounted for Shs30.68 trillion.

Mombasa’s importance is reinforced by Uganda’s dependence on imported fuel, machinery, vehicles, construction materials, and industrial inputs.

Entebbe Cargo processed Shs3.52 trillion worth of imports in the 2024/25 financial year. Although lower than the 2023/24 financial year peak of Shs5.53 trillion, the facility remained one of Uganda’s most important logistics centres.

The cargo terminal mainly handles pharmaceuticals, electronics, perishables, precision machinery, and emergency or time-sensitive imports. Its role became even more critical as Uganda expanded trade in high-value goods.

Busia handled Shs1.09 trillion worth of imports in the 2024/25 financial year, up from Shs593.33b in June 2022, benefitting from heavy cross-border trade between Uganda and Kenya, especially in agricultural products, fuel, manufactured goods, and wholesale trade.

Mutukula, located along the Uganda-Tanzania border, processed Shs701.45b, up sharply from Shs315.14b in June 2022, reflecting Uganda’s increasing use of Tanzania trade routes, especially through Dar-es-Salaam Port.

URA records also show that Tanzania is now Uganda’s largest source of imports, with the value of imports from the country having surged from Shs1.12 trillion in June 2022 to Shs12.46 trillion in June 2025.

Elsewhere, Elegu handled Shs89.92b, nearly doubling from Shs47.47b in the year ended June 2024.

Its importance stems from trade flows linked to South Sudan, humanitarian logistics, and regional re-export trade. The Customs Warehouse recorded Shs59.04b, supporting customs-controlled storage, deferred clearance, and consolidation of imported goods before final domestic distribution.

Katuna Customs processed Shs41.54b worth of imports in the year ended June 2024/25, reflecting the gradual normalization of Uganda-Rwanda trade and movement along the southwestern trade corridor, while Entebbe CAPT rounded off the list of Uganda’s most important ports, recording Shs41.11b in handled imports, mainly supporting passenger-linked cargo, diplomatic consignments, and smaller commercial imports arriving through Entebbe International Airport.

Low traffic ports

Bunagana and Kakunyu recorded virtually no import traffic in the year ended June 2025, while Kaiso and Ishasha recorded just Shs0.02b and Shs0.07b, largely due to limited infrastructure, low commercial activity, insecurity in some border areas, and the concentration of formal trade through larger and more efficient customs stations.

URA data indicate that broader economic trends have continued to drive growth in Uganda’s import traffic, with fuel tax collections rising from Shs2.21 trillion in the 2021/22 financial year to Shs3.82 trillion in the 2024/25 financial year, reflecting growing fuel demand and increased economic activity.

Africa and Asia remained Uganda’s leading import regions in the year ended June 2025, accounting for Shs30.68 trillion and Shs28.97 trillion, respectively, highlighting the country’s deepening trade ties with regional and global markets.

The structure of imports also continued to evolve, with the leading imported products including precious metals and jewellery valued at Shs16.65 trillion, cereals worth Shs4.72 trillion, machinery at Shs3.99 trillion, and motor vehicles valued at Shs3.07 trillion.

The URA Data Book paints a picture of an economy increasingly dependent on a few highly strategic trade corridors and logistics centres.

The explosive rise of the Entebbe Courier Centre signals the rapid growth of e-commerce and air-based logistics, a largely new opportunity that strengthens international trade.

At least seven senior police officers at the rank of Assistant Inspector General of Police (AIGP) have vacated their offices in a development that has sparked questions about ongoing restructuring within the Uganda Police Force.

Sources familiar with the matter told Monitor that the affected officers, who have been heading key directorates at police headquarters, handed over office responsibilities to their deputies and surrendered official government equipment, including vehicles, earlier this month.

‘The offices of several directors have remained closed since last week. Some of them who have been seen at headquarters were in civilian clothes after handing over,’ a source said. Efforts to obtain an official explanation from police spokesperson Mr Rusoke Kituuma were unsuccessful as calls and messages went unanswered by press time. It remains unclear whether the exits are linked to the expiry of employment contracts or the wider government rationalisation programme targeting public institutions and administrative structures.

Most of the affected officers are relatively young by senior police standards, with many in their 40s and early 50s. They were elevated to the rank of AIGP by President Museveni in September 2024. Among those promoted in that batch were Mr Frank Mwesigwa, who headed Operations; Mr Moses Kafeero Kabugo in-charge of Human Resource Development; Mr Felix Baryamwisaki, who led ICT; Ms Hadijah Namutebi of Welfare and Production; Mr Charles Kataratambi of Human Rights and Legal Services; Mr David Wasswa Ssengendo of Counter Terrorism Police; and Mr Ubaldo Bamunoba of the Chief Political Commissariat.

Under police regulations, officers appointed to the rank of AIGP at the age of 45 years and above serve on contractual terms, usually for three years, subject to renewal at the discretion of the President.

However, the officers now leaving office have served for less than two years, raising uncertainty over the reasons behind their departures. The developments come at a time when the Police Authority – the body that advises the President on senior police appointments – has been operating with vacant key positions following changes in government leadership. Observers within the Force say the exits may also be connected to the government’s ongoing Rationalisation of Government Agencies and Public Expenditure (Rapex) programme.

Last year, the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Public Service, Ms Catherine Bitarakwate, issued a circular directing government agencies to phase out some director positions and merge several departments by June 2026.

President Yoweri Museveni’s latest Cabinet reshuffle has cemented a trend three decades in the making: women from Busoga now dominate the sub-region’s national leadership, even as the region’s overall slots shrink.

Unveiled on Tuesday, the new Cabinet cut Busoga’s representation from seven ministers to five. Every minister retained from the sub-region is a woman. Two male ministers lost their positions after electoral setbacks.

Those retained are First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for East African Community Affairs Rebecca Kadaga; Third Deputy Prime Minister and Minister without Portfolio Lukia Nakadama; Minister for the Presidency Milly Babalanda; State Minister for Housing Persis Namuganza; and Justine Kasule Lumumba, the Minister for ICT and National Guidance.

Lumumba previously served as Minister in the Office of the Prime Minister in charge of General Duties from 2021, and before that as NRM Secretary General.

The appointments reinforce what political observers call Busoga’s ‘women at the centre’ pattern. The region’s most visible national figures over the last 30 years have been female: Specioza Wandera Kazibwe, Uganda’s first female Vice President; Kadaga; Lumumba; and Namuganza.

Male ministers drop out

The reshuffle came at the expense of former State Minister for Cooperatives Fredrick Ngobi Gume and former State Minister for Agriculture Fred Bwino Kyakulaga. Both lost political ground in the recent electoral cycle.

Ngobi Gume, former MP for Bulamogi North West, contested as an independent after losing the NRM primaries and lost the parliamentary bid. Kyakulaga, who sought Kigulu North, failed to survive the primaries and later withdrew.

Their exit shrinks Busoga’s Cabinet team from seven to five, reigniting debate on why women from the region keep rising while many male politicians struggle for visibility.

‘Women are more dependable’ Analysts say Museveni’s system rewards loyalty, visibility and long-term alignment with the ruling establishment – qualities several Busoga women have built over time.

Mr Faisal Mayemba, a former Jinja South East parliamentary contestant, puts it plainly: ‘Politics starts from the Presidency. There is a belief within the system that women are more dependable when it comes to implementing government programmes and remaining loyal to the political line.’

Others credit affirmative action.

‘The NRM encouraged girl-child education and expanded opportunities for women. After that, it became necessary to elevate women into leadership positions. That investment is now producing visible political results,’ said Jinja District politician Joseph Lugada.

Jinja-based journalist Wyclif Ofono adds historical timing: ‘When the NRM came into power in 1986, the global movement for women empowerment was gaining momentum. Busoga already had highly educated and accomplished women who were prepared to occupy national leadership spaces.’

Confidence and performance

Busoga has 44 MPs, but only 14 are women. Yet female politicians from the sub-region hold some of the country’s most influential offices.

Former Jinja City Deputy Speaker Sirina Kyakuwaire says perceptions have changed: ‘For many years people underestimated women, but we have demonstrated that leadership is about ability and performance, not gender.’

NRM Jinja City Publicity Secretary Amina Mirembe notes growing ambition: ‘Women now believe they can compete for any position. Leaders like Persis Namuganza have shown that women can rise from grassroots politics to national prominence.’

Despite women’s dominance, some Busoga leaders are unhappy about the reduced Cabinet slots. They argue the region’s stronger electoral support for Museveni deserved more reward.

Between 2021 and 2026, Museveni’s vote share in Busoga rose from under 50% to just above 53%. Party supporters read that as a recovery and expected Busoga to keep or expand its Cabinet footprint.

Instead, the region now has five ministers, all women. The message from State House is clear: in Busoga’s contest for national power, female loyalty and visibility are currently carrying the day.

Thursday was tense and filled with grief as bulldozers pulled down several structures as authorities enforced the trade order in Rukungiri Municipality.

The calm day heated up with the business community struggling to secure their properties or painfully watching them reduced to rubble.

The operation, heavily manned by the security, targeted structures on road reserves, those that were dilapidated and temporary.

It started from Ntugamo Stage, bringing down the perimeter wall of Bliss Coffee Haven Hotel, proceeding to Independence Road, where structures in Go-down, Kihindi, Katerera, and Kinyasano were destroyed.

Only a few structures, including Healing and Deliverance Church, T Light Church, Rukungiri Central Secondary School, and Rukungiri Kindergarten, were spared with caution.

Mr Patrick Kamugisha, who lost his house in the operation, criticised the Municipal authorities, saying that his building was authorised, supervised and guided by the office of the Rukungiri Municipal Physical Planner.

The municipal physical planning committee gave me everything right away, from the land title to the building plan approved by the office of the municipal planner. What disappoints me most is the demolition of my hotel’s parameter wall, which was approved by the very committee” Mr Kamugisha said.

Mr Xavier Ndyanabo also says his perimeter wall was irregularly destroyed, noting that its establishment was approved by the planning authorities.

”During the marking exercise, my parameter wall was not marked, but it has also been demolished. This is unfair because if I had been marked, I would have relocated it before the enforcement.” Mr Ndyanabo said.

Ms Petty Twinomujuni said the operation disrupted her business and left her in losses.

”This is a total loss which can’t be recovered because I have lost everything. Am now asking our leaders to kindly intervene before the situation gets out of human control” Ms Twinomujuni said.

But, Mr Vastine Kenganzi, the Rukungiri Municipal Council Physical Planner, defended the operation, saying that all the affected persons had been notified and given enough time to relocate.

”We gave people enough time to relocate before today’s (Thursday) enforcement exercise, and about 70% of those affected had already shifted voluntarily.”

She maintained that the operation will continue as long as the prohibited structures are still in town.

Ms Kenganzi urged traders and institutions to follow the approved procedures before putting up structures.

The Rukungiri Municipal Civil Engineer, Ms Merina Kekiijo, said the enforcement is aimed at improving the beauty and enhancing security of the urban centre.

He disclosed that the operation will last for 5 days and will be implemented until all marked structures are put down.

There comes a point for every dominant side when domestic success no longer feels like a destination, but a beginning. Stanbic Black Pirates arrived in Nairobi for this weekend’s Enterprise Cup final on Thursday carrying that unmistakable aura and the quiet certainty of a team that has conquered everything within reach at home and now turns its eyes beyond Uganda’s borders.

This is not arrogance like Impis and their fans like to put it but the composure of champions who have tested themselves repeatedly against local opposition and found no ceiling. Pirates won the Uganda Rugby Premiership and Uganda Cup double last season.

This year, when everyone thought there was going to be a new sheriff in town, Pirates conquered the regular season again before brushing aside Walukuba Barbarians 76-6 with the efficiency of a side operating on a different level altogether.

Now comes the ultimate examination.

The revived Enterprise Cup has thrown Pirates into unfamiliar waters, deep into the hostile Kenyan grounds with heavyweight opposition and the burden of history. No Ugandan club has lifted the trophy in more than half a century. But the Stanbic Bank-sponsored Sea-Robbers have navigated the competition with the same calm conviction that has made them untouchable at home.

Captain Isaac Massanganzira spoke this week with the relaxed clarity of a man no longer intimidated by difficult journeys.

‘The journey has always been tough,’ he said. ‘Nothing has ever been straightforward [because] right from the quarter-finals it was a tough game, semi-finals even tougher. But we are in the finals now and we are excited. We are going out to give our best and make sure we get the win.’

Their route to the final has demanded resilience and nerve in equal measure. KCB, eight-time Kenya Cup champions, were narrowly edged out 11-10 in the quarter-final at Wankulukuku. Then came Nondescripts, who are the competition’s most decorated club with 25 titles, beaten 20-17 in a gripping semi-final at Kings Park Arena. Pirates overturned the contest in a ferocious second-half surge led by tries from Conrad Wanyama, Frank Kidega, Desire Ayera and Alex Aturinda.

The ultimate test

They are now the last Ugandan club standing, carrying not only their own ambitions but the hopes of a rugby nation eager to measure itself against East Africa’s established power.

Waiting for them at the RFUEA Grounds is the sternest challenge imaginable.

Kabras Sugar are not merely champions but a proper dynasty. Saturday offers them the chance to secure a sixth consecutive Enterprise Cup title since 2018, extending a remarkable reign that has blurred the line between dominance and inevitability. They have not lost a match since February 2022 in a staggering 54-game unbeaten run. Their South African coach Carlos Katywa, himself, remains undefeated since taking charge in 2022.

And yet even giants reveal flickers of vulnerability.

Kabras laboured to a tense 14-8 victory over KCB in the recent Kenya Cup final, a performance after which Katywa openly admitted concerns over game management and set-piece execution going into the Pirates showdown. Their eighth man Jeanson Misoga, one of their leading scorers is being monitored after suffering a concussion in that gruesome final while their coach is concerned about the efficiency of their scrum which has been their biggest weapon.

‘It’s an area we have to address in training and see what we need to do to make it formidable again. I’m confident we will go back to being a dominant pack at set-piece time,’ Katya was quoted by Kenyan outlet The Star.

Pirates will sense an opportunity there.

Their forward pack is built for attritional contests of this nature. Eliphaz Emong, once a Kabras player himself, brings priceless insider knowledge to a bruising front eight that also includes the relentlessly physical Sunday Jaguar. Behind them, utility player and 2025 most valuable player Timothy Kisiga will orchestrate Uganda’s attacking shape, while the elusive youngster Jeremiah Okello and the ever-present Haruna Muhammad offer the kind of explosive running threat capable of unsettling even the most disciplined defence, which Kabras’ South African tactician acknowledges.

‘They are a quality side that rides a lot on momentum. We must be well prepared for what will be a very competitive battle,’ he warned his troops.

For all the talk of hostile territory and unfamiliar atmosphere in Nairobi, Pirates appear remarkably unfazed. Asked about playing on Kenyan soil, Massa, who’s played at the grounds previously, smiled.

‘We like the turf and deep waters,’ he said. ‘We are not worried at all.’

For a club built on the identity of pirates, who are known to be fearless navigators venturing into uncertain seas, the metaphor feels almost too perfect. And this weekend, at the RFUEA Grounds, the horizon stretches further than a trophy, perhaps the moment Ugandan rugby finally announces itself on equal terms with Kenya’s giants.

2026 ENTERPRISE CUP – final

Saturday, May 30, 2026

Kabras Sugar vs. Stanbic Black Pirates, 4pm

RFUEA Grounds, Nairobi – Kenya

Previous winners since 2000

2000 Impala

2001 Impala

2002 Impala

2003 Impala /Kenya Harlequin

2004 KCB

2005 Impala

2006 Mwamba

2007 KCB

2008 Nakuru

2009 Kenya Harlequin

2010/11 Kenya Harlequin

2011/12 Not Played

2012/13 Mwamba

2013/14 Nakuru

2014/15 KCB

2015/16 KCB

2016/17 KCB

2017/18 Homeboyz

2018/19 Kabras Sugar

2019/20/21 Not played

2022 Kabras Sugar

2023 Kabras Sugar

2024 Kabras Sugar

2025 Kabras Sugar

CLUB PROFILES

KABRAS SUGAR RFC

Club: Kabras Sugar RFC

Coach: Carlos Katywa

Captain: Eugene Sifuna

Founded: 2014 (promoted to Kenya Cup)

Base: Kakamega, Western Kenya

National Titles: 6 Kenya Cup titles (2019, 2022, 2023, 2024, 2025, 2026)

Regional Titles: 5 Enterprise Cup titles (2019, 2022, 2023, 2024, 2025)

Road to the Final

Quarter-final: Heathens 19-61 Kabras

Semi-final: Kabras 29-20 Menengai Oilers

STANBIC BLACK PIRATES RFC

Club: Stanbic Black Pirates RFC

Coach: Marvin Odong

Captain: Isaac Massanganzira

Founded: 1996

Base: Kings ParkArena, Bweyogerere – Uganda

National titles: 3 Uganda Rugby Premiership titles (2018, 2023 and 2025)

Regional titles: None yet

Road to the Final

Quarter-final: Pirates 11-10 KCB

Semi-final: Pirates 20-17 Nondescripts RFC

Uganda is among six African countries that will return to the now annual Fifa U-17 World Cup in Qatar that will played from November 19 to December 13.

Uganda which qualified for their first ever U-17 World Cup at last year’s edition joins Egypt, Mali, Ivory Coast, Senegal, and Morocco in defending their slots at the international showpiece. After finishing third in an U-17 Africa Cup of Nations group topped by Ivory Coast and Cameroon, and also included DRC, Uganda had to come from down twice to draw 2-2 with Ghana in regulation time of their World Cup qualification playoff match in Morocco. The Cubs then beat Ghana 8-7 on penalties to advance to Qatar 2026.

Fufa leaders used a dinner held on Tuesday at Sheraton Kampala Hotel to celebrate the players, the achievement, and as a chance to take stock of their efforts in youth football.

“Five years ago the president (Moses Magogo) told us that football development does not need to make noise in the papers. What makes noise is what you do on pitch,” Ronnie Kalema the Fufa executive secretary in charge of football development, said.

“On October 17, 2023, Fufa launched the Technical Master Plan and I want to thank the CEO (chief executive officer of Fufa) Edgar Watson for finding us a football development director, Bashir Mutyaba, that is hands on in implementation. And I also want to to thank the Uganda Youth Football Association (UYFA) for providing space for these young players to get an opportunity to play football and also USSSA (Uganda Secondary School Sports Association), which is playing a big part in developing the game.

“This success is not just a qualification but a reward of the belief, hardwork, and zeal that these young boys showed. It is important to note that the development pathway is not just for the boys but the girls too and we hope they also qualify soon.

“In this same hotel last year, we celebrated our maiden qualification to the World Cup. Who knows, maybe this might become the norm in our country,” Kalema added.

Dreams come alive

The function was attended by key enablers like the Commissioner of Physical Education and Sports in the Ministry of Education and Sports Rev. Canon Duncans Mugumya, National Council of Sports (NCS) assistant general secretary (technical) Milton Chebet, headteachers of Kyaddondo SS, St. Mary’s School Kitende, Kibuli SS, Amus College, and Bukedea Comprehensive, academy representatives from Ebenezer, KCCA, Prosper, Edgars, and Rays of Grace, plus some parents of the players.

“From last year’s U-17 team, we have four or five players that have moved to Europe. We will probably have more now because scouts are starting to look at us. Remember this is an annual tournament so, academies should double their efforts now and have players on the national team,” Roberts Kiwanuka, also director Rays of Grace academy, said.

Maybe Ugandan players can dream a little more now. Emmanuel and Shamim Mubiru, the parents of Trevor Mubiru, who scored the decisive kick in the shootouts against Ghana spoke of the anxiety in the moment and the their sons’ dreams.

“My stomach started hurting as soon as he walked up. But it had already showed signs when he was kicked a few times in the match,” his mother said while the father – a comedian and radio presenter – said “I tried playing football at Kajjansi Progressive between 1992 and 1997 but those were tough times where we had no shoes and opportunities. I am glad Trevor is now fulfilling my dreams.”

These dreams, captain Owen Mukisa said have seen them endure “sleepless nights, hard training, and criticism from our own fans. But we never gave up.”

“It is a great honour that we are and we want to thak for Fufa for giving us this opportunity. To achieve this was not easy but we promise to work even harder to make our country proud at the World Cup,” Mukisa added.

Pushing for dominance

According to Mugumya and USSSA president Justus Mugisha, Uganda will soon do even better at the World Cup. Last year in Qatar, Uganda beat France and drew with Chile after losing to Canada to make the knockout stages as one of best third-placed teams. Uganda went on to beat Senegal in the Round of 32 before losing to Burkina Faso in the Round of 16.

“This (return to the World Cup) fills me with pride because it shows we are doing this the right way,” Mugisha, who doubles as Fufa’s vice president, said.

“When you win once, it can be by chance. But when you qualify twice, one year after another, it shows there is a lot of work done. As players you have put in a lot but you have been pushed by your academies, primary and secondary schools which pay fees for you, and then programmes of Fufa.

“I have a lot of confidence that Uganda is going to dominate youth football very soon. The same schools that have players have dominated international schools’ football.

“This year, our Caf U-15 team was second in Africa. Two years ago, we went to China for ISF Schools Football World Cup where Amus were number two and Bukedea were third in boys’ football. Previously we were in Morocco (Caf U-15) were St. Noa Girls were second,” Mugisha added before he was complemented by Mugumya who recognized that at the 2024 ISF World Cup in China Amus and Bukedea beat schools from Germany, Nigeria, and Brazil among others thereby setting a right basis for better hope.

“Now that we will have a World Cup for U-15s soon, we have to go deeper and put in the work when these kids are Under 13. We need partnerships with primary schools,” Mugisha added.

Vision getting clearer

Fufa have put in work at the lower grassroots and just probably need to re-engineer the focus.

“Our vision has always been to be the number one football federation in Africa and to do that you must be chilling with the big boys. You only need to read the list of those that have qualified for the World Cup back-to-back to that it is possible for us to chill with them,” Magogo said before delving into their works.

“This has not come accidently but through deliberate plans by the federation. In 2015, we started the Fufa Juniors League. Before that, we did not have any organized competition for players other than the Premier League.

“In 2018, we realized we need to go lower and introduced Odilo which is the Primary School version by Fufa. Now today we have many competitions but they are just to cast a net so we can be able to tap as much talent as we can.

“We started the Fufa TV Cup to make sure the traditional schools are also involved in football. Of course when we start things they are not usually popular but we do so because we are tall enough to see tomorrow.

“I am glad to announce that we have two players in this squad that have played the Fufa TV Cup; John Brian Owino and Inshirah Mahyoub,” Magogo explained before further highlighting their Masterplan.

“The Technical Master Plan is the encyclopedia, bible of all of this. And everything you are going to see is coming from that well thought, structured, planned, resourced programme.

“If you want to chill with the big boys you must source talent. We have scouts in 46 districts of Uganda looking for talent aged 11 years and below.

“Once talent is identified, there must entities that absorb it such that there is a deliberate effort to develop them. That is why we have licensed 67 academies graded as two, three, and four (school programme) and these have been submitted to National Council of Sports for licensing.

“As a federation, we have drawn a football curriculum with five subjects; technique (friendship between player and ball), tactics (relationship between a player and those around them on pitch), conditioning (relationship between a player and their body), psychology (relationship between the player and the mind), and the relationship between player and the environment they live in.

“We also established Schools of Excellence which have our coaches and have given us 30 bursaries for the identified players,” Magogo shared.

The Fufa president also reserved congratulatory remarks for the players.

“I am told there is a storm in Ghana right now after we beat them but I have told their (Football Association) president to take heart as we have been victims of Ghana many times at various levels.

“The boys deserved to qualify because they played entertaining football. They were deliberate and taking decisions on the field of play.

“These youth pathways have created players like Byaruhanga Bobosi, Kenneth Ssemakula, Rogers Mato, Travis Mutyaba, Aziz Kayondo, Allan Okello, and James Bwogere who have since moved to the national team. And we believe that even these ones who are here have a journey because we intend to qualify for the (U-17) World Cup every year for the next five years so we have a pipeline of players feeding the senior national team.

“Even more importantly, I want to thank government led by President (Yoweri) Museveni and the (Minister of Sports and Education) First Lady (Janet) for funding these teams because we are now able to go. The U-17 World Cup was not invented today but has been around since 1985,” Magogo concluded.

There is a dangerous thing that happens when you buy a smartphone in Uganda. The phone does not simply connect you to the internet. No. It connects you to seven different versions of Kampala at the same time. One small Tecno Spark with a cracked screen protector and suspicious battery life can carry a church WhatsApp group, three political wars on X, a soft-life Instagram personality, six unfinished TikTok drafts, and a Facebook account still using a graduation photo from 2014. All inside one device surviving on 14 percent battery and prayer.

At this point, social media in Uganda is no longer technology. It is geography. Every app feels like its own district with separate laws, slang, transport system, and unemployment rate. Moving from one platform to another feels like crossing East African borders without a passport. One minute you are on LinkedIn discussing ‘leveraging innovation for sustainable impact,’ sounding like a United Nations consultant. Two seconds later, you are on TikTok watching a grown man cry over a heartbreak while frying cassava in Nateete.

And the funniest thing is that every platform has citizens. Entire tribes. Entire behaviours. The same Ugandan transforms completely depending on where you find them. On LinkedIn, they are ‘honoured and humbled’ to attend webinars. On X, they are political analysts with anger issues. On Instagram, they are holding wine glasses they did not buy. On WhatsApp, they are borrowing transport money with urgency that sounds medically certified. A single Ugandan can switch personalities faster than a politician during campaign season. And somehow, all these people are living inside one phone with no storage space left.

In this article we profile the commonly used social media apps, and if it walks like a duck, swims like a duck, or quacks like a duck the probably it is…? Facebook: The uncle who still says ‘Gud Morning Frends’ Facebook was the first social media platform to properly arrive in Uganda and change lives permanently. Before influencers, podcasts, and TikTok dances in supermarket aisles, Facebook was already here connecting relatives, exposing family secrets, and teaching Ugandans how to argue digitally. Ironically, it also remains officially ‘banned’ in Uganda, a fact that makes absolutely no difference because people still use it freely, companies still advertise there, politicians still campaign there, and somewhere right now, an auntie in Mityana is posting ‘Gud evening dear frnds’ with a sparkling flower GIF from 2008. It is probably the only illegal place in Uganda where businesses run promotions comfortably.

The younger generation now talks about Facebook the way people discuss black-and-white television. To them, it feels ancient. Archaeological. A place for uncles, aunties, former guild leaders, and people who still type ‘HBD’ with deep emotional commitment.

But despite the jokes, Facebook remains dangerously active. The crowd there is massive. Entire lives are happening on that app. Facebook in Uganda is not an app, it is an LC1 meeting with internet bundles. A digital village trading centre where politics, gossip, prayer requests, business, heartbreak, and fake news all rent the same room.

Somebody posts a missing dog and suddenly the comments are discussing land grabbing, witchcraft, fuel prices, and why children no longer greet elders. And no platform respects unnecessary long captions like Facebook. Birthday posts there look like witness statements submitted to court. Facebook aunties are entrepreneurs by force; everyone is selling ginger, rice, blankets, or original Turkey bedsheets.

X: Kampala’s loudest student

X, formerly Twitter, is what happens when caffeine, WiFi, unemployment, sarcasm, and unresolved anger meet in a dark room and decide to start a republic. Ugandan Twitter users behave like they are permanently trapped inside a debate hall. Every single person on that app believes their opinion is breaking news and the funniest thing is that people tweet not because they have thoughts but because they desperately want strangers to clap for those thoughts. The entire app survives on attention-seeking disguised as intellectualism. Tweeps cannot simply disagree peacefully. No. Somebody must be cooked publicly. Somebody must lose employment opportunities. Somebody’s old tweets from 2017 must be resurrected like ancient scriptures. And everyone starts threads. Banange, Twitter people type ‘THREAD’ like they are releasing leaked CIA documents.

‘THREAD: Why chapati prices explain the collapse of modern masculinity.’ Twenty-seven tweets later, you are somehow discussing colonialism, potholes in Kampala, and emotional trauma caused by UACE results. Relationships also die there publicly. One screenshot can destroy a marriage before breakfast. ‘Men are embarrassing,’ someone tweets, and immediately the timeline gathers like people surrounding an accident on Jinja Road. Retweets flying everywhere. Fake relationship experts emerging from nowhere.

Instagram (IG): The soft-life cousin who never sweats

Instagram is a witness protection programme for struggling people. The moment someone opens IG, poverty immediately loses network. Rent disappears. Loan apps become spiritual matters. Everybody suddenly becomes a lifestyle influencer. Nobody on IG has ever suffered in a taxi at Clock Tower traffic. Nobody is sweating. Nobody is begging a conductor to stop masso awo. Everybody is glowing under soft lighting while drinking iced coffee that costs more than transport from Kampala to Jinja. Instagram men are also committed to organised lying. Somebody posts airport photos with a visible passport and laptop bag like they are negotiating oil deals in Dubai, meanwhile they are attending a cousin’s introduction in Kigali. Gym people wake up at 5am to professionally document suffering. ‘Consistency.’

Relationships there move like Netflix trailers; matching outfits, drone shots, forehead touching then two weeks later all photos disappear like classified government documents. No questions asked. Instagram is basically Kampala with beauty filters and denial. Outside is not healing anybody, outside is expensive.

TikTok: The hyperactive student

TikTok is chaos wearing earphones. Aboda boda rider becomes a philosopher overnight and a rolex vendor suddenly reviews restaurants like he trained in Paris. Somebody cries over heartbreak at 2pm and by evening has gained 40K followers and a partnership selling waist trainers. TikTok in Uganda moves faster than fuel price rumours. One sound starts in Kampala in the morning and by sunset aunties in Mbarara are attempting a choreography routine their knees rejected spiritually. TikTok users have no shame, and honestly, that is why the app works. One video teaches budgeting, the next is a man barking at goats.

Ugandan TikTok Lives are another level of madness. TikTok Live feels like a digital trading centre mixed with a church crusade and a boxing match. People are insulting each other passionately while strangers send galaxies, lions, and universes worth actual school fees. Before, celebrities needed TV stations. Now all you need is confidence, a ring light, and the willingness to embarrass yourself. Even serious corporate employees who send emails saying ‘Kind regards’ are secretly recording dance trends in office bathrooms during lunch break.

TikTok also turned Uganda into a nation of relationship counsellors. A 22-year-old surviving exclusively on vibes and borrowed WiFi is advising married couples: ‘Know your worth queen.’ Everybody on TikTok suddenly has soft life advice while sharing apartments with three cousins and one mosquito net. But somewhere inside all the chaos, TikTok did something beautiful. It gave ordinary Ugandans visibility. Markets, ghettos, salons, pork joints, and boda stages suddenly found audiences. Kampala became one giant performance with background music and unnecessary confidence.

LinkedIn: The corporate pastor of social media

LinkedIn is where Ugandans go to wear invisible suits. People type there like they are addressing shareholders during a national emergency. Nobody simply gets a job. ‘Honoured and humbled to begin this exciting leadership journey…’ bro, you are an intern at a company with one office printer and unstable WiFi. LinkedIn users are passionate about innovation, synergy, digital transformation, sustainable ecosystems, and impact. Impact on what exactly? Everybody there sounds like they personally advise the World Bank during tea breaks.

LinkedIn users also love fake humility. ‘I am deeply grateful to announce…’ followed by a professional photoshoot where they look like candidates for UN Secretary General. Graduation photos become presidential portraits; crossed arms, serious face, suit tighter than Uganda’s economy. As if Makerere handed you control of inflation personally and unemployment there is treated like a spiritual growth journey. ‘After months of reflection, I am open to new opportunities.’ Translation: My contract expired peacefully. LinkedIn networking is also suspicious. ‘Dear esteemed professional, I hope this message finds you well…’ The message never finds you well. It finds you jobless and emotionally available. Everybody suddenly becomes a thought leader after attending one webinar with free certificates.

WhatsApp: Uganda’s real national infrastructure

Forget roads. Forget electricity. WhatsApp is Uganda’s real infrastructure. The time WhatsApp stopped working, half the country entered national mourning. Businesses collapsed and relationships failed. WhatsApp is where actual Ugandan life happens. Family groups. Church groups. Burial contribution groups. SACCO groups. Wedding committees that operate like temporary governments. And groups that died in 2021 but nobody exits because leaving feels like disrespecting ancestors.

You wake up with 347 unread messages. Most are ‘Amen,’ ‘Noted,’ and 37 praying hand emojis. Then one uncle sends blurry photos from 2013 with the caption: ‘Memories.’ WhatsApp aunties are also the Ministry of Misinformation. ‘Pliz share and save lives.’ Suddenly garlic cures heartbreak, ulcers, and fuel prices simultaneously. Voice notes on WhatsApp working like documentaries. Somebody sends a seven-minute audio while walking through wind, taxis, chickens, and construction noise. WhatsApp fights are also legendary, especially in family groups. One funeral contribution debate exposes generational trauma immediately. Some people only appear during eating, silence. Then somebody exits dramatically. Meanwhile statuses became Uganda’s emotional broadcasting station. People post heartbreak songs, gym videos, political opinions, food, memes, and indirect messages.

Snapchat: The campuser still living in 2018

Snapchat feels like somebody who peaked during university fresher’s week and never emotionally recovered. Snapchat users still behave like it is 2018. Dog filters. Blurry party videos. Captions like meet my people, meanwhile everybody in the photo met 30 minutes ago near the bar queue. Snapchat is basically campus energy preserved in a laboratory. Private stories are especially dangerous. People post content there that should remain between them and God. Somebody is crying over a heartbreak at 2am with Future playing loudly in the background.

And somehow Snapchat users still believe disappearing messages protect them. Banange, screenshots exist, even when it reports, what will you do ? Ugandans can expose an entire relationship faster than gossip moves in a salon. Snapchat is where people go to act mysterious, emotional, toxic, and unavailable while using flower crown filters. It is less of a social media app and more of a digital hostel corridor with WiFi.

Telegram: The suspicious guy wearing shades indoors

Telegram is an underground operation. It feels like a man in shades whispering: I know someone. Everybody there is either planning wealth or planning crime. No middle ground. Telegram groups are full of crypto prophets, forex pastors, betting experts, and leaked movies. Telegram forex groups, especially operate like digital witchcraft. Charts. Candles. Lamborghini wallpapers. Somebody in Kasokoso with a borrowed laptop is teaching financial freedom. And somehow Telegram users still trust strangers with anime profile pictures. Telegram feels like Kampala after midnight; suspicious, chaotic, and somehow still functioning.

Buganda emerged as the biggest beneficiary in President Museveni’s Cabinet reshuffle released on May 26, taking 21 of the 84 slots. Yet for some NRM supporters in the region, the numbers feel hollow.

The 21 appointments make up 25 percent of the Cabinet. Critics and party loyalists say it’s a starting point, but not enough given Buganda’s political and electoral weight. Many argue that while the region delivered for NRM in the January 15 general election, it was rewarded mostly with junior portfolios that carry limited influence.

The debate has reopened an old question in Uganda’s power politics: does electoral support translate directly into senior appointments?

Of the 30 full ministers named, Buganda got only four substantive slots. Gen. Edward Katumba Wamala moved from Works and Transport to Public Service. Minsa Kabanda was retained for Kampala Capital City and Metropolitan Affairs, and Judith Nabakooba kept Lands, Housing and Urban Development. Sam Mayanja, formerly State Minister for Lands, was elevated to Attorney General.

The rest of the 17 appointees from Buganda and the wider Central region are Ministers of State. New entrants include Desire Muhooza for Agriculture, Robert Migadde for Fisheries, Cissy Mulondo for Finance (General Duties), Amina Mukalazi for Finance (Privatization and Investment), Shartsi Kutesa Musherure for Finance (Microfinance), Justine Nameere for Local Government, Suzan Nakawuki Nsambu for Tourism and Antiquities, Kiryowa Kiwanuka for Defense, and Dr. Lawrence Muganga for Internal Affairs.

Retained junior ministers include Diana Mutasingwa, Dr. John Chrysostom Muyingo, Amos Lugoloobi, Joyce Ssebugwawo, Kabuye Kyofatogabye, and Aisha Ssekindi. Haruna Kasolo was transferred from Microfinance to Foreign Affairs (Regional Affairs).

For a region that has produced Uganda’s most senior leaders, the balance feels off to some. Under Museveni, Buganda once held the Prime Minister’s office through Kintu Musoke, Apollo Nsibambi, and Samson Kisekka. Kisekka also served as Vice President, alongside Edward Ssekandi and Gilbert Bukenya. Gerald Ssendawula ran Finance from 1998 to 2005, Jaberi Bidandi Ssali served 17 years in various ministries, and Abu Mayanja held key posts from 1986 to 1994, including Attorney General and Third Deputy Prime Minister.

Political analysts see the new lineup as a balancing act rather than a regional reward. In 2021, NRM lost heavily in Buganda as NUP swept Wakiso, Masaka, Kampala, Mukono, and Mpigi. The region became the center of opposition politics, with NUP leader Robert Kyagulanyi drawing strong urban and peri-urban support.

The January 2026 election showed some recovery for NRM in rural Buganda. Luweero, Nakaseke, Kyotera, Sembabule, Mubende, Kiboga, and parts of Greater Masaka registered gains for the party. NRM also held ground in western strongholds like Ankole and Kigezi, and kept dominance in much of northern and eastern Uganda.

Some NRM supporters say that recovery deserved more senior recognition. ‘There was expectation that Buganda would be rewarded because people sacrificed to rebuild the party image after the difficult 2021 election,’ said Hajji Abdul Kiyemba, an NRM mobiliser in Wakiso. ‘Many youth returned to support the party in 2026, but when the Cabinet came out, people started questioning whether the region is still trusted within the government.’

Others believe Museveni deliberately avoided concentrating power in Buganda due to its volatile politics. ‘Museveni always calculates politically,’ said Juliet Nsimire, a longtime NRM supporter in Rakai. ‘He may have looked at Buganda as still politically divided and decided to spread key positions across the country to maintain national balance.’

Analyst Sam Ssekamatte in Masaka pointed to Kigezi as an example. ‘Take the example of Kigezi sub-region, they voted Museveni overwhelmingly and this explains why out of the districts each has a minister in the new cabinet,’ he said.

The reshuffle also dropped veteran ministers including Matia Kasaija, Moses Ali, Jeje Odongo, Musa Ecweru, and Okello Oryem. Some read it as a move to bring in younger faces and prepare for future transitions. But in Buganda, critics say the imbalance risks deepening alienation.

Alexander Mackay Muhinda, a former LCV contestant in Rakai, said appointments carry symbolic weight. ‘In Uganda’s politics, people interpret the Cabinet not just as governance but as recognition,’ he said. ‘When a region feels underrepresented, it creates perception problems even if the government argues that appointments are based on competence and national interest.’

NRM youth leader Sam Mwesige in Kyotera argued that rewards follow loyalty and stability. ‘You cannot compare Buganda to regions where NRM wins overwhelmingly with ease,’ he said. ‘The President rewards loyalty and stability. Buganda is improving, yes, but politically it remains a contested territory where NUP has an upper hand.’

According to the Electoral Commission, Kyagulanyi won Buganda with 1,160,780 votes to Museveni’s 1,157,832. Each won 13 of the region’s 26 districts. NRM also reclaimed at least 24 parliamentary seats previously held by NUP.

Political analyst Siraje Nsanja said the Cabinet did not mark a major shift. ‘There were expectations that Buganda would benefit if the President opted for a broad reshuffle that could usher in new influential leaders from the region,’ Nsanja said. ‘But because he maintained a cautious approach and largely retained trusted cadres, Buganda appears to have missed out on the bigger share many anticipated.’

He said Buganda’s hope may now lie in parliamentary leadership and appointments to agencies and parastatals. He praised the inclusion of technocrats like Dr. Lawrence Muganga and Ambassador Adonia Ayebare, but noted that many Buganda appointees lack the political stature of the older generation. ‘That comparison also shapes public perception because representation is not only about numbers, but also the political weight and influence carried by those appointed,’ he said.

Historically, the Central region has dominated Cabinet since 1986. Museveni’s first Cabinet had 14 of 30 ministers from Buganda. While the region’s dominance in full Cabinet posts has declined, it remains the most populous region with an estimated 12.9 million people out of 45 million nationally.

The 2025-2026 Startimes Uganda Premier League season offcially comes to a close on Friday evening with the end of season awards at Kati Kati Restaurant in Kampala.

Many have tipped Vipers midfield dynamo Abdul Karim Watambala for the top accolade from the list of five nominees including Villa pair of striker Frank Ssebuufu and defender Barasa Mangoli.

Others are league top scorer Ivan Ahimbisibwe from KCCA and UPPC striker Ambrose Kigozi to form the list

released by the Uganda Premier League secretariat a fortnight ago.

Watambala scored 12 goals to guide Vipers to an eighth league crown including a burst of seven goals in seven games between December and February.

The form helped compensate for the departure of close friend and last season’s MVP and top scorer Allan Okello who played in three of a six-game winning run in December and January.

The run also culminated in Vipers opening up a six points advantage over KCCA at the time.

League top scorer Ivan Ahimbisibwe also has a strong shout for the MVP accolade with his 14 goals sustaining KCCA’s title charge until the final two games of the season before finishing second and five points behind winners Vipers.

Ambrose Kigozi’s12 goals similarly carried UPPC into fifth position upon their promotion to the topflight division while Ssebuufu’s heading ability and wonderful hold up play saw him conjure up nine goals and five assists for SC Villa who finished third.

Barasa is the only defender on the shortlist with his calmness on the ball, brilliant game reading and passing plus the ability to initiate play thrusting him into the limelight in his first full season since joining from Jinja SS in February last year after playing for Gaddafi in the Fufa Juniors League.

The voting ecosystem included contributions from a technical panel, league statistics and data, selected football stakeholders, media input and limited weighted fan engagement.

MVP Nominees

Abdul Karim Watambala (Vipers)

Ivan Ahimbisibwe (KCCA)

Frank Ssebuufu (Villa)

Raymond Barasa Mangoli (Villa)

Ambrose Kigozi (UPPC)

Other Nominees

Young player of the season

Raymond Barasa Mangoli (Villa)

Enrique Lubwama (UPDF)

Richard Okello (Bul)

Hakim Wandera (Nec)

Coach of the season

Abdallah Mubiru (UPPC)

Ivan Minnaert (Vipers)

Željko Kovacevic (Villa)

Badru Kaddu (Nec)

Buganda has emerged as the biggest beneficiary in President Museveni’s newly unveiled Cabinet, taking 21 ministerial positions, according to an analysis of the regional distribution of appointments.

President Museveni, on May 26, announced an 83-member Executive comprising the vice president, prime minister, Cabinet ministers, and ministers of state, whose appointments now await vetting by Parliament’s Appointments Committee.

The analysis shows that Buganda accounts for about 25 percent of the appointments, making it the most represented sub-region in the new government.

According to the latest figures from the Uganda Bureau of Statistics, Buganda is also Uganda’s most populous sub-region, with an estimated population of 12.9 million people.

Kigezi emerged as the second highest represented sub-region with seven ministers, followed by West Nile, Acholi, and Ankole with six ministers each.

Busoga, Bunyoro, and Tooro secured five slots each, while Bukedi and Lango received four appointments apiece.

Karamoja and Rwenzori each produced three ministers, Bugisu got two, while Sebei secured one appointment.

Out of the 30 full Cabinet ministers, Buganda produced five ministers, while Ankole, Kigezi, and Busoga each secured four Cabinet positions.

Bunyoro received three Cabinet slots, while Tooro, Acholi, Lango, and Bukedi each obtained two. Karamoja and Rwenzori each secured one Cabinet minister, while Bugisu, Sebei, and West Nile did not get any full Cabinet positions.

President Museveni retained Jessica Alupo from Teso as vice president and Robinah Nabbanja from Bunyoro as prime minister.

Constitutional role

Under the Constitution, the Cabinet is the Executive arm of government responsible for formulating and implementing government policy.

Political observers say regional balancing has increasingly become an important factor in Uganda’s politics, with appointments often interpreted as rewards to regions and political constituencies.

The Secretary General of the Patriotic League of Uganda, Mr Daudi Kabanda, criticised the composition of the Cabinet, arguing that some regions received more influential positions than others.

‘You can’t tell me that this Cabinet is balanced. It was drawn recently after some of these people stood for the speakership and deputy. We are not happy, as PLU and Buganda,’ Mr Kabanda said.

‘Of the Cabinet ministers, the West took 16, while West Nile had none. Busoga were given most of the posts, which are non-influential,’ he added.

However, political analyst Mwambutsya Ndebesa said the debate should focus less on numerical representation and more on the influence and effectiveness of appointed ministers.

‘Cabinet is the topmost decision-making space. So sometimes when you have people in the top decision-making space, there is some inclusivity in terms of resource allocation,’ Mr Ndebesa said.

‘However, what is important to me is not numbers. It is the weight in the numbers. Do they have a ministry that is relevant and the person appointed there has the power to influence?’ he added.

Mr Ndebesa said while he personally does not strongly support politics based on regional balancing, Uganda’s current political environment makes the issue difficult to ignore.

He further argued that representation should be viewed algebraically, not arithmetically, explaining that some ministers carry more political weight and control over national resources than others.

‘You find that some ministries have more weight in terms of resource allocation and value it than others,’ he said.

Ms Perry Aritua, the executive director of Women’s Democracy Network-Uganda Chapter, described the issues of regional balancing as largely political without any impact on regional development.

‘This regional balance is really just politics, but what Uganda is looking for is that anyone who is given a mandate to serve the population must deliver on their mandate. So it’s our politics that causes this sentiment,’ Ms Aritua said.

Mr Aritua explained that there is little evidence showing that regions with many ministers necessarily get better services and development.

‘I think it is important to do an analysis to see whether having all those ministers leads to delivery of services because I see, like now, if we look at the regions where they have specific ministers, like Karamoja, Bunyoro, and others, how have their lives changed?’ she questioned.

She also questioned the size of the Cabinet, noting that she expected a smaller-sized Cabinet that is effective, adding that a bigger Cabinet drains public resources.

Gender inclusion

Similarly, Ms Sarah Bireete, executive director for the Centre for Constitutional Governance (CCG), said that regional and gender inclusion should be based on merit and competence.

Ms Bireete explained that no region in Uganda appears completely excluded from the government appointments, but also criticised the continued expansion of Cabinet beyond constitutional recommendations.

What we are most uncomfortable with is maintaining the large size of the Cabinet. Because if you include the prime minister, we have an 82-person Cabinet. We need to go back to include the Cabinet as provided for in the Constitution of 23 Cabinet ministers and 23 ministers of state, so that we have a manageable public administration budget as we can,’ Ms Bireete said.

She explained that the issue of regional balance is irrelevant, adding that apart from ministers appointed for special regions such as Luweero, Karamoja, and Bunyoro, the rest are supposed to serve the national interests.

‘Ministers are not regional leaders, and they should make sure that they do a good job that would serve the common good of Uganda,’ Ms Bireete said.

Political analyst Yusuf Serunkuma, however, argued that regional balancing has become central to Uganda’s political system.

According to Serunkuma, appointments are less about performance and more about rewarding loyalty and creating perceptions of inclusion among ethnic and regional groups.

‘People are taking positions to eat. And so eating somehow translates into eating on behalf of your constituency or your ethnic community. I think the beginning part is that ministerial positions are not meant to do anything serious,’ Mr Serunkuma said.

He argued at the regional level, people with many ministers may gain informal advantages such as access to jobs, scholarships, government tenders through political connections, donations, among others, but not necessarily broader transformation or development.

‘The broader picture of things is that regions do not benefit because they have many ministers. There are small things like having somebody in power that you can call when you’re in trouble, a Gamba nogu (knowing an important person), ‘if you want a scholarship, government tender, and church donations.’

Mr Serumkuma emphasised that it’s a responsibility of the government to provide services like hospitals and schools, regardless of whether they have a minister from the region or not.