Category: Daily Monitor

Local leaders in Kigezi have urged the seven newly appointed ministers from the sub-region to set aside personal differences and work together to lobby for development programs that can lift the area out of poverty and malnutrition.

President Museveni appointed seven ministers from Kigezi on Tuesday evening. They include Finance Minister Henry Musasizi, Health Minister Dr. Chris Baryomunsi, Security Minister Jim Muhwezi, Gender, Labour and Social Development Minister Lt. Gen. Henry Tumukunde, State Minister for Defence and Veteran Affairs Grace Akifeza Ngabirano, State Minister for Trade and Industry David Bahati, and State Minister for Elderly Affairs Jacqueline Mbabazi.

‘We are grateful that President Museveni has appointed seven ministers from Kigezi sub-region, but our major appeal is that these appointed ministers must work as a team to cause development in our region that is currently characterized by poverty and malnutrition,’ said Kabale District LCV Chairman Denis Nzeirwe Ndyomugyenyi.

Ndyomugyenyi also asked Kigezi residents to engage the ministers to advance regional priorities.

‘People in Kigezi region should use the appointed ministers so that they can serve interests of the region that include cross-border trade, security, gender, fighting poverty and disease, and promoting industrialization,’ he said.

Kabale District Muslim Chairman Hajji Issa Tindyebwa thanked the President for appointing eight Muslims to the Cabinet nationally and seven ministers from Kigezi.

‘As Muslims we are grateful to President Museveni for including our colleagues in his newly released Cabinet, and we appeal for more political appointments targeting Muslims because we have well-educated Muslims that can serve this country in different capacities,’ Tindyebwa said. ‘As Kigezi region we are grateful to President Museveni for appointing seven ministers from this area, and this shows the trust and love that President Museveni has for the people in Kigezi region,’ he added.

Kanungu District Council Speaker Frank Byaruhanga said the ministers should work as a team to ensure presidential pledges for the area are honored.

‘The appointed ministers should use their positions to ensure that all the presidential pledges are honored, including paying Shs12 billion to farmers who supplied tea seedlings to government, tarmacking tourism roads, establishing an iron ore processing factory, special focus on establishing tea processing factories, and fast-tracking the establishment of an industrial park in Kigezi region,’ Byaruhanga said.

He suggested the ministers seek guidance from former prime ministers Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda and Amama Mbabazi.

‘The appointed ministers should always seek political wisdom from the emeritus Prime Ministers if they are to properly serve the people of Kigezi region,’ he said.

Former Kisoro LCV Chairman Abel Bizimana congratulated the appointees and said the appointments reward loyal supporters of the government. He singled out the appointment of Kisoro District Woman MP Grace Akifeza Ngabirano as State Minister for Defence and Veteran Affairs.

‘Appointing the Kisoro district woman Member of Parliament Ms Akifeza Grace Ngabirano the state minister for defence and veteran affairs is a sign of trust the president saw in her. Keep the people of Kisoro united against the history of existential divisionism they have endured for a while,’ Bizimana said.

He also urged the ministers to work closely with MPs, technocrats in central and local government, and district councils to ensure residents get the services they deserve.

More than at any time before, the new Cabinet will feature the largest concentration of the NRM’s Central Executive Committee (CEC) involvement in ensuring the party agenda is fulfilled.

In the past, the NRM’s top policy-making and strategic organ had two or three members of its leadership in Cabinet.

This time, the organ, features eight members including the chairperson President Museveni. Ordinarily, this committee dictates the party’s political direction and supervises its daily activities.

That position is bound to be more forcefully seen in the Cabinet’s activities, going forward. Following his inauguration, President Museveni indicated that this would be the term in which he would be more emphatic about getting his agenda through.

He cited his work in getting more Ugandans into the money economy, though the Parish Development Model scheme, as well as other moves including the GROW scheme.

These schemes are planned to encourage more rural based Ugandans to embrace agriculture and value addition moves, as a way of lifting themselves out of poverty.

‘This is kisanja no sleep,’ he said emphatically. ‘Do not blame me if you are still poor after all these years, because I have showed you what to do.’ The NRM party CEC Leadership in Cabinet

National Chairperson:

Yoweri Museveni

Eastern Region:

David Calvin Echodu

Central Region:

Haruna Kyeyune Kasolo

Western Region:

Jonard Asiimwe

Karamoja Sub-Region:

John Baptist Lokii

CEC Member (Historical):

Rebecca Kadaga

CEC Member (Historical):

Jim Muhwezi

CEC Member (Historical):

Kahinda Otafiire

Part of the theatre around the dramatic fall of the authoritarian and excessively ostentatious former Speaker Anita Annet Among closed on Monday when West Budama County South MP Jacob Oboth-Oboth won election as the new 12th Parliament boss. Thomas Tayebwa, the incumbent Deputy Speaker from the 11th Parliament, won re-election to the position. Oboth-Oboth secured 441 votes out of 519, or 85 percent. Tayebwa took 457 votes out of the same 519 total votes cast, giving him 88.1 percent. Both men belong to the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM). In the high drama and hullabaloo of Among’s political demise and the scramble for Parliament, observers missed a profound point.

Having the ruling or majority party hold both the Speaker and Deputy Speaker positions looks democratically backward in a multiparty system. Uganda should consider reforming it. In the UK House of Commons, the so-called “Mother of Parliaments”, three Deputy Speakers serve (who hold the historic titles of Chairman of Ways and Means, First Deputy Chairman, and Second Deputy Chairman. The tradition requires that if the elected Speaker originally came from the Government benches, the senior Deputy (the Chairman of Ways and Means) and the Second Deputy Chairman must come from the Opposition side of the House.

In Canada and Australia, where there is more than one Deputy Speaker, the posts are split between the government and the Opposition. In India, in the Lower House (the Lok Sabha), since 1996, a firm democratic convention has given the post of Deputy Speaker to the main Opposition party (or an Opposition coalition) to ensure accountability. Things take an interesting turn in Germany. In the German parliament, the position of President of the Bundestag (their equivalent of the Speaker) follows a strict, unbreakable convention: the largest single parliamentary group nominates the President.

However, because Germany uses a proportional representation system, the government is almost always a coalition of multiple smaller parties. This often creates a scenario in which party A is the largest single party but sits in Opposition because parties B, C, and D form a majority coalition government. Under German tradition, party A still chooses the Speaker. The majority coalition willingly hands the gavel to an Opposition member because they view the Speaker as a servant of the entire parliament, not the Executive branch. It gets even more complicated in deeply divided post-conflict parliaments like Northern Ireland.

Keeping the Speaker position away from the ruling majority is often legally mandated to prevent the dominant group from oppressing the minority. In the Northern Ireland Assembly (Stormont), the rules require a cross-community vote: the Speaker must secure a majority from both sides. As a result, the Speaker often comes from a minority or neutral middle-ground party. If Kampala were Stormont, Nobert Mao, not Oboth-Oboth, would probably have been elected as Speaker. Even in Africa, where winner-takes-all politics is rampant, you occasionally get a surprise.

Following the elections of December 2020, Ghana’s parliament achieved something Ugandans would struggle to understand: a near-impossible split. The ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) won exactly 137 seats each, with one independent holding the tie-breaking vote. When it was time to vote for the Speaker by secret ballot, several ruling party MPs broke ranks. In a chaotic and historic vote, Alban Bagbin, a veteran politician from the opposition NDC party, was elected Speaker of Parliament. At the same time, the country’s president, Nana Akufo-Addo, belonged to the rival NPP.

For the first time in Ghana’s history, an opposition Speaker presided over a government’s legislative agenda. It forced a culture of mandatory consensus, as the government could not pass any budget or law without negotiating with the Opposition Speaker and his party. Sharing House leadership is not just some cute decoration. If every single person controlling the microphone and enforcing the rules belongs to the ruling party, the Opposition has little reason to trust that the debates are fair. Leaving a Deputy Speaker post to the Opposition also provides a structural safeguard.

It offers the possibility for minority voices not to be completely silenced or bypassed by the ruling majority during intense debates, as happened under the Among speakership. Sharing these roles reminds both sides that Parliament belongs to all elected representatives, not just a tool for the current party in power. But no. Here we are, with 60 opposition MPs effectively relegated to second-class members of the House. A House that, shamefully, also has no woman as Speaker or Deputy Speaker for the first time in 25 years. Oboth-Oboth made some enlightened noises upon taking the Chair, and it not being a throne, but even if he honours them, they will not make up for the representation void. Only an institutional reform will fix this.

Every appointment season, West Nile slips back into lamentation mode. Leaders and residents say their push for a Cabinet Minister has again come up short, leaving the sub-region feeling underrepresented at the highest level of government.

Their argument is straightforward: a full Cabinet Minister can influence budget votes and shape service delivery decisions. State Ministers, they say, cannot.

‘They are file carriers because they do not control any vote or even attend cabinet meetings where key decisions are made,’ said former Arua Municipality MP Kassiano Wadri of the Alliance for National Transformation.

For years, President Yoweri Museveni kept Gen. Moses Ali as the sole Cabinet Minister for West Nile’s 13 districts. That link is now gone. Ali was dropped in the latest reshuffle.

Lecturer at Muni University Dr. William Anzo says the new list of six State Ministers does not fix the problem.

‘Their appointment does not solve the problem of critical underrepresentation. Out of the 3.7 million people, many of whom are voters, taxpayers, and patriots-cannot be reduced to only six junior ministers while other sub-regions with smaller populations command multiple full ministers,’ Anzo said. ‘That is not representation; it is tokenism dressed in appointment letters,’ he added.

Anzo said Ali was more than a minister. ‘For decades, Moses Ali was not merely a minister; he was the senior Cabinet face of West Nile. He carried the hopes, the voice, and the representation of West Nile and beyond. When Gen. Ali sat in Cabinet, the sub-region had a heartbeat at the highest table of national decision making… that heartbeat has now gone silent,’ he said.

West Nile has held full Cabinet posts before. Between 1995 and 2001, the region had the late Francis Ayume and Dr Eric Adriko, appointed Minister for Industry and Technology. In 2001, Zoe Bakoko Bakoru became Minister for Gender, Labour and Social Development after winning Ayivu County.

During the last campaigns, West Nile leaders asked Museveni for Cabinet, ambassadorial, and permanent secretary appointments, arguing the region has capable, educated people. They also pushed for a dedicated Ministry for West Nile Affairs, similar to Karamoja.

On January 10, 2026, Bakoko presented that case to the President at Muni University. ‘We feel we need special attention. We know you love us and you will do it. We believe it will help us to focus on deliberate rehabilitation for the region,’ she said to applause. Museveni responded: ‘Regarding the status of West Nile as a region, that’s no problem. We shall discuss that and make it regional like we did with Karamoja.’

The response raised hopes. But Tuesday’s appointment of six State Ministers drew mixed reactions.

Dropped were Evelyn Anite, former State Minister for Finance (Privatisation); Gen. Moses Ali, Second Deputy Prime Minister; Mario Obiga Kania, former State Minister for Urban Development; and Dr. Joyce Moriku, former State Minister for Primary Education.

The new appointees are Hudson Oleru, retained as State Minister for Defence (Veteran Affairs); Tom Aza, State Minister for Trade and Industry (Cooperatives); Dr. Charles Ayume, State Minister for Primary Health; Yorke Alioni Odria, Minister of State for ICT and National Guidance (National Guidance); Siraji Musa Ali, State Minister for Works; and Phiona Nyamutoro, State Minister for Energy and Mineral Development (Minerals). The sub-region also had six ministers in the 2021-2026 Cabinet.

Newly appointed Minister of State for ICT and National Guidance, Mr Yorke Alioni Odria thanked the President and pledged to fight corruption through technology.

‘I thank all of you so much for the confidence, hope, and trust bestowed upon me with this new appointment. Being one of the vocal and loud anti-corruption crusaders in Uganda, I promise now to start fighting corruption through technology,’ Odria said.

West Nile Development Association Executive Secretary Moses Akuma Odims welcomed the appointments but flagged the missing Cabinet slot.

‘This gesture is a clear indication that you recognize the capacity, loyalty, and contribution of our region to Uganda’s stability, economy, and unity,’ Odims said.

‘While we appreciate the appointments at State Minister level, we note with concern the continued absence of a substantive Cabinet Minister from West Nile in the new cabinet. Cabinet Ministers hold portfolio responsibility, vote in cabinet decisions, and directly shape policy and resource allocation for their sectors. The absence of a Cabinet Minister means West Nile has no direct voice at the highest decision-making table of government,’ he said.

Ugandan politics has always revolved around power, loyalty, and control. Yet, beneath the visible structures of government lies a more complicated political architecture-one built not only on institutions but on influential individuals who become indispensable to the system.

For the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), few figures in recent years have embodied this reality more than former Speaker Anita Annet Among.

Whether admired or criticised, Among’s rise from a relatively lesser-known legislator to one of the most powerful political figures in Uganda was neither accidental nor cosmetic.

It reflected the emergence of a political operator who, in a remarkably short period, became deeply embedded in the ruling establishment’s machinery of mobilisation, parliamentary management, and elite coordination.

The difficult question facing the NRM today is this: if Among’s political influence weakens or if she exits the centre of power altogether, what happens to Museveni’s hold over Parliament and the ruling party’s political machinery? For years, President Museveni has maintained control through an intricate balancing act.

He has mastered the politics of reward and discipline, regional balancing, patronage, and institutional management.

Parliament, despite its constitutional independence, has increasingly functioned within this broader ecosystem of political control. But parliamentary control in Uganda has rarely depended on formal authority alone.

The official structure tells only part of the story. Behind caucus resolutions, voting patterns, and parliamentary discipline lies another layer of politics: persuasion, political networking, resource mobilisation, strategic alliances, and influence-building.

In Ugandan political language, this is simply called mobilisation. Among became especially relevant because she appeared to master this terrain.

Within political circles, she has long been viewed as more than a Speaker. Supporters describe her as an effective organiser who strengthened NRM cohesion in Parliament, mobilised women and youth structures, expanded influence in eastern Uganda, and rallied support for government positions during politically sensitive moments.

Critics, on the other hand, argue that her influence was amplified by access to State power and informal networks of patronage.

Some political observers have alleged that her political capital partly rested on her ability to financially support or politically facilitate MPs and grassroots actors-a claim frequently repeated in Uganda’s political discourse but rarely documented publicly in ways that can be independently verified.

Yet, perception itself matters in politics. If enough legislators believe a political figure possesses influence, resources, and access to the centre, that perception alone can become power. This is where the question of Parliament becomes particularly important.

Museveni’s dominance has historically depended on a disciplined parliamentary majority. While the NRM enjoys numerical strength, numbers alone do not guarantee loyalty. Parliamentary cohesion often requires active coordination, mediation of competing interests, and political management.

Without strong internal brokers, even dominant ruling parties begin to experience fractures. The danger for the NRM is not necessarily open rebellion; it is fragmentation through silent dissent.

MPs who feel politically exposed, unsupported, or disconnected from power centres often become unpredictable.

Internal competition intensifies. Regional blocs emerge. Opportunism replaces cohesion. The irony is that systems built around highly influential individuals eventually become dependent on them.

If Among indeed became one of the key informal stabilisers of parliamentary politics-as many insiders privately suggest-then weakening her without building an alternative political coordination structure could create consequences that extend beyond one politician.

This presents President Museveni with a familiar but difficult calculation. On one hand, allowing strong anti-corruption measures against powerful political actors could reinforce the image of accountability and discipline within government-particularly at a time when public frustration over corruption remains high.

On the other hand, removing politically effective mobilisers carries political risks, especially in a pre-election environment where loyalty, financing, and grassroots coordination become increasingly important.

The NRM has historically survived internal tensions because Museveni has been exceptionally skilled at managing competing power centres without allowing any single faction to become uncontrollable.

But history also shows that long-ruling parties become vulnerable when institutional discipline weakens and personal networks begin to compete for influence. The deeper question, therefore, is not merely what happens to Among.

The bigger question is whether Uganda’s ruling party has built institutions strong enough to survive the weakening of powerful political brokers-or whether the system remains heavily dependent on personalities.

For now, Museveni still holds the centre. But every political system eventually reveals whether power truly resides in institutions or in the individuals who quietly make them work.

Police in Kiboga District have launched a manhunt for a 28-year-old man accused of fatally stabbing his partner following a domestic dispute allegedly fueled by accusations of infidelity.

The deceased, identified as 25-year-old Sumaya Natukunda, was a resident of Kakunyu C Cell, Kakunyu Ward in Bukomero Town Council.

According to police, the suspect, Hussein Serugo, with whom the deceased had cohabited for the last 10 months, allegedly attacked her on Wednesday night inside their rented room, property belonging to Mr Edward Kasozi.

Preliminary investigations indicate that the couple’s relationship had been marred by months of mistrust, repeated accusations of unfaithfulness, and violent confrontations reportedly instigated by the suspect.

The Wamala Regional Police spokesperson, SSP Lameck Kigozi, stated that the suspect had earlier confiscated the deceased’s mobile phone before the fatal incident occurred.

‘At around 7:00 pm on Idd day, the deceased left the house in the company of her friend, identified as Shifrah Kyosimire, leaving the suspect behind,’ SSP Kigozi said.

He added that at about 11:00 pm, the two women returned home, but Ms Kyosimire left after Natukunda started knocking on the door.

‘Moments later, she heard the deceased screaming, ‘They have killed me!’ This prompted her to rush back, only to find her lying in a pool of blood,’ SSP Kigozi said.

The witness immediately alerted the landlord, who reported the matter to the police. A homicide team led by the Kiboga District Criminal Investigations Department (CID) officer visited and documented the scene. A police sniffer dog was also introduced to aid the search.

‘The K9 tracked the suspect’s scent up to the main road before losing the track,’ SSP Kigozi added.

The body was conveyed to Kiboga Hospital mortuary for a postmortem examination as police intensified the hunt for Serugo, who remains at large.

The incident adds to a troubling surge of domestic violence-related killings reported across the country, many of which police attribute to unresolved misunderstandings, jealousy, and toxic relationships.

Just days earlier, on Sunday, May 24, 23-year-old Sherina Namatovu, a resident of Nakitolo Cell, Ttanda Ward in Mityana Municipality, was allegedly strangled by her husband, Dumbe Nsubuga. Police reports indicate Namatovu was killed for refusing to return to their matrimonial home following a separation caused by persistent domestic abuse.

Similarly, on May 18, police in Mubende District arrested 32-year-old Ambrose Turyasingura for allegedly hacking his wife, Annet Turyahebwa, to death with a panga after she reportedly declined his demand for intimacy.

Grim statistics

The latest police data paints a grim picture of gender-based and domestic violence nationwide. According to the 2025 Annual Crime Police Report, a total of 208 murder cases arising from domestic violence were reported to police, compared to 183 cases recorded in 2024. This represents a worrying 13.7 per cent increase in just one year.

The report further indicates that out of the 208 victims of aggravated domestic violence, 92 were adult females, 89 were adult males, 14 were male juveniles, and 13 were female juveniles.

It’s imperative that the appointment of new ministers responsible for Education get to be concerned about millions of children dropping out of school and those in school but not learning.

Statistics indicate eight out of 10 children can’t read and comprehend a simple sentence by age 10. Teacher attrition is at an upward trend. Integration of technology and IT is still a distant dream.

Domestic education financing is still below the global benchmark as outlined in the Paris Declaration (2021) and Fortaleza Declaration (2024).

Therefore, as citizens, parents and learners alike are asking one fundamental question: What kind of education system do we truly want for our country in the next five years?

The answer to this fundamental question is simple; an education system that works for all children, not only for the privileged few.

This article, therefore, is not merely a congratulatory note to the new leadership at the Ministry of Education and Sports.

It is a collective reflection from citizens, practitioners, teachers, parents, learners, and communities that continue to believe that education remains Uganda’s strongest pathway to equity, dignity, productivity, and national transformation across rural villages, urban slums, refugee settlements, and emerging towns.

Ugandans want an education system that prepares children for life, work, citizenship, and innovation.

Yet many learners continue to experience overcrowded classrooms, inadequate learning materials, teacher absenteeism, high dropout rates, school-related violence, weak foundational literacy and numeracy, and growing inequality between rural and urban schools.

First, citizens want an education system that prioritises improvement of learning outcome.

Too many children complete primary school without basic reading, writing, comprehension, and numeracy competencies.

Foundational learning should no longer be treated as an early-grade issue alone but as a national emergency requiring urgent investment in teacher support, mother tongue instruction, reading culture, and school leadership.

Secondly, Ugandans want teachers to be respected, motivated, and empowered. Teachers remain the backbone of the education system, yet many work under difficult conditions characterised by low and delayed salaries, limited professional development, overcrowded classrooms, and low morale.

Thirdly, citizens want equitable education financing. Education budgets must prioritise learning outcomes rather than administrative expansion alone. Rural schools, community schools, and hard-to-reach areas deserve targeted investments in infrastructure, staffing, digital access, sanitation, and learning materials.

Citizens want an education that responds to the realities of the 21st Century. Uganda’s curriculum reforms must go beyond examinations and memorisation.

With the journey to review and implement competence-based curriculum from EarlyChildhood Education to tertiary education, learners need critical thinking, collaboration, creativity, digital skills, climate awareness, entrepreneurship, civic responsibility, and problem-solving competencies that prepare them for an evolving world. Ugandans want safe and inclusive schools.

Every child, regardless of gender, disability, refugee status, economic background, or location deserves dignity, protection, and equal opportunity in education.

School environments must actively address violence, discrimination, bullying, and exclusion. Inclusive education should move from policy rhetoric to practical implementation. Importantly, citizens are asking government to strengthen accountability systems within education governance.

Communities want transparency in school financing, monitoring of teacher attendance, effective inspection systems, and stronger engagement of parents and local leaders in school management.

The new ministers also inherit a generation of young people facing rising unemployment, mental health challenges, and uncertainty about the future. Education must, therefore, reconnect with livelihoods, technical skills, agriculture, innovation, and industry.

Furthermore, the growing effects of climate change should compel Uganda to rethink education resilience. Floods, droughts, displacement, and food insecurity are already affecting learning continuity in many districts.

As citizens, we recognise that transforming education is neither easy nor immediate. However, leadership matters. Political will matters.

Listening to citizens matters. The new ministers have an opportunity to rebuild trust, inspire reform, and place learners at the centre of decision-making. This will require courage to confront systemic inefficiencies, corruption, inequities, and policy implementation gaps that have persisted for years.

Citizens are asking the new education leadership to prioritise; learning outcomes over statistics; equity over privilege; accountability over rhetoric; inclusion over exclusion and long-term national transformation over short-term political interests.

To claim economic justice and quality public services of our country, the Executive and Parliament must be committed to transforming education through prioritising long-term strategic investment in the generation that will build the future we want.

Uganda found itself once again debating luxury vehicles associated with the former Speaker of Parliament.

Some Ugandans were indignant, others rushed to defend the purchases, while some argued that politicians should be allowed to enjoy the rewards of their offices.

Beneath these reactions, however, lay a deeper question: why does a car like Rolls-Royce, so quickly become an issue? After all, a car is only a machine but anyone who has lived in Uganda knows that a car arrives before its owner does.

At a burial, people notice where it parks. At church they notice who steps out of it, at a wedding reception, the vehicle often introduces the person before character has had a chance to speak.

I want to argue that Uganda is becoming a republic of arrival, a society increasingly preoccupied with the visible signs of ‘having made it’ while paying less attention to the civic and moral foundations that make society meaningful.

Politics is often made visible before it is made useful. It is visible in the politician’s convoy, imported IPads, children sent to foreign schools, expensive branded dresses etc. These signs of arrival are not uniquely Ugandan. They belong to the human condition.

Every society that experiences economic changes from poverty eventually confronts the temptation to turn prosperity into display. In my own opinion, display will always be there. But the problem begins when display becomes the main language.

One of the central puzzles of modern Uganda is that we have become skilled at accumulating objects, yet remain weak at forming a citizenry.

A country cannot be judged only by the things it builds. It must also be judged by the kind of people it produces. I have heard stories dating decades back about the civic psyche in the 1960s.

The generation that inherited independence faced immense difficulties. The country was poor. Institutions were young. The future was uncertain. They struggled with regional tensions and political instability but there existed, at least inspiration tied to nation-building.

A public office carried a public promise. To become a public officer was, in some sense, to become responsible for something larger than oneself. Today, something subtle has changed. Many people now seek a public office not to enlarge the republic, but to escape its burdens. The dream is to get a public office, build houses, send children abroad and gradually insulate oneself from the failures that others must endure. This is the moral architecture of arrival.

The politician who arrives in a convoy is often acting out a script that society already understands. When Parliament allocates millions of shillings towards cars for MPs, it is also communicating a social message. We encounter versions of the same script every day.

We often admire visibility before contribution. We often ask, ‘What does he drive?’, ‘Where does she live?’ before asking, ‘What does she stand for?’ I believe a society that admires status should not be surprised when its leaders become fluent in the language they understand, the language of display.

This explains why corruption becomes easier to admire and justify. We condemn extravagance in public, but often envy it in private.

We denounce excess when it belongs to an opponent, but celebrate it when it belongs to a relative or someone from our own tribe. This is why the issue cannot be reduced to one person, one car, or one institution.

Beneath us lies a deeper national moral disorder, the confusion of public office with display and personal arrival. That is one of the central dilemmas of Uganda’s public life. True human development begins when citizens care about a road they may never use but rather for posterity.

Hello Sarah, the EGR valve stands for Exhaust Gas Recirculation valve. It is designed to reduce engine temperatures and emissions by recirculating small amounts of exhaust gas back into the engine’s intake system for re-burning.

When engines burn the fuel-air mixture during combustion, they produce very high temperatures that result in harmful gases known as nitrogen oxides (NOx). The EGR system lowers combustion temperatures by mixing regulated amounts of exhaust gas with the fresh air entering the engine.

If the EGR valve is in good working condition, the engine will run more smoothly, produce lower emissions, deliver ample power, and maintain good fuel efficiency.

However, over time, an EGR valve can become clogged or faulty due to the build-up of carbon soot inside it. This issue is common in diesel engines as well as in petrol engines that are frequently driven in slow traffic for short commutes.

A faulty or clogged EGR valve may become stuck either in the open or closed position. When the EGR is stuck open, it can cause rough idling, engine hesitation, poor acceleration, and reduced fuel economy. You might notice black exhaust smoke, and in extreme cases, the engine could stall during idling or low-speed driving. A stuck-open EGR allows too much exhaust gas into the engine, distorting the air-fuel mixture and causing these issues.

On the other hand, when the EGR is stuck closed, it leads to engine knocking or pinging. This condition raises combustion temperatures and significantly increases fuel consumption and exhaust emissions.

In severe cases, the engine may overheat because exhaust gas is not being recirculated, resulting in higher combustion temperatures.

Several telltale signs may indicate a faulty EGR valve. These include an engine that does not run smoothly, reduced fuel economy, increased exhaust smoke during acceleration, decreased engine power, and jerking while idling or driving.

n more severe cases, you might experience difficulty starting the engine and see the check engine warning light illuminated on your dashboard.

Ignoring a bad EGR valve for too long can lead to engine damage. A faulty EGR can cause clogging of the intake manifolds and may wear out the turbo due to excessive soot build-up. An overheating engine can also damage costly components in the combustion chamber, such as piston rings and bearings. In newer diesel engines equipped with emission control systems, a faulty EGR can lead to problems with the Diesel Particulate Filter (DPF).

There is some debate over whether cleaning the EGR valve is better than replacing it. In many cases, cleaning can resolve the issue, especially if the EGR valve is only clogged with carbon deposits and not damaged. The cleaning process involves dismantling the valve to assess carbon buildup, allowing for a decision on whether to clean the valve and its passages. If the EGR motor or actuator has failed, a replacement will be necessary instead.

Generally, cleaning the EGR can restore smooth engine operation and significantly reduce fuel consumption.

A good starting point for EGR repair is to have your mechanic perform a computer diagnosis to check for any fault codes related to the EGR system. It is also important to inspect the intake system for soot build-up and confirm whether the EGR valve is stuck open or closed.

Additionally, other components, such as the Manifold Absolute Pressure sensor, Positive Crankcase Ventilation valve, and vacuum hoses, should be checked, as they can cause symptoms similar to those caused by the EGR.

There is something quietly heartbreaking about modern life in Kampala. We sit in traffic for hours. We scroll endlessly through our phones. We work, hustle, chase rent, school fees, deadlines, survival itself. And then, exhausted, we retreat into our isolated houses, our rooms, our headphones, our loneliness.

We are more connected than ever before, yet somehow more emotionally stranded than ever. That is why this week’s mental health picnic, dubbed The Soul Picnic 2026, slated for Saturday, May 30, may be one of the most important social events happening in Uganda this year. Not because it promises miracle cures, or claims to ‘fix’ depression, anxiety, or addiction in six hours under the sun. But because it dares to revive something many Ugandans have quietly lost: human connection.

‘Mental health conversations today tend to strictly happen in workshops, summits, conferences, and Zoom meetings. But a picnic is informal and friendlier. It breaks down walls and gets people into much-needed deep conversations,’ says Geraldine Opoka, the organiser behind the gathering.

Perhaps that is the most powerful thing she says. For years, Uganda’s mental health conversation has been trapped in clinical language and awareness campaigns. We have become fluent in words such as depression, burnout, trauma, and anxiety, yet many people still suffer alone, afraid of being judged.

According to the World Health Organisation, mental health disorders account for a significant share of global illness, with depression among the leading causes of disability worldwide. In Uganda, that pressure is compounded by unemployment, economic strain, family burdens, urban isolation, and the lingering emotional scars of poverty and conflict.

But Opoka believes something deeper is happening beneath the statistics.

‘We are communal beings who are not communing anymore,’ she says.

That sentence alone feels like an X-ray of urban Ugandan life. Once, people sat outside together. Grandparents told stories. Neighbours walked into each other’s homes unannounced because there were no concrete walls between lives. Children played barefoot in groups until darkness swallowed the roads. Life was difficult then too, but loneliness had less room to grow.

Today, many families barely speak. Entire apartment blocks exist where neighbours do not know each other’s names. Adults leave work emotionally drained, then self-medicate with alcohol, endless entertainment, or silence.

‘We are all in our houses dying alone,’ Opoka says bluntly.

Keeping appearances

Ugandans today are exhausted by performance. Everyone is pretending to be okay. Social media has become a national theatre of curated success; people posing beside cars they cannot afford, inside apartments they are struggling to pay for, smiling through collapsing marriages, stagnating careers, and quietly unravelling minds.

‘The thing killing people is the belief that they are alone,’ Opoka says. ‘Everyone seems fine. Everyone looks successful. So, you think your suffering is unique. But suffering is rarely unique.’

At last year’s picnic, something unexpected happened. After a panel discussion, attendees were invited to ask questions. Instead, people began telling their own stories.

‘We could not get the microphone back,’ Opoka recalls. ‘People desperately want to talk. They just need a place where they feel safe. And this picnic is that place.’

Many assume people avoid mental health conversations because of stigma. Opoka believes it is more complex. People are not unwilling to speak; they have simply never been emotionally prepared to.

‘You do not tell people, ‘talk about your trauma,’ and expect them to open up immediately,’ she says. ‘But when people dance together, laugh together, play together, something changes.’

Mental wellness is relational

One of Opoka’s strongest beliefs is that mental health is deeply relational. Human beings shape one another constantly. A stressed father affects an entire household. An overwhelmed mother transmits anxiety to her children. A neglected elder slowly loses a sense of value. A lonely young man becomes emotionally unreachable.

‘We are killing our children with our own toxicity and imbalance,’ she says. ‘Children absorb energy more than words.’

It may sound harsh, but anyone who has grown up in a tense home understands it instinctively. And perhaps nowhere is this crisis more visible than among men.

Men are struggling. Many are collapsing under financial pressure, emotional suppression, and isolation. Yet they hesitate to enter mental health spaces, fearing they will appear weak.

‘Just come and sit there without a beer,’ Opoka says. ‘Allow yourself to relax.’

It is a simple sentence, but in today’s social culture, a radical one.

And yet she insists that softness is not only necessary for men themselves, but for their families.

‘When a man becomes softer,’ she says, ‘children can come to him with softer issues too.’

Family healing

The picnic also reaches for something modern Uganda is quietly losing: intergenerational connection.

Opoka speaks passionately about elders, many of whom feel discarded in fast-changing urban life. Once central to family and community life, they now often sit on the margins, slowly fading into silence.

Yet she believes their presence is essential.

Technology changes. Cities grow louder. Economies shift. But grief, fear, loneliness, and hope remain constant across generations.

That is why, she argues, healing must be collective.

First step

The Soul Picnic 2026 will not erase Uganda’s mental health challenges. It will not solve unemployment, addiction, domestic violence, or depression in a single afternoon.

But it may offer something smaller and just as important.

A place to sit on grass beside strangers. To dance badly without judgment. To realise you are not uniquely broken. To discover, quietly, that others are carrying invisible pain too.

‘Mental wellness is all about balance,’ Opoka says. ‘Life can throw anyone off balance. Everyone is a candidate, not just the ‘mad’ person on the street, not just the addict, not just the clinically diagnosed. Anyone.’