Category: Daily Monitor

Every appointment season, West Nile slips back into lamentation mode. Leaders and residents say their push for a Cabinet Minister has again come up short, leaving the sub-region feeling underrepresented at the highest level of government.

Their argument is straightforward: a full Cabinet Minister can influence budget votes and shape service delivery decisions. State Ministers, they say, cannot.

‘They are file carriers because they do not control any vote or even attend cabinet meetings where key decisions are made,’ said former Arua Municipality MP Kassiano Wadri of the Alliance for National Transformation.

For years, President Yoweri Museveni kept Gen. Moses Ali as the sole Cabinet Minister for West Nile’s 13 districts. That link is now gone. Ali was dropped in the latest reshuffle.

Lecturer at Muni University Dr. William Anzo says the new list of six State Ministers does not fix the problem.

‘Their appointment does not solve the problem of critical underrepresentation. Out of the 3.7 million people, many of whom are voters, taxpayers, and patriots-cannot be reduced to only six junior ministers while other sub-regions with smaller populations command multiple full ministers,’ Anzo said. ‘That is not representation; it is tokenism dressed in appointment letters,’ he added.

Anzo said Ali was more than a minister. ‘For decades, Moses Ali was not merely a minister; he was the senior Cabinet face of West Nile. He carried the hopes, the voice, and the representation of West Nile and beyond. When Gen. Ali sat in Cabinet, the sub-region had a heartbeat at the highest table of national decision making… that heartbeat has now gone silent,’ he said.

West Nile has held full Cabinet posts before. Between 1995 and 2001, the region had the late Francis Ayume and Dr Eric Adriko, appointed Minister for Industry and Technology. In 2001, Zoe Bakoko Bakoru became Minister for Gender, Labour and Social Development after winning Ayivu County.

During the last campaigns, West Nile leaders asked Museveni for Cabinet, ambassadorial, and permanent secretary appointments, arguing the region has capable, educated people. They also pushed for a dedicated Ministry for West Nile Affairs, similar to Karamoja.

On January 10, 2026, Bakoko presented that case to the President at Muni University. ‘We feel we need special attention. We know you love us and you will do it. We believe it will help us to focus on deliberate rehabilitation for the region,’ she said to applause. Museveni responded: ‘Regarding the status of West Nile as a region, that’s no problem. We shall discuss that and make it regional like we did with Karamoja.’

The response raised hopes. But Tuesday’s appointment of six State Ministers drew mixed reactions.

Dropped were Evelyn Anite, former State Minister for Finance (Privatisation); Gen. Moses Ali, Second Deputy Prime Minister; Mario Obiga Kania, former State Minister for Urban Development; and Dr. Joyce Moriku, former State Minister for Primary Education.

The new appointees are Hudson Oleru, retained as State Minister for Defence (Veteran Affairs); Tom Aza, State Minister for Trade and Industry (Cooperatives); Dr. Charles Ayume, State Minister for Primary Health; Yorke Alioni Odria, Minister of State for ICT and National Guidance (National Guidance); Siraji Musa Ali, State Minister for Works; and Phiona Nyamutoro, State Minister for Energy and Mineral Development (Minerals). The sub-region also had six ministers in the 2021-2026 Cabinet.

Newly appointed Minister of State for ICT and National Guidance, Mr Yorke Alioni Odria thanked the President and pledged to fight corruption through technology.

‘I thank all of you so much for the confidence, hope, and trust bestowed upon me with this new appointment. Being one of the vocal and loud anti-corruption crusaders in Uganda, I promise now to start fighting corruption through technology,’ Odria said.

West Nile Development Association Executive Secretary Moses Akuma Odims welcomed the appointments but flagged the missing Cabinet slot.

‘This gesture is a clear indication that you recognize the capacity, loyalty, and contribution of our region to Uganda’s stability, economy, and unity,’ Odims said.

‘While we appreciate the appointments at State Minister level, we note with concern the continued absence of a substantive Cabinet Minister from West Nile in the new cabinet. Cabinet Ministers hold portfolio responsibility, vote in cabinet decisions, and directly shape policy and resource allocation for their sectors. The absence of a Cabinet Minister means West Nile has no direct voice at the highest decision-making table of government,’ he said.

Ugandan politics has always revolved around power, loyalty, and control. Yet, beneath the visible structures of government lies a more complicated political architecture-one built not only on institutions but on influential individuals who become indispensable to the system.

For the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), few figures in recent years have embodied this reality more than former Speaker Anita Annet Among.

Whether admired or criticised, Among’s rise from a relatively lesser-known legislator to one of the most powerful political figures in Uganda was neither accidental nor cosmetic.

It reflected the emergence of a political operator who, in a remarkably short period, became deeply embedded in the ruling establishment’s machinery of mobilisation, parliamentary management, and elite coordination.

The difficult question facing the NRM today is this: if Among’s political influence weakens or if she exits the centre of power altogether, what happens to Museveni’s hold over Parliament and the ruling party’s political machinery? For years, President Museveni has maintained control through an intricate balancing act.

He has mastered the politics of reward and discipline, regional balancing, patronage, and institutional management.

Parliament, despite its constitutional independence, has increasingly functioned within this broader ecosystem of political control. But parliamentary control in Uganda has rarely depended on formal authority alone.

The official structure tells only part of the story. Behind caucus resolutions, voting patterns, and parliamentary discipline lies another layer of politics: persuasion, political networking, resource mobilisation, strategic alliances, and influence-building.

In Ugandan political language, this is simply called mobilisation. Among became especially relevant because she appeared to master this terrain.

Within political circles, she has long been viewed as more than a Speaker. Supporters describe her as an effective organiser who strengthened NRM cohesion in Parliament, mobilised women and youth structures, expanded influence in eastern Uganda, and rallied support for government positions during politically sensitive moments.

Critics, on the other hand, argue that her influence was amplified by access to State power and informal networks of patronage.

Some political observers have alleged that her political capital partly rested on her ability to financially support or politically facilitate MPs and grassroots actors-a claim frequently repeated in Uganda’s political discourse but rarely documented publicly in ways that can be independently verified.

Yet, perception itself matters in politics. If enough legislators believe a political figure possesses influence, resources, and access to the centre, that perception alone can become power. This is where the question of Parliament becomes particularly important.

Museveni’s dominance has historically depended on a disciplined parliamentary majority. While the NRM enjoys numerical strength, numbers alone do not guarantee loyalty. Parliamentary cohesion often requires active coordination, mediation of competing interests, and political management.

Without strong internal brokers, even dominant ruling parties begin to experience fractures. The danger for the NRM is not necessarily open rebellion; it is fragmentation through silent dissent.

MPs who feel politically exposed, unsupported, or disconnected from power centres often become unpredictable.

Internal competition intensifies. Regional blocs emerge. Opportunism replaces cohesion. The irony is that systems built around highly influential individuals eventually become dependent on them.

If Among indeed became one of the key informal stabilisers of parliamentary politics-as many insiders privately suggest-then weakening her without building an alternative political coordination structure could create consequences that extend beyond one politician.

This presents President Museveni with a familiar but difficult calculation. On one hand, allowing strong anti-corruption measures against powerful political actors could reinforce the image of accountability and discipline within government-particularly at a time when public frustration over corruption remains high.

On the other hand, removing politically effective mobilisers carries political risks, especially in a pre-election environment where loyalty, financing, and grassroots coordination become increasingly important.

The NRM has historically survived internal tensions because Museveni has been exceptionally skilled at managing competing power centres without allowing any single faction to become uncontrollable.

But history also shows that long-ruling parties become vulnerable when institutional discipline weakens and personal networks begin to compete for influence. The deeper question, therefore, is not merely what happens to Among.

The bigger question is whether Uganda’s ruling party has built institutions strong enough to survive the weakening of powerful political brokers-or whether the system remains heavily dependent on personalities.

For now, Museveni still holds the centre. But every political system eventually reveals whether power truly resides in institutions or in the individuals who quietly make them work.

Police in Kiboga District have launched a manhunt for a 28-year-old man accused of fatally stabbing his partner following a domestic dispute allegedly fueled by accusations of infidelity.

The deceased, identified as 25-year-old Sumaya Natukunda, was a resident of Kakunyu C Cell, Kakunyu Ward in Bukomero Town Council.

According to police, the suspect, Hussein Serugo, with whom the deceased had cohabited for the last 10 months, allegedly attacked her on Wednesday night inside their rented room, property belonging to Mr Edward Kasozi.

Preliminary investigations indicate that the couple’s relationship had been marred by months of mistrust, repeated accusations of unfaithfulness, and violent confrontations reportedly instigated by the suspect.

The Wamala Regional Police spokesperson, SSP Lameck Kigozi, stated that the suspect had earlier confiscated the deceased’s mobile phone before the fatal incident occurred.

‘At around 7:00 pm on Idd day, the deceased left the house in the company of her friend, identified as Shifrah Kyosimire, leaving the suspect behind,’ SSP Kigozi said.

He added that at about 11:00 pm, the two women returned home, but Ms Kyosimire left after Natukunda started knocking on the door.

‘Moments later, she heard the deceased screaming, ‘They have killed me!’ This prompted her to rush back, only to find her lying in a pool of blood,’ SSP Kigozi said.

The witness immediately alerted the landlord, who reported the matter to the police. A homicide team led by the Kiboga District Criminal Investigations Department (CID) officer visited and documented the scene. A police sniffer dog was also introduced to aid the search.

‘The K9 tracked the suspect’s scent up to the main road before losing the track,’ SSP Kigozi added.

The body was conveyed to Kiboga Hospital mortuary for a postmortem examination as police intensified the hunt for Serugo, who remains at large.

The incident adds to a troubling surge of domestic violence-related killings reported across the country, many of which police attribute to unresolved misunderstandings, jealousy, and toxic relationships.

Just days earlier, on Sunday, May 24, 23-year-old Sherina Namatovu, a resident of Nakitolo Cell, Ttanda Ward in Mityana Municipality, was allegedly strangled by her husband, Dumbe Nsubuga. Police reports indicate Namatovu was killed for refusing to return to their matrimonial home following a separation caused by persistent domestic abuse.

Similarly, on May 18, police in Mubende District arrested 32-year-old Ambrose Turyasingura for allegedly hacking his wife, Annet Turyahebwa, to death with a panga after she reportedly declined his demand for intimacy.

Grim statistics

The latest police data paints a grim picture of gender-based and domestic violence nationwide. According to the 2025 Annual Crime Police Report, a total of 208 murder cases arising from domestic violence were reported to police, compared to 183 cases recorded in 2024. This represents a worrying 13.7 per cent increase in just one year.

The report further indicates that out of the 208 victims of aggravated domestic violence, 92 were adult females, 89 were adult males, 14 were male juveniles, and 13 were female juveniles.

It’s imperative that the appointment of new ministers responsible for Education get to be concerned about millions of children dropping out of school and those in school but not learning.

Statistics indicate eight out of 10 children can’t read and comprehend a simple sentence by age 10. Teacher attrition is at an upward trend. Integration of technology and IT is still a distant dream.

Domestic education financing is still below the global benchmark as outlined in the Paris Declaration (2021) and Fortaleza Declaration (2024).

Therefore, as citizens, parents and learners alike are asking one fundamental question: What kind of education system do we truly want for our country in the next five years?

The answer to this fundamental question is simple; an education system that works for all children, not only for the privileged few.

This article, therefore, is not merely a congratulatory note to the new leadership at the Ministry of Education and Sports.

It is a collective reflection from citizens, practitioners, teachers, parents, learners, and communities that continue to believe that education remains Uganda’s strongest pathway to equity, dignity, productivity, and national transformation across rural villages, urban slums, refugee settlements, and emerging towns.

Ugandans want an education system that prepares children for life, work, citizenship, and innovation.

Yet many learners continue to experience overcrowded classrooms, inadequate learning materials, teacher absenteeism, high dropout rates, school-related violence, weak foundational literacy and numeracy, and growing inequality between rural and urban schools.

First, citizens want an education system that prioritises improvement of learning outcome.

Too many children complete primary school without basic reading, writing, comprehension, and numeracy competencies.

Foundational learning should no longer be treated as an early-grade issue alone but as a national emergency requiring urgent investment in teacher support, mother tongue instruction, reading culture, and school leadership.

Secondly, Ugandans want teachers to be respected, motivated, and empowered. Teachers remain the backbone of the education system, yet many work under difficult conditions characterised by low and delayed salaries, limited professional development, overcrowded classrooms, and low morale.

Thirdly, citizens want equitable education financing. Education budgets must prioritise learning outcomes rather than administrative expansion alone. Rural schools, community schools, and hard-to-reach areas deserve targeted investments in infrastructure, staffing, digital access, sanitation, and learning materials.

Citizens want an education that responds to the realities of the 21st Century. Uganda’s curriculum reforms must go beyond examinations and memorisation.

With the journey to review and implement competence-based curriculum from EarlyChildhood Education to tertiary education, learners need critical thinking, collaboration, creativity, digital skills, climate awareness, entrepreneurship, civic responsibility, and problem-solving competencies that prepare them for an evolving world. Ugandans want safe and inclusive schools.

Every child, regardless of gender, disability, refugee status, economic background, or location deserves dignity, protection, and equal opportunity in education.

School environments must actively address violence, discrimination, bullying, and exclusion. Inclusive education should move from policy rhetoric to practical implementation. Importantly, citizens are asking government to strengthen accountability systems within education governance.

Communities want transparency in school financing, monitoring of teacher attendance, effective inspection systems, and stronger engagement of parents and local leaders in school management.

The new ministers also inherit a generation of young people facing rising unemployment, mental health challenges, and uncertainty about the future. Education must, therefore, reconnect with livelihoods, technical skills, agriculture, innovation, and industry.

Furthermore, the growing effects of climate change should compel Uganda to rethink education resilience. Floods, droughts, displacement, and food insecurity are already affecting learning continuity in many districts.

As citizens, we recognise that transforming education is neither easy nor immediate. However, leadership matters. Political will matters.

Listening to citizens matters. The new ministers have an opportunity to rebuild trust, inspire reform, and place learners at the centre of decision-making. This will require courage to confront systemic inefficiencies, corruption, inequities, and policy implementation gaps that have persisted for years.

Citizens are asking the new education leadership to prioritise; learning outcomes over statistics; equity over privilege; accountability over rhetoric; inclusion over exclusion and long-term national transformation over short-term political interests.

To claim economic justice and quality public services of our country, the Executive and Parliament must be committed to transforming education through prioritising long-term strategic investment in the generation that will build the future we want.

Uganda found itself once again debating luxury vehicles associated with the former Speaker of Parliament.

Some Ugandans were indignant, others rushed to defend the purchases, while some argued that politicians should be allowed to enjoy the rewards of their offices.

Beneath these reactions, however, lay a deeper question: why does a car like Rolls-Royce, so quickly become an issue? After all, a car is only a machine but anyone who has lived in Uganda knows that a car arrives before its owner does.

At a burial, people notice where it parks. At church they notice who steps out of it, at a wedding reception, the vehicle often introduces the person before character has had a chance to speak.

I want to argue that Uganda is becoming a republic of arrival, a society increasingly preoccupied with the visible signs of ‘having made it’ while paying less attention to the civic and moral foundations that make society meaningful.

Politics is often made visible before it is made useful. It is visible in the politician’s convoy, imported IPads, children sent to foreign schools, expensive branded dresses etc. These signs of arrival are not uniquely Ugandan. They belong to the human condition.

Every society that experiences economic changes from poverty eventually confronts the temptation to turn prosperity into display. In my own opinion, display will always be there. But the problem begins when display becomes the main language.

One of the central puzzles of modern Uganda is that we have become skilled at accumulating objects, yet remain weak at forming a citizenry.

A country cannot be judged only by the things it builds. It must also be judged by the kind of people it produces. I have heard stories dating decades back about the civic psyche in the 1960s.

The generation that inherited independence faced immense difficulties. The country was poor. Institutions were young. The future was uncertain. They struggled with regional tensions and political instability but there existed, at least inspiration tied to nation-building.

A public office carried a public promise. To become a public officer was, in some sense, to become responsible for something larger than oneself. Today, something subtle has changed. Many people now seek a public office not to enlarge the republic, but to escape its burdens. The dream is to get a public office, build houses, send children abroad and gradually insulate oneself from the failures that others must endure. This is the moral architecture of arrival.

The politician who arrives in a convoy is often acting out a script that society already understands. When Parliament allocates millions of shillings towards cars for MPs, it is also communicating a social message. We encounter versions of the same script every day.

We often admire visibility before contribution. We often ask, ‘What does he drive?’, ‘Where does she live?’ before asking, ‘What does she stand for?’ I believe a society that admires status should not be surprised when its leaders become fluent in the language they understand, the language of display.

This explains why corruption becomes easier to admire and justify. We condemn extravagance in public, but often envy it in private.

We denounce excess when it belongs to an opponent, but celebrate it when it belongs to a relative or someone from our own tribe. This is why the issue cannot be reduced to one person, one car, or one institution.

Beneath us lies a deeper national moral disorder, the confusion of public office with display and personal arrival. That is one of the central dilemmas of Uganda’s public life. True human development begins when citizens care about a road they may never use but rather for posterity.

Hello Sarah, the EGR valve stands for Exhaust Gas Recirculation valve. It is designed to reduce engine temperatures and emissions by recirculating small amounts of exhaust gas back into the engine’s intake system for re-burning.

When engines burn the fuel-air mixture during combustion, they produce very high temperatures that result in harmful gases known as nitrogen oxides (NOx). The EGR system lowers combustion temperatures by mixing regulated amounts of exhaust gas with the fresh air entering the engine.

If the EGR valve is in good working condition, the engine will run more smoothly, produce lower emissions, deliver ample power, and maintain good fuel efficiency.

However, over time, an EGR valve can become clogged or faulty due to the build-up of carbon soot inside it. This issue is common in diesel engines as well as in petrol engines that are frequently driven in slow traffic for short commutes.

A faulty or clogged EGR valve may become stuck either in the open or closed position. When the EGR is stuck open, it can cause rough idling, engine hesitation, poor acceleration, and reduced fuel economy. You might notice black exhaust smoke, and in extreme cases, the engine could stall during idling or low-speed driving. A stuck-open EGR allows too much exhaust gas into the engine, distorting the air-fuel mixture and causing these issues.

On the other hand, when the EGR is stuck closed, it leads to engine knocking or pinging. This condition raises combustion temperatures and significantly increases fuel consumption and exhaust emissions.

In severe cases, the engine may overheat because exhaust gas is not being recirculated, resulting in higher combustion temperatures.

Several telltale signs may indicate a faulty EGR valve. These include an engine that does not run smoothly, reduced fuel economy, increased exhaust smoke during acceleration, decreased engine power, and jerking while idling or driving.

n more severe cases, you might experience difficulty starting the engine and see the check engine warning light illuminated on your dashboard.

Ignoring a bad EGR valve for too long can lead to engine damage. A faulty EGR can cause clogging of the intake manifolds and may wear out the turbo due to excessive soot build-up. An overheating engine can also damage costly components in the combustion chamber, such as piston rings and bearings. In newer diesel engines equipped with emission control systems, a faulty EGR can lead to problems with the Diesel Particulate Filter (DPF).

There is some debate over whether cleaning the EGR valve is better than replacing it. In many cases, cleaning can resolve the issue, especially if the EGR valve is only clogged with carbon deposits and not damaged. The cleaning process involves dismantling the valve to assess carbon buildup, allowing for a decision on whether to clean the valve and its passages. If the EGR motor or actuator has failed, a replacement will be necessary instead.

Generally, cleaning the EGR can restore smooth engine operation and significantly reduce fuel consumption.

A good starting point for EGR repair is to have your mechanic perform a computer diagnosis to check for any fault codes related to the EGR system. It is also important to inspect the intake system for soot build-up and confirm whether the EGR valve is stuck open or closed.

Additionally, other components, such as the Manifold Absolute Pressure sensor, Positive Crankcase Ventilation valve, and vacuum hoses, should be checked, as they can cause symptoms similar to those caused by the EGR.

There is something quietly heartbreaking about modern life in Kampala. We sit in traffic for hours. We scroll endlessly through our phones. We work, hustle, chase rent, school fees, deadlines, survival itself. And then, exhausted, we retreat into our isolated houses, our rooms, our headphones, our loneliness.

We are more connected than ever before, yet somehow more emotionally stranded than ever. That is why this week’s mental health picnic, dubbed The Soul Picnic 2026, slated for Saturday, May 30, may be one of the most important social events happening in Uganda this year. Not because it promises miracle cures, or claims to ‘fix’ depression, anxiety, or addiction in six hours under the sun. But because it dares to revive something many Ugandans have quietly lost: human connection.

‘Mental health conversations today tend to strictly happen in workshops, summits, conferences, and Zoom meetings. But a picnic is informal and friendlier. It breaks down walls and gets people into much-needed deep conversations,’ says Geraldine Opoka, the organiser behind the gathering.

Perhaps that is the most powerful thing she says. For years, Uganda’s mental health conversation has been trapped in clinical language and awareness campaigns. We have become fluent in words such as depression, burnout, trauma, and anxiety, yet many people still suffer alone, afraid of being judged.

According to the World Health Organisation, mental health disorders account for a significant share of global illness, with depression among the leading causes of disability worldwide. In Uganda, that pressure is compounded by unemployment, economic strain, family burdens, urban isolation, and the lingering emotional scars of poverty and conflict.

But Opoka believes something deeper is happening beneath the statistics.

‘We are communal beings who are not communing anymore,’ she says.

That sentence alone feels like an X-ray of urban Ugandan life. Once, people sat outside together. Grandparents told stories. Neighbours walked into each other’s homes unannounced because there were no concrete walls between lives. Children played barefoot in groups until darkness swallowed the roads. Life was difficult then too, but loneliness had less room to grow.

Today, many families barely speak. Entire apartment blocks exist where neighbours do not know each other’s names. Adults leave work emotionally drained, then self-medicate with alcohol, endless entertainment, or silence.

‘We are all in our houses dying alone,’ Opoka says bluntly.

Keeping appearances

Ugandans today are exhausted by performance. Everyone is pretending to be okay. Social media has become a national theatre of curated success; people posing beside cars they cannot afford, inside apartments they are struggling to pay for, smiling through collapsing marriages, stagnating careers, and quietly unravelling minds.

‘The thing killing people is the belief that they are alone,’ Opoka says. ‘Everyone seems fine. Everyone looks successful. So, you think your suffering is unique. But suffering is rarely unique.’

At last year’s picnic, something unexpected happened. After a panel discussion, attendees were invited to ask questions. Instead, people began telling their own stories.

‘We could not get the microphone back,’ Opoka recalls. ‘People desperately want to talk. They just need a place where they feel safe. And this picnic is that place.’

Many assume people avoid mental health conversations because of stigma. Opoka believes it is more complex. People are not unwilling to speak; they have simply never been emotionally prepared to.

‘You do not tell people, ‘talk about your trauma,’ and expect them to open up immediately,’ she says. ‘But when people dance together, laugh together, play together, something changes.’

Mental wellness is relational

One of Opoka’s strongest beliefs is that mental health is deeply relational. Human beings shape one another constantly. A stressed father affects an entire household. An overwhelmed mother transmits anxiety to her children. A neglected elder slowly loses a sense of value. A lonely young man becomes emotionally unreachable.

‘We are killing our children with our own toxicity and imbalance,’ she says. ‘Children absorb energy more than words.’

It may sound harsh, but anyone who has grown up in a tense home understands it instinctively. And perhaps nowhere is this crisis more visible than among men.

Men are struggling. Many are collapsing under financial pressure, emotional suppression, and isolation. Yet they hesitate to enter mental health spaces, fearing they will appear weak.

‘Just come and sit there without a beer,’ Opoka says. ‘Allow yourself to relax.’

It is a simple sentence, but in today’s social culture, a radical one.

And yet she insists that softness is not only necessary for men themselves, but for their families.

‘When a man becomes softer,’ she says, ‘children can come to him with softer issues too.’

Family healing

The picnic also reaches for something modern Uganda is quietly losing: intergenerational connection.

Opoka speaks passionately about elders, many of whom feel discarded in fast-changing urban life. Once central to family and community life, they now often sit on the margins, slowly fading into silence.

Yet she believes their presence is essential.

Technology changes. Cities grow louder. Economies shift. But grief, fear, loneliness, and hope remain constant across generations.

That is why, she argues, healing must be collective.

First step

The Soul Picnic 2026 will not erase Uganda’s mental health challenges. It will not solve unemployment, addiction, domestic violence, or depression in a single afternoon.

But it may offer something smaller and just as important.

A place to sit on grass beside strangers. To dance badly without judgment. To realise you are not uniquely broken. To discover, quietly, that others are carrying invisible pain too.

‘Mental wellness is all about balance,’ Opoka says. ‘Life can throw anyone off balance. Everyone is a candidate, not just the ‘mad’ person on the street, not just the addict, not just the clinically diagnosed. Anyone.’

Uganda stands at a defining moment. With President Museveni beginning another term in office, the national agenda is unmistakable: create jobs, accelerate wealth creation, deepen service delivery, and push Uganda toward middle-income status. The President’s ideological compass – patriotism, Pan-Africanism, socio-economic transformation, and democracy – has guided the country for decades. At Kyankwanzi earlier this year, he challenged the Movement to protect its gains and execute a decisive economic leap.

But that leap will require more than policy speeches and resolutions. It demands a serious rethink of how Uganda deploys its human capital. Today, one of the quietest but most damaging inefficiencies in governance is the concentration of too many responsibilities in too few hands. It has become common to find one individual simultaneously serving as a Cabinet Minister, Member of Parliament, chairperson of a government board or authority, and member of the NRM Central Executive Committee.

Four powerful offices. One person. One schedule.

The result is predictable: divided attention, delayed decisions, weakened supervision, and blurred accountability. Across the country, highly qualified NRM cadres remain underutilised while a small circle of leaders carry overlapping responsibilities. Uganda has professors, engineers, lawyers, economists, agricultural scientists, public health experts, and mobilisers ready to serve. Yet many remain spectators while the same familiar faces rotate through ministries, committees, boards, and political offices.

This is not sustainable for a country seeking tenfold economic growth.

The President’s ambition of growing Uganda’s economy from $50 billion to $500 billion by 2040 requires focused leadership. Agro-industrial transformation cannot be supervised part-time. Manufacturing expansion cannot be driven between parliamentary sittings. Wealth creation cannot thrive on exhausted schedules. Even military strategy teaches the value of specialisation. In battle, every fighter has one assignment, one command, one mission. The sniper is not simultaneously the medic and the logistics officer. Focus increases effectiveness.

The same principle should guide governance.

The NRM itself has demonstrated this model before. The Secretariat functions because directors are assigned clear mandates and measured against specific deliverables. They mobilise, organise, and execute with concentration. That discipline should now extend across government and party structures.

Uganda needs a ‘One Cadre, One Hill’ approach.

Let MPs focus on legislation and constituency mobilisation. Let ministers concentrate fully on ministry performance and national policy execution. Let strategic boards be chaired by competent cadres who are not already overloaded with parliamentary and Executive duties. This is not about sidelining experienced leaders. It is about multiplying national capacity. When opportunities are spread wider, institutions become stronger.

Younger cadres gain experience. Accountability improves because responsibility becomes clearer. Most importantly, government delivery becomes faster and more visible to ordinary citizens. The current model unintentionally narrows the leadership pipeline. When one person occupies several influential positions, talented young cadres begin to believe that advancement only comes when someone else exits the stage. That mindset weakens institutional growth and discourages participation.

Uganda does not lack talent. Uganda has failed to fully deploy its talent.

As the Luganda proverb says, ‘Akamwa k’omuntu kamu tekalya bitungulu bibiri’, loosely translated as ‘one mouth cannot eat two onions at once.’ If Uganda truly wants faster transformation, stronger institutions, and broader prosperity, then the next phase of leadership must embrace one simple principle: one cadre, one hill.

The 2025 Ford Ranger XLT has officially arrived in Uganda, offering three key features that today’s drivers increasingly prioritise: safety, fuel efficiency, and comfort.

Last week, I had the chance to take it for a real-world test drive, starting from the dealership at Kitgum House on Jinja Road. My route took me through the busy streets of Kampala, onto the Entebbe Expressway, and back. The goal was straightforward: to evaluate its high-speed stability, cabin comfort, and the effectiveness of its latest safety technologies.

I drove on Yusuf Lule Road through Mulago, then connected to the Northern Bypass before joining the Entebbe Expressway down to Imperial Mall in Entebbe. For the return trip, I chose the older, more textured Entebbe Road, passing through Kajjansi, Munyonyo, Buziga, Konge, and Nsambya before looping back to the dealership.

Bold exterior styling

The Ranger XLT carries a bold, muscular presence that feels inspired by larger American-style pickups. Its wide front stance, prominent grille, and signature C-clamp LED headlights give it a commanding road presence that is hard to ignore.

At the centre of its honeycomb grille sits the familiar Ford badge, while the rear is fitted with halogen tail lamps and integrated parking sensors.

The pickup comes with four front and four rear parking sensors that emit audible warnings when the vehicle edges too close to obstacles. In tight urban parking spaces, the alerts can feel a bit persistent, but they play a clear role in improving safety.

Its elevated ride height is matched with long side steps beneath the doors, making entry and exit easier. Unlocking the vehicle also triggers the side mirrors to unfold automatically, a small but satisfying touch that enhances its premium feel.

The Ranger’s tough steel body construction, integrated rear bumper steps, and a wide cargo bed, ready for a protective cover, make it well-suited for everything from city errands to rural haulage of farm produce.

Modern technology inside

Inside, the Ranger XLT blends practicality with modern digital convenience. It features a 10-speed automatic transmission with manual override, giving drivers the option to take control when needed.

In ‘M’ mode, gear changes can be selected manually, allowing the driver to adjust performance depending on terrain, useful when tackling sandy tracks, steep inclines or loaded conditions that demand more pulling power.

The pickup also offers selectable drive modes: 2H, 4H and 4L, allowing the vehicle to adapt seamlessly between highways, slippery roads and rough off-road terrain.

At the centre of the dashboard sits a 10.1-inch infotainment touchscreen supporting wireless Apple CarPlay and Android Auto, alongside FM radio. The sound system delivers clear, well-balanced audio that requires little adjustment for everyday listening.

Strong highway performance

One of the standout strengths of the Ranger XLT is its 2.0-litre turbo diesel engine. Producing about 405Nm of torque, it responds with reassuring urgency the moment the accelerator is pressed, particularly when merging into fast-moving traffic.

On the Northern Bypass and stretches of the Entebbe Expressway, the Ranger built speed smoothly and confidently, making overtaking feel controlled rather than forced, something not all pickups in its class manage with ease.

At higher speeds, stability remains impressive. The gas-pressurised front and rear shock absorbers help keep the vehicle composed, distributing weight evenly through corners and long straights alike.

The three-point seatbelts also tighten progressively as speed increases, adding an extra layer of occupant protection. A persistent warning system ensures no one forgets to buckle up.

Safety features that stand out

The Ranger XLT comes equipped with a suite of driver-assist technologies aimed at reducing risk and boosting confidence.

Blind-spot monitoring alerts the driver to vehicles approaching from hard-to-see angles, while lane-keeping assist gently warns when the vehicle begins to drift out of its lane.

A tyre pressure monitoring system continuously tracks tyre health, instantly alerting the driver via the digital cluster if pressure drops in any tyre.

Inside, the cabin is generously spaced, offering ample legroom for both front and rear passengers. Dual-zone climate control allows independent temperature settings for added comfort on longer journeys.

Where the ride feels less refined

However, the Ranger is not without its compromises.

While its suspension shines on highways and during high-speed cornering, it feels noticeably firmer when dealing with sharp urban imperfections, especially the double and quadruple speed humps common in Kampala suburbs such as Buziga.

It handles corners with confidence, but passengers will still feel some of the harshness transmitted through uneven city roads.

This is largely expected, given that pickups are engineered with stronger rear suspension systems designed for load-carrying and durability rather than plush urban comfort.

Fuel economy

The 80-litre fuel tank makes the Ranger XLT a strong long-distance companion.

On steady highway cruising at around 80km/h, it delivers approximately 16 kilometres per litre, giving it a theoretical range of well over 1,000 kilometres on a full tank under ideal conditions.

In stop-and-go urban traffic, however, consumption drops to around 10 kilometres per litre due to idling and frequent acceleration.

Verdict

The 2025 Ford Ranger XLT strikes a well-balanced mix of toughness, safety and modern refinement. It feels composed on highways, capable on rough roads, and comfortable enough for daily urban use.

While its ride can feel firm over Kampala’s harsher road sections, it compensates with strong engine performance, advanced safety systems, impressive fuel efficiency and a cabin that feels modern and well thought out.

For motorists seeking a versatile pickup that can handle farm runs, long-distance travel and city driving with equal confidence, the Ranger XLT remains one of the strongest contenders in Uganda’s growing double-cabin market.

Efforts by Opposition legislators to block the formalization of President Museveni’s expansive 83-member Cabinet for the 2026-2031 term hit a brick wall on Thursday, after the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party used its overwhelming majority in Parliament to legalize the appointments.

The high-stakes parliamentary showdown unfolded just moments after Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja was cleared by the House for another term in office. Ms Nabbanja immediately moved a motion seeking parliamentary approval to increase the number of Cabinet Ministers from the constitutionally prescribed 21 to 30, and State Ministers from 21 to 51.

The approval effectively legalizes the bloated 83-member executive team announced by President Museveni on Tuesday, which retained Major (Rtd) Jessica Alupo as Vice President and Nabbanja as Prime Minister, while introducing several structural shifts. The executive duo was cleared by a House chaired by the newly elected and sworn-in Speaker, Jacob Oboth Oboth.

The Constitutional loophole

The debate spotlighted a long-standing friction point in Uganda’s supreme law. Under Article 113 (2) of the Constitution, the President is limited to appointing just 21 Cabinet Ministers and 21 State Ministers. However, the subsequent Article 114 (3) grants the President a loophole, permitting an increase in these numbers provided parliamentary approval is secured.

Defending the motion amidst heavy heckling from the opposition benches, Prime Minister Nabbanja argued that the government was not expanding the front bench beyond its previous size, but rather maintaining the status quo from the 11th Parliament.

“The number of Ministers who have been discharging duties is the same number we have brought; we have not changed,” Nabbanja stated. “The rationalization was that we were having duplication of work, so we are here to present the same number we had in the same Parliament.”

Opposition cries foul over cost, patronage

The government’s justification was met with fierce resistance from Opposition lawmakers, who accused the NRM administration of fiscal indiscipline and using ministerial appointments as political rewards.

The incoming Opposition Chief Whip and Jinja South East MP, Paul Mwiru, questioned why the government refuses to stick to the lean executive envisioned by the constitution, especially at a time when resources are desperately needed for public services.

“The ministers are policy makers, and when we reduce the numbers, it is in their interest, but we are finding money for service delivery,” Mwiru argued, drawing sharp retorts from NRM legislators. “It is about the cost. We have been coming here and getting these resolutions, but for today, let us maintain the numbers as they are in the Constitution, so that next time when they don’t work, we shall see what to do.”

Mukono Municipality MP Betty Nambooze Bakireke took it a step further, reminding the House that the 1995 constitutional limits were put in place deliberately to curb imperial presidencies.

“Since we got the Constitution, this country has never tried out this particular article of our Constitution. We should think about what the framers of this Constitution based their limits on. I want to guess that it was limiting top leaders from using appointments to patronise the country,” Nambooze charged.

The rationalization contradiction

The sharpest critique came from the incoming Chairperson of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) and Kassanda North MP, Patrick Nsamba Oshabe. He accused Nabbanja of hypocrisy, pointing out that the executive’s push for a large cabinet directly contradicts the government’s highly publicized rationalization policy, which saw the merging of several state agencies to cut public expenditure.

“I was in the 10th and the 11th Parliament,” Oshabe noted. “In the 11th parliament, the Prime Minister came here and convinced the House of the government programme on rationalization… and convinced the country that it is the right way to go, that the Cabinet agreed that they needed to cut down on the expenditure because of the large numbers of government agencies.”

Oshabe added: “We are here with the same Prime Minister who would have moved with numbers under the Constitution. In the wisdom of rationalization, the same Prime Minister cannot come to this House trying to vary to increase. If the objectives of the rationalization were to be achieved, any variation would be going down.”

Population boom and PDM justify expansion

Unmoved by the backlash, Nabbanja and her backers defended the expansion by citing demographic changes and shifting governance demands. Nabbanja noted that Parliament has historically altered cabinet numbers in every session since the Sixth Parliament, establishing a clear legislative precedent.

Furthermore, she argued that Uganda’s governance infrastructure must match its massive population growth.

“Uganda’s population has grown from 20 million in 1995 to 45.9 million in the 2024 census,” the Prime Minister explained. “Districts have expanded from 39 to 146, creating new governance demands. A per-capita increase in ministerial portfolios is necessary to match service delivery needs and ensure equitable representation.”

Nabbanja also maintained that massive grassroots wealth-creation programs require specialized executive oversight. “The government priorities have evolved to address poverty eradication, wealth creation, and inclusive growth. Flagship programmes such as the Parish Development Model (PDM), Emyooga initiatives, and climate resilience strategies require dedicated ministerial oversight to ensure implementation and guarantee accountability at the grassroots level.”

Seconding the motion, Kyaka South MP Jackson Kafuzi echoed Nabbanja’s legal justifications, asserting that the framers of the Constitution deliberately left room for flexibility.

“The President proposes based on governance needs, and Parliament approves to ensure the variation is justified,” Kafuzi stated. “The principle is clear: Cabinet numbers are not fixed; they are varied by law to meet evolving national needs. As you all know, we have gone through an election where a new mandate has been given.”

With the NRM utilizing its numerical strength to carry the vote, the 83 ministers are now set to be officially sworn in to lead the implementation of the NRM’s manifesto for the next five years.