Category: Daily Monitor

Uganda stands at a defining moment. With President Museveni beginning another term in office, the national agenda is unmistakable: create jobs, accelerate wealth creation, deepen service delivery, and push Uganda toward middle-income status. The President’s ideological compass – patriotism, Pan-Africanism, socio-economic transformation, and democracy – has guided the country for decades. At Kyankwanzi earlier this year, he challenged the Movement to protect its gains and execute a decisive economic leap.

But that leap will require more than policy speeches and resolutions. It demands a serious rethink of how Uganda deploys its human capital. Today, one of the quietest but most damaging inefficiencies in governance is the concentration of too many responsibilities in too few hands. It has become common to find one individual simultaneously serving as a Cabinet Minister, Member of Parliament, chairperson of a government board or authority, and member of the NRM Central Executive Committee.

Four powerful offices. One person. One schedule.

The result is predictable: divided attention, delayed decisions, weakened supervision, and blurred accountability. Across the country, highly qualified NRM cadres remain underutilised while a small circle of leaders carry overlapping responsibilities. Uganda has professors, engineers, lawyers, economists, agricultural scientists, public health experts, and mobilisers ready to serve. Yet many remain spectators while the same familiar faces rotate through ministries, committees, boards, and political offices.

This is not sustainable for a country seeking tenfold economic growth.

The President’s ambition of growing Uganda’s economy from $50 billion to $500 billion by 2040 requires focused leadership. Agro-industrial transformation cannot be supervised part-time. Manufacturing expansion cannot be driven between parliamentary sittings. Wealth creation cannot thrive on exhausted schedules. Even military strategy teaches the value of specialisation. In battle, every fighter has one assignment, one command, one mission. The sniper is not simultaneously the medic and the logistics officer. Focus increases effectiveness.

The same principle should guide governance.

The NRM itself has demonstrated this model before. The Secretariat functions because directors are assigned clear mandates and measured against specific deliverables. They mobilise, organise, and execute with concentration. That discipline should now extend across government and party structures.

Uganda needs a ‘One Cadre, One Hill’ approach.

Let MPs focus on legislation and constituency mobilisation. Let ministers concentrate fully on ministry performance and national policy execution. Let strategic boards be chaired by competent cadres who are not already overloaded with parliamentary and Executive duties. This is not about sidelining experienced leaders. It is about multiplying national capacity. When opportunities are spread wider, institutions become stronger.

Younger cadres gain experience. Accountability improves because responsibility becomes clearer. Most importantly, government delivery becomes faster and more visible to ordinary citizens. The current model unintentionally narrows the leadership pipeline. When one person occupies several influential positions, talented young cadres begin to believe that advancement only comes when someone else exits the stage. That mindset weakens institutional growth and discourages participation.

Uganda does not lack talent. Uganda has failed to fully deploy its talent.

As the Luganda proverb says, ‘Akamwa k’omuntu kamu tekalya bitungulu bibiri’, loosely translated as ‘one mouth cannot eat two onions at once.’ If Uganda truly wants faster transformation, stronger institutions, and broader prosperity, then the next phase of leadership must embrace one simple principle: one cadre, one hill.

The 2025 Ford Ranger XLT has officially arrived in Uganda, offering three key features that today’s drivers increasingly prioritise: safety, fuel efficiency, and comfort.

Last week, I had the chance to take it for a real-world test drive, starting from the dealership at Kitgum House on Jinja Road. My route took me through the busy streets of Kampala, onto the Entebbe Expressway, and back. The goal was straightforward: to evaluate its high-speed stability, cabin comfort, and the effectiveness of its latest safety technologies.

I drove on Yusuf Lule Road through Mulago, then connected to the Northern Bypass before joining the Entebbe Expressway down to Imperial Mall in Entebbe. For the return trip, I chose the older, more textured Entebbe Road, passing through Kajjansi, Munyonyo, Buziga, Konge, and Nsambya before looping back to the dealership.

Bold exterior styling

The Ranger XLT carries a bold, muscular presence that feels inspired by larger American-style pickups. Its wide front stance, prominent grille, and signature C-clamp LED headlights give it a commanding road presence that is hard to ignore.

At the centre of its honeycomb grille sits the familiar Ford badge, while the rear is fitted with halogen tail lamps and integrated parking sensors.

The pickup comes with four front and four rear parking sensors that emit audible warnings when the vehicle edges too close to obstacles. In tight urban parking spaces, the alerts can feel a bit persistent, but they play a clear role in improving safety.

Its elevated ride height is matched with long side steps beneath the doors, making entry and exit easier. Unlocking the vehicle also triggers the side mirrors to unfold automatically, a small but satisfying touch that enhances its premium feel.

The Ranger’s tough steel body construction, integrated rear bumper steps, and a wide cargo bed, ready for a protective cover, make it well-suited for everything from city errands to rural haulage of farm produce.

Modern technology inside

Inside, the Ranger XLT blends practicality with modern digital convenience. It features a 10-speed automatic transmission with manual override, giving drivers the option to take control when needed.

In ‘M’ mode, gear changes can be selected manually, allowing the driver to adjust performance depending on terrain, useful when tackling sandy tracks, steep inclines or loaded conditions that demand more pulling power.

The pickup also offers selectable drive modes: 2H, 4H and 4L, allowing the vehicle to adapt seamlessly between highways, slippery roads and rough off-road terrain.

At the centre of the dashboard sits a 10.1-inch infotainment touchscreen supporting wireless Apple CarPlay and Android Auto, alongside FM radio. The sound system delivers clear, well-balanced audio that requires little adjustment for everyday listening.

Strong highway performance

One of the standout strengths of the Ranger XLT is its 2.0-litre turbo diesel engine. Producing about 405Nm of torque, it responds with reassuring urgency the moment the accelerator is pressed, particularly when merging into fast-moving traffic.

On the Northern Bypass and stretches of the Entebbe Expressway, the Ranger built speed smoothly and confidently, making overtaking feel controlled rather than forced, something not all pickups in its class manage with ease.

At higher speeds, stability remains impressive. The gas-pressurised front and rear shock absorbers help keep the vehicle composed, distributing weight evenly through corners and long straights alike.

The three-point seatbelts also tighten progressively as speed increases, adding an extra layer of occupant protection. A persistent warning system ensures no one forgets to buckle up.

Safety features that stand out

The Ranger XLT comes equipped with a suite of driver-assist technologies aimed at reducing risk and boosting confidence.

Blind-spot monitoring alerts the driver to vehicles approaching from hard-to-see angles, while lane-keeping assist gently warns when the vehicle begins to drift out of its lane.

A tyre pressure monitoring system continuously tracks tyre health, instantly alerting the driver via the digital cluster if pressure drops in any tyre.

Inside, the cabin is generously spaced, offering ample legroom for both front and rear passengers. Dual-zone climate control allows independent temperature settings for added comfort on longer journeys.

Where the ride feels less refined

However, the Ranger is not without its compromises.

While its suspension shines on highways and during high-speed cornering, it feels noticeably firmer when dealing with sharp urban imperfections, especially the double and quadruple speed humps common in Kampala suburbs such as Buziga.

It handles corners with confidence, but passengers will still feel some of the harshness transmitted through uneven city roads.

This is largely expected, given that pickups are engineered with stronger rear suspension systems designed for load-carrying and durability rather than plush urban comfort.

Fuel economy

The 80-litre fuel tank makes the Ranger XLT a strong long-distance companion.

On steady highway cruising at around 80km/h, it delivers approximately 16 kilometres per litre, giving it a theoretical range of well over 1,000 kilometres on a full tank under ideal conditions.

In stop-and-go urban traffic, however, consumption drops to around 10 kilometres per litre due to idling and frequent acceleration.

Verdict

The 2025 Ford Ranger XLT strikes a well-balanced mix of toughness, safety and modern refinement. It feels composed on highways, capable on rough roads, and comfortable enough for daily urban use.

While its ride can feel firm over Kampala’s harsher road sections, it compensates with strong engine performance, advanced safety systems, impressive fuel efficiency and a cabin that feels modern and well thought out.

For motorists seeking a versatile pickup that can handle farm runs, long-distance travel and city driving with equal confidence, the Ranger XLT remains one of the strongest contenders in Uganda’s growing double-cabin market.

The morning skies over Kampala were dreary. Then suddenly the rains fell, lightly. In many cultures, such sprinkling from the high heavens preceding a notable event, counts as blessings. This was debatable yesterday. For on the city’s eastern Mbuya Hill, grief floated and consumed hearts – of the mighty and ordinary citizens alike. Even strangers.

The knoll is the spiritual home in Uganda of the Comboni Missionaries, whose international charge is to minister to the abandoned and poorest of the world. Yesterday, the priests faced a congregation of different stripe: A-listers in Uganda government, politics, civil service and corporates assembled for a requiem mass for a teenager.

Present was the re-elected Deputy Speaker of Parliament Thomas Tayebwa, Head of Public Service Lucy Nakyobe, Bank of Uganda Governor Michael Atingi-Ego and permanent secretaries Vincent Bagiire and Dr Ramathan Ggoobi of Foreign Affairs and Finance ministries, respectively.

From the Justice, Law and Order (JLOS) filed in the Director of Public Prosecutions Lino Anguzu, Principal Judge Jane Abodo, the Deputy Inspector General of Police James Ochaya, his Prisons counterpart Samuel Akena, State House Investor Protection Unit Head Col Edith Nakalema, and Police’s Deputy Director for Criminal Investigations Beata Chelimo.

In death, a youngster had also summoned military generals, both retired and active-duty, including the Deputy Chief of Defence Forces, Lt Gen Samuel Okiding, Intelligence top brass, media executives, diplomats and a battery of what Kahinda Otafire safely called ‘ministers in transit’.

Timothy Muganzi Magambo — son of CID Director Tom Magambo Rwabudongo and Carol Nalwanga Magambo, a senior Ugandan diplomat — was only 18-years-old when his regular swimming adventure with peers turned tragic in New York on May 16, 2026.

‘This particular time, I think he (Timothy) developed a problem in the middle of the water. And his friends started looking for him. [When they found him] after 7 minutes in the water, most of the organs were gone [and] the heart [beat] was faint,’ AIGP Magambo told mourners at Our Lady of Africa Church in Mbuya, relaying witnesses’ accounts.

Frantic efforts to save the University of Albany first-year student, which was coordinated by Amb Adonia Ayebare, Uganda’s permanent representative to the United Nations (UN), and relatives and volunteers, were futile despite his swift transfer to Stony Brook Hospital, where Timothy was pronounced dead.

‘…there are simply no words strong enough to comfort you after facing such an unimaginable loss,’ Amb Ayebare wrote in a tribute. ‘Tom and Carol, take heart. It is not the number of years [that] we spend on this earth that matters, but the legacy we leave.’

They say President Museveni has once again denied the sub-region a cabinet position and allocated the sub-region two state ministers.

Among the new state ministers are Lydia Wanyoto Mutende, who was appointed as state minister for Public Service and Simon Mulongo, who was appointed as Minister of State for Gender, Labour and Social Development, Employment and Industrial Relations. Wanyoto is also a Woman MP for Mbale city.

In the previous cabinet, the sub-region still had two ministerial positions, both at the State Ministerial level, unlike in the past appointments, where it used to have a Cabinet Minister and at least two state ministers.

‘We are not happy as Bagisu. We have again been neglected by the president,’ Mr Yusuf Masaba, an elder and a resident of Mbale city, said.

Once a formidable political force, the Bugisu sub-region played a central role in Uganda’s struggle for independence and also in shaping post-independence politics.

The region produced influential and towering leaders such as the late Prof Dani Nabudere, one of the master craftsmen of Uganda’s 1995 Constitution and the late James Wapakhabulo Wambogo, the first Speaker of Parliament under the new constitutional order.

Late Wapakhabulo, who also served as National Political Commissar, died March 27 and was laid to rest at his ancestral home in Mafudu in Sironko district on April 3, 2004.

Mr Samuel Sakwa Napokoli, an opinion leader and Minister for Local Government and Clan Affairs in the Bugisu Cultural Institution, during an earlier interview with this publication, attributed Bugisu’s political backslide to the loss of leaders of substance who once served as torchbearers for the region and worked for collective development rather than personal gain.

‘The subregion has suffered in recent years under the NRM government due to internal political fights and lack of leadership, unity, and strategic engagement,’ he said.

The subregion, which consists of 7 districts including Mbale district, Mbale city, Bulambuli, Sironko, Manafwa, Bududa and Namisindwa districts with a total population of 1.8m is nestled in the foothills of Mount Elgon’s Wanale Ridge and is dominated by subsistence farming. The poverty rate is approximately 28%, according to the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS).

In Tororo, the locals have welcomed President Museveni’s latest cabinet appointments.

In the latest cabinet appointment, Sanjay Tanna was appointed Minister for Trade, Industry and Cooperatives, and Mogode Ikuya retained his seat as Minister of State for East African Affairs.

Mr Obbo Oketch, the councillor representing Nagongera Town Council, thanked the president for considering Tororo with two ministerial positions.

He is particularly reserved about the appointment of Sanjay Tanna as the Minister for Trade, Industry and Cooperatives, saying that he, being a businessman, can attract investors.

“I have to thank the President for considering us with two ministerial positions besides that of the speaker of Parliament, Jacob Oboth Oboth. This makes us proud,” he said.

Equally, Godfrey Othieno Otabong, the chairperson of Tororo County NRM party mobilisation branch, applauded the president for the appointment, citing the consideration of Tororo district in the cabinet appointments.

“I know it may look small, but it’s better than nothing because after all, Tororo was considered in the third position in the country slot “, he said.

He, however, appealed for more consideration in special Envoys and commissions as well as resident district commissioners because at least the district did well in the last elections.

Years ago, when Kirinya in Bweyogerere was still considered a quiet and remote settlement, Stephen Ojangole saw an opportunity many overlooked. He invested in land, convinced that the area’s proximity to Kampala and growing urban expansion would eventually transform it into a prime residential and commercial hub. Today, his foresight has paid off, with Kirinya emerging as one of the most sought-after and expensive areas for land buyers due to the rapid influx of settlers.

Many Ugandans have been drawn to Bweyogerere not only because of its close proximity to Kampala, but also due to the presence of the national stadium at Namboole, whose revival and growing sporting activities have greatly elevated the area’s profile and accelerated development. The key landmark that continues shaping the development of Bweyogerere is the iconic Mandela National Stadium commonly known as Namboole. The stadium continues to attract people seeking to buy property within and around Bweyogerere, which falls under the jurisdiction of Kira Municipal Council.

As we dive into the development journey of Bweyogerere, neighbouring areas such as Kireka and Banda are equally benefiting from the presence of Uganda’s biggest football facility, Mandela National Stadium. The stadium is undergoing a major upgrade that will increase its seating capacity from 38,000 to 64,125 spectators ahead of the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations tournament, which will be jointly hosted by Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania under the Pamoja bid. The continued redevelopment of the stadium is expected to further stimulate real estate growth, business expansion, and infrastructure development across the surrounding suburbs, positioning the greater Bweyogerere corridor as one of the fastest-growing urban zones within the Kampala metropolitan area.

Improved road networks

The continued expansion of road networks, commercial centres, and residential estates around the area has further increased Bweyogerere’s appeal as a strategic location for both settlement and investment. Another factor behind the improved road network is the presence of the Namanve Industrial Park, whose rapid and cosmopolitan business growth continues to attract many people to rent and settle around Bweyogerere.

Former Kira Town Council Mayor Mamerto Mugerwa’s administration started the multiple road works and grading projects between 2003 and 2011. During this time, Mugerwa focused on rehabilitating community roads, opening road reserves and successfully securing funds for grading Bweyogerere’s local feeder roads. The connectivity offered by the Northern Bypass has also positioned Bweyogerere as an emerging business hub due to easier access to different parts of the Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area.

Within the town, authorities are deliberately upgrading key road networks, including the stretch linking Jinja Road to Namugongo through the area hosting the Uganda National Bureau of Standards offices. The road works are expected to improve connectivity between Bweyogerere Industrial Centre and Namanve through a network of interconnecting roads, further boosting trade and investment in the area.

Property renovations in the offing

Already, major hospitality players and hotel operators are renovating their facilities to align with the expected influx of visitors during Africa’s biggest football showpiece, the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations. One of the most notable facilities situated in close proximity to Mandela National Stadium is Sports View Hotel. Although geographically located in Kireka, the hotel lies just a stone’s throw away from Bweyogerere. At the facility, renovation works have become the order of the day, with management undertaking extensive face-lifting, expansion, and beautification of various sections in preparation for the anticipated continental tournament. The upgrades reflect the growing confidence among investors and hospitality operators in the economic opportunities expected to come with AFCON 2027. With this expected influx of visitors ahead of the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations, investors in the entertainment sector, particularly bar owners, are also devising new strategies to attract as many revelers as possible. Many are taking advantage of the anticipated football excitement to reposition their businesses for increased customer traffic.

This shift is already evident in the renovation and face-lifting activities taking place in several bars and entertainment spots, especially venues where sports enthusiasts gather to watch matches on giant screens. Operators are upgrading seating areas, improving ambience, expanding viewing spaces, and enhancing customer experience in anticipation of heightened demand during the tournament period. The trend signals growing business optimism across the greater Bweyogerere corridor and surrounding suburbs, where hospitality and entertainment investors expect football tourism to stimulate spending and commercial activity.

Schools

With the rapid property growth in Bweyogerere, it is only logical for educational facilities to expand in order to match the area’s growing population. Figures from the Uganda Bureau of Statistics indicate that Bweyogerere Division has a population of 133,157 people living in 45,496 households.

Some of the secondary schools within Bweyogerere include Namboole High School, Mandela Secondary School, Kirinya Church of Uganda Secondary School, St. John’s Secondary School, Bweyogerere Secondary School, Kirinya High School and Namuwaya Secondary School, among others. The area is also home to several primary schools, including St. John’s Primary School, Brighton Primary School, Mother Majeri Primary School, Masozi Nursery and Primary School, Kirinya Church of Uganda Primary School, St. Joseph Elite Junior School and Kito Pioneer Primary School, among others.

Historical perspective

Kenneth Ssekiganda, a long-time resident of Bweyogerere in the Ntebetebe area, says the origin of the name Bweyogerere stems from the Luganda word okwogera, which means ‘to talk.’

Ssekiganda explains that the history of the area revolves around a sacred Muvule tree (African teak tree), under which Kabaka Mutesa I is believed to have rested after visiting Omukama Kabalega, the King of Bunyoro. According to the oral tradition, Kabaka Mutesa was so exhausted from the journey that he could barely speak. However, when he eventually started talking again, people referred to the place as ‘Bweyogerere,’ and the name later became widely known across the surrounding villages.

Business prospects

The growing business activity in Bweyogerere is also reflected in the rising revenue collections by Kiira Municipal Council, the local authority that administers Bweyogerere Division. The council generates revenue through sources such as local service tax, trade licenses, property rates and market dues, among others. According to the 2025/2026 revenue projections, Kiira Municipal Council expects to collect Shs15.7b, up from the Shs13.3b revenue target for the 2024/2025 financial year.

When the Electoral Commission (EC) announced the roadmap for the Kalangala District Woman Member of Parliament by-election on May 8, attention immediately shifted to one question across the islands: who can replace the late Hellen Nakimuli? Nakimuli 41, died last month after an unsuccessful surgery at Alexandria Medical Centre in Kampala, cutting short what several islanders believed would have been a more vocal second term in Parliament for the Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) legislator.

Nakimuli had won a second term earlier this year after polling 10,609 votes against ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party candidate Aidah Nabayiga, who garnered 9,245 votes out of the 19,854 valid votes cast.

Her death has since created what political observers and islanders describe as the ‘Nakimuli effect’ – a wave of emotional attachment and political admiration now shaping the kind of leader voters want to represent the district.

‘Losing Nakimuli was a disaster to the district. She was a person you could inform about any calamity that had happened in Kalangala, send a report to her WhatsApp, and within hours she would be speaking about it on the floor of Parliament, and we would receive instant responses from the concerned authorities,’ Mr David Omongot, the Kalangala District disaster focal point person, said.

Mr Omongoti said it would be hard to find a leader who could be so fast in delivering the message to the concerned ministries and receive an instant response.

Some residents said Nakimuli distinguished herself through aggressive advocacy on issues affecting island communities, particularly illegal fishing, transport challenges, health services, and infrastructure, which made her stand out among other legislators in the district.

‘I remember we had a problem of boats from other districts entering Kalangala District waters and engaging in illegal fishing. We cried to her, and she did her own research, then went to the floor of Parliament and complained about these boats, which we believed had the backing of some powerful people in government. The issue was solved because we no longer see them on the lake,’ Mr Siraje Mawanda, the spokesperson of the Association of Fishers and Lake Users of Uganda (AFALU), said.

He added: ‘She was very vocal in making sure fishermen get fair laws and are treated fairly, but now we have no other hope that we can get another legislator who would not fear those who are powerful to speak about the wrongs they do.’

Nakimuli’s appeal, some residents said, went beyond party politics, with many describing her as a unifying figure capable of bringing together people from different islands and political backgrounds around common causes affecting Kalangala.

‘For example, under the Nakimuli Foundation, she used to work with many organisations and influential people in and out of Kalangala, regardless of their political parties, to help women dealing in broom making. We looked for that even when we were electing our next leaders during the previous elections,’ said Ms Victoria Nasseje, a resident of Bugoma Village.

Even as aspirants seek to position themselves to become Nakimuli’s political successor, several voters said they are still searching for a leader who can command broad acceptance across the district in the same way Nakimuli did.

‘We know they can’t be like her [Nakimuli], but we need someone whom all people can like to be able to have a win,’ said Ms Sarah Nalwadda, a resident of Bubeke-Lwaazi in Bubeke Sub-county.

Nakimuli, a former community development officer who had worked across more than four sub-counties in Kalangala, first entered elective politics in 2021 with little expectation from many residents that she would defeat the entrenched ruling NRM party structures.

At the time, she was contesting against Ms Aidah Nabayiga, who was seeking a second term in Parliament.

Having resigned from her job before joining elective politics, Nakimuli reportedly entered the race with limited financial resources, but used her extensive grassroots networks built during her years working closely with communities across the various islands to canvass votes.

Several residents said her strong personal connections and accessibility became one of her biggest political strengths during the campaigns in 2021 General Election. Some supporters reportedly contributed money, fuel, and transport facilitation to enable Namuli to move across the scattered islands while searching for votes.

Others volunteered to mobilise communities, organise meetings, and host campaign teams at landing sites and villages across the district, creating what several residents described as a people-driven campaign.

In 2021, she defeated Ms Mary Goreti Namuddu in the contest for the party ticket, and in 2025, she stood unopposed.

Before the 2026 General Election, rumours had circulated that Irene Nakanwagi intended to challenge Nakimuli for the NUP ticket. However, Nakanwagi publicly denied the claims, helping cool tensions within party ranks. Ms Nakanwagi, who later won the woman councillor seat for Kalangala Town Council in the January election, is now among those seeking to replace her former political mentor

‘The electoral laws allow me to contest in a by-election for any position above the one I won, and that is why I decided to contest for the party card for the District Woman MP seat,’ she said.

Ms Nakanwagi added:’If I win the by-election, I can leave the councillor seat, and if I lose, I return to my post.’

NUP now has 13 women contesting for its ticket. These include Irene Nampala-a sister of the late Nakimuli; Jessica Nasiwa Tusabe, Roy Nakigozi, Mary Goreti Namuddu, who contested for the party card in 2021; Beatrice Nanyomo Kirabo, Dr Mary Nakitende, Ms Alice Namugerwa, Aisha Nantaayi, Maria Nakitendde, a journalist; Irene Nakanwagi, a district woman councillor; Irene Nabaggala, Barbara Nabasirye, and Sharifa Kaala Babirye.

Others in the race include Ms Aidah Nabayiga of the NRM, who was the party flag bearer in the January 15 General Election, and Ms Hellen Flavia Nagawa ( independent), who stepped down before the NRM primaries, paving the way for Ms Nabayiga to run unopposed.

Ms Sarah Asubo, a wife of former Bujumba County MP Julius Mukasa Opondo, and Ms Lydia Namera Kizza intend to contest as independent candidates.

‘Many women were motivated by her [Nakimuli], including those who don’t have much money, because they believe they can make it just like how she made it,’ said Mr Bambalazabwe Semakula, a political analyst in Kalangala.

Some analysts said several of the aspirants currently seeking to replace Nakimuli are attempting to present themselves as accessible community-based leaders capable of maintaining the close relationship the dead MP had built with residents.Although open campaigns have not yet started, various aspirants are engaged in door-to-door mobilisation, and direct interaction with voters, among others.

Residents, who spoke to this publication, said Nakimuli’s popularity was largely built on personal interaction and visibility across the islands rather than financial strength or party structures alone. With only days left to nominations, NUP has yet to announce its flagbearer despite more than a dozen women expressing interest in the seat.

Several aspirants are increasingly building their campaigns around their connection to Nakimuli in an attempt to tap into sympathy and emotional support among voters still mourning the late legislator. Campaign posters circulating on social media groups in Kalangala prominently feature Nakimuli alongside some of the aspirants seeking the NUP ticket.

A poster of Ms Nampala, a sister of the late MP, shows Nakimuli raising her hand. Another poster for Ms Jessica Nassiwa Tusabe, a former aide to Nakimuli, shows the late legislator holding her shoulders, interpreted by a section of supporters as a symbolic endorsement.

Other aspirants have also increasingly adopted Nakimuli’s style of grassroots mobilisation.

Ms Sharifa Kaala Babirye has been campaigning under the slogan ‘Ku lwa Nakimuli Foundation,’ positioning herself as a leader who would continue implementing the late MP’s community projects and plans.

She has also participated in cleaning exercises at major landing sites such as Mweena- activities previously associated with the Nakimuli Foundation. Ms Beatrice Nanyomo Kirabo has similarly designed her campaign around continuing Nakimuli’s advocacy.

‘This is the time to put our trust in a leader who loves Kalangala, who has served Kalangala and can be a voice for all islanders,’ read one of her campaign messages. The late Nakimuli, changed the way several residents viewed politics in Kalangala, with some observers saying she built rare support across political divides. ‘It is hard to be liked by most people in Kalangala across all political parties like Nakimuli was,’ said Mr Semakula.

He added: ‘When you look at those who want to be like her, they understand her ability to pull crowds. That is why many are trying to show that they were close to Nakimuli and can do what she did for the people.’

Mr Semakula, however, warned contenders seeking to replace Nakimuli not to assume they can easily match her political influence and connection with voters. ‘However much that strategy may help them [contenders] during the vetting and election period, it will be very hard to be like Nakimuli. I do not think there is anyone who can do exactly what Nakimuli did for this district in the way she used to. But everybody should have something they can do to develop this district, he said.

Mr Sunday Gerald Kayita, the Kalangala NRM chairperson, admitted that Nakimuli was a strong leader but insisted that Ms Nabayiga would win the poll. ‘We know NUP is relying heavily on sympathy votes, but our candidate is ready enough to win this forthcoming by- election…In the previous election, our candidate [Ms Nabayiga] got 9,245 votes. She can very well catch up and win this election,’ he said.

About the by-election

The Electoral Commission said nominations for candidates will take place between June 10 and 11, while campaigns will run from June 12 to 22 ahead of election on June 24. The island district has 42,452 registered voters who vote from 155 polling stations spread across the 64 habitable islands.

The National Resistance Movement’s plans for the Kikuube District LC5 by-election were thrown into disarray Tuesday after the Electoral Commission declined to nominate the party’s flag bearer, Philip Mbabazi Burnet, citing inconsistencies in his academic documents.

Mbabazi, son of former NRA bush war veteran and retired Maj Gen Matayo Kyaligonza, was blocked from the race after officials found his documents carried three different names: Philip Mbabazi Burnet, Philip Kyaligonza, and Philip Mbabazi.

The rejection came just days after Mbabazi won the NRM primaries convincingly with 23,279 votes, 58% of the total. Paddy Kisembo followed with 16,459 votes, 41%, while Dickson Tushabe and Valentino Rubasharaza trailed with 343 and 81 votes respectively.

‘Mbabbazi was not nominated because he had errors in his documents and we could not go ahead and nominate him because this could be against the law,’ said Kikuube District Returning Officer Emmanuel Twine.

‘The way we conduct our activities is guided by the law as well as electoral guidelines, and that is the reason why he was not nominated,’ he added.

Twine said the commission only nominated two candidates for the race: Phenhansi Timanyire of the National Unity Platform and Paddy Kisembo, now running under the NRM banner.

‘We have nominated two candidates… As the Electoral Commission, we want to ensure that we engage the nominated candidates and come up with a programme that will guide their campaigns,’ Twine said.

He stressed that the commission relies strictly on submitted documents and cannot proceed where discrepancies exist. ‘The commission does not work on assumptions. We rely on documents presented before us and ensure that they comply with the law. Where there are discrepancies, the candidate must first resolve them before being considered.’

The NRM has since shifted its support to Kisembo, who had initially sought nomination as an independent after losing the primaries.

Dr. Rosemary Sseninde, NRM’s Director for Mobilization, explained that the problem stemmed from Mbabazi’s time studying in the United States.

‘He studied in America, and the documents from America indicated two names, Philip Mbabazi, but the deed poll that was published in the gazette showed the third name, Kyaligonza. This could not enable the Electoral Commission to proceed with nomination because there were still questions regarding the names, and the law requires clarity,’ she said.

Sseninde said the party respected the EC’s decision and urged supporters to rally behind Kisembo. ‘The party’s preferred candidate was unable to secure nomination because of challenges regarding his name on the papers he presented.’

The development has sparked debate among NRM supporters in Kikuube, many of whom expected Mbabazi to carry the flag after his primary win.

Political analysts say the case underscores the need for aspirants to harmonize academic and legal documents before seeking office.

With Mbabazi out, the by-election will now be a contest between NRM-backed Kisembo and NUP’s Timanyire. Campaigns are expected to begin following the conclusion of nominations Monday and Tuesday.

Former Speaker Anita Among has congratulated Jacob Oboth-Oboth and Thomas Tayebwa on their election as Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the 12th Parliament, calling their leadership key to advancing Uganda’s legislative agenda.

‘I join my colleagues in congratulating Mr Jacob Oboth-Oboth and Mr Thomas Tayebwa on their election as Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the 12th Parliament,’ Among posted on her X handle Tuesday evening.

‘I have no doubt that your leadership will bolster the legislative agenda and promote outcomes that serve our nation’s best interests. I sincerely wish you success in your service to our country.’

The message marks Among’s first public comment since stepping out of the race for Speaker. The Bukedea Woman MP had been expected to seek a second term but withdrew after an ongoing corruption probe into her tenure came under public scrutiny.

Oboth-Oboth, the MP for West Budama South and former Minister of State for Defence, was elected Speaker after securing majority support in the NRM caucus and Parliament with 441 votes. He brings 15 years of legislative experience to the role. Tayebwa, MP for Ruhinda North in Mitooma District, retained his position as Deputy Speaker after polling 457 votes in a Monday evening election.

Their election is seen as a shift in Parliament’s leadership structure ahead of a term expected to focus on service delivery, anti-corruption measures, and regional balance.

Analysts note that Among’s congratulatory message signals a smooth transition within the ruling NRM, despite the controversies surrounding her exit. During her tenure, Parliament passed several contentious bills and faced criticism over alleged misuse of funds and procedural disputes.

With the new leadership in place, attention now turns to whether Oboth-Oboth and Tayebwa can restore public confidence in the institution while managing the demands of both the executive and backbench MPs.

A new report on the State of Human Resource, 2025, says with the easing of restrictions on recruitment, a total of 681,277 positions have been approved across government, but only 374,642 staff are in the posts, representing a net increase of 18,138 positions from 2024.

The report was released by the Ministry of Public Service in Kampala on Tuesday.

Mr Joses Yegyeza, the Commissioner of Statistics, Monitoring and Evaluation, Ministry of Public Service, said, ‘Between 2024 and 2025, the Public Service saw an overall fill rate improvement of just 1% as the creation of new structural positions outstripped actual recruitment.’

‘Nearly one out of every two approved positions in Uganda remains unfulfilled as of December 2025,” he added.

The report says while the actual employee headcount has grown by more than 32,000 since 2021, the simultaneous creation of new administrative and service structures has driven the overall fill rate down by 6 percent from 61 percent in 2021.

Workforce capacity dashboard

The report says administrative structures have retained capacity while frontline services continue facing systematic deficits.

The government agencies constitute 71 percent filled positions, Uganda Police Force 69 percent and teaching service 67 percent, whereas frontline health and higher education face severe, systematic deficits with Referral hospitals taking the largest share of deficits at 69 percent, Public Universities 66 percent and Primary Health Care with 61 percent.

Currently, the teaching service has 177, 667 filled positions, leaving a gap of 87,080 positions, Primary Healthcare 43,567 filled with a gap of 84,664, Local government 43,798 filled with a gap of 32,509, and Uganda Police Force with 48,090 filled, leaving a gap of 21,733.

Others include Uganda Prison Service with 14,896 filled with a gap of 27,828 positions, Ministries and Departments 16,206 filled with a gap of 13,559 positions, Referral hospitals with 7,930 filled with a gap of 18,829 positions, Public Universities 8,451 filled with a gap of 16,373, and government agencies with 12,037 positions with 4,860 gaps.

But Mr Dennis Ojok, a senior statistician, Ministry of Public Service, clarified that while health and Universities face the highest percentage gaps, the sheer scale of the teaching service means it holds the largest absolute number of vacancies of 87,080 in the public sector.

Gender parity

Even though the gender parity is improving, the report reveals there are deep structural barriers that still persist in leadership and security.

Mr Ojok said the overall ratio of 59 percent (222,635) are male and 41 percent (152,007) are female with the majority of women in health services (56%), and male most dominant in both the Uganda Police (77%) and Uganda Prisons (70%).

He said while sectors like Primary Health and Teaching boast high female representation at entry and operational levels, the report reveals that persistent structural barriers have continued to prevent female career progression into strategic leadership roles across the public service.

The looming exit

22 percent (over 80,000) of the total workforce (374,642) are aged 50 and above, 69 percent (over 146,000) of the staff are aged 30-49 years, and only 9 percent (over 30,000) of the workforce is aged 18-29 years.

The reports say the extremely narrow entry-level pipeline (9%) limits long-term talent replenishment, creating a looming succession crisis as the 22% exit over the next decade.

Mr Ojok says this calls for targeted recruitment to ensure there is continuity of public service.

‘The people who are coming in between 18 and 29 are few, and the people who are exiting public service are very many, and this is becoming a challenge because when people leave, there is a problem of educational memory,’ he said.

The report says 44 percent of the workforce has served for 10 years or less, and this has reflected in the recent post -pandemic hiring surges.

The report further reveals that 25 percent of all staff have been stagnant in their current appointments for over 12 years, indicating severe promotion bottlenecks.

The Public Service Standing Orders says employees are eligible for promotion after three years; however, in this case, one in four public officers has been in the same role for over 12 years.

The report adds that even the vast majority of the workforce is also sitting on lower salary scales, creating steep structural limits on career progression.

Education sector

With an approved establishment of 291,571 positions and 188,118 staff in post as of December 2025, the education sector is regarded as the undisputed engine of the state workforce, representing nearly 1 in 2 public servants.

The report indicates that the filling rate improved from 62 percent in 2024 to 65 percent in 2025, a net gain of 7,095 employees, yet the structural deficit remains massive.

At the primary level, the staffing gap has been reduced with a fill rate of 81 percent (137,849 staff in post). At the secondary level, the fill rate stands at 46%, with Public Universities at 34 percent, and tertiary institutions at 29 percent only.

The report identified secondary schools as having nearly all approved administrative leadership, but lacked the core teaching cadres required to actually deliver learning outcomes.

At Public Universities, the reports say there is a dual crisis with a severe lack of senior academics and a broken entry pipeline with no internal mechanism to groom the next generation.

The overall academic staffing stood at 31 percent with a filling rate of 12 percent for professors (133 in post), Associate professors at 19 percent (277 in post), and Senior lecturers at 29percent, Lecturers at 43 percent and Assistant lecturers at 41 percent.

Teaching Assistant filling gap stands at 12 percent with only 136 in post against the approved 1,164 positions.

Mr Tegyeza says the report also identified severe staffing inequality with specialized central institutes maintaining stability, whereas regional and rural Universities face systematic neglect.

‘Most affected are the frontline training institutions managed by local governments with the 71 percent vacancy rate (4,587 staff in post against established 16,010), directly undermining the delivery of technical and vocational skills vital for economic transformation,’ he added

Health sector

While the overall public service operates at a strained 55 percent, the Health Sector is operating at a critical 33 percent fill rate. This structure compounds pressure across the entire continuum of care.

Of the approved 154,190 positions, only 51,497 are in post, creating a gap of 102,693 missing personnel, meaning for every 3 required health workers, 2 are missing.

The staffing deficits are not uniform, with the most severe system blockages occurring at regional (25%) and Specialized (20%) levels, paralyzing the intended patient referral pathway.

The report also shows early retirement in the health sector has tripped between 2022 and 2024. In an environment with a 33% fill rate, with the remaining staff facing severe workload pressures and burnout, driving vital talent out of the system prematurely.

Other reasons for the early retirement are attributed to family matters (16%), medical/ health issues (1.4%), and age and length of service (6.6%).

The report, however, warns that while Primary Healthcare faces higher absolute numbers of those at the verge of retirement (2,537), between 2026-2030, Referral hospitals face severe structural risk with 979 staff.

Human Resource in local govt

According to the report, Local governments operate at 57 percent capacity with cities operating at 52 percent.

But despite successfully establishing leadership and community mobilization structures, the majority lack the technical engineering and planning staff required to execute infrastructure and economic development.

The report shows only 19% of district engineers, 30% of City planners, and 53% of district natural resource officers are filled to date compared to 95% of political leaders, 94% of CAOs /Town Clerks, and 99% of Community Development Officers filled respectively.

Early retirement

The report also observed a 488 percent spike in early retirement from 443 in 2021 to 2,166 in 2025.

Primary school teachers account for an overwhelming 73%, with 1,588 exiting in 2024/25 alone.

According to the report, a total of 5,725 staff exited early in 5 years, with the majority being females (40-50 age brackets at 63% and 51% respectively), while males dominated the later post to 50 exists (57% and 63%), and 73% of early retirements occurred between ages 46-55.

Mr Ojok said the main drivers for early retirement are attributed to family matters, constituting 16.08%, immediate age eligibility (6.61%, and politics (3.9%).

‘The report projects 34,340 statutory retirements by 2030, with the teaching service carrying the biggest share with 19,801 officers,’ he added.

Mr Ojok added that 9.2 percent of the total active workforce will retire, with a massive peak of 8,215 exits hitting in 2029, with 13.8% from Public Universities, 12.4% from Referral hospitals, 11.0% from teaching service, and a further 11.0% from ministries/ departments.

This figure, colliding with a pre-existing 306,635 vacancy gap, creates an imminent threat to institutional memory and basic state functionality if succession planning is ignored.

Recommendations

To address the available challenges related to human resources in the government, the report recommended that the relevant authorities prioritize recruitment strictly toward technical cadres, fast-track hiring in hospitals, schools, universities, and science institutions.

The report also calls for the ring-fencing of wage allocations to protect essential frontline staff from budget reallocations and to conduct immediate and periodic establishment rationalisation.

Operationalize sustainable pension reforms by fast-tracking the implementation of the contributory pension schemes, introducing retention incentives for critical cadres to delay early retirement, promoting phased retirement approaches, and reducing processing delays, among others.

The dramatic, high-stakes unravelling of former Speaker Anita Annet Among’s political dominance in Uganda offers a classic study in the pathology of institutional capture, patronage, and the fragile nature of personalist power.

Within a remarkably short period, a political titan-elected unopposed in Bukedea, victorious over the formidable Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga for the NRM’s second national vice chairperson position, and backed by a vast patronage network-now appears to face unprecedented resistance within the ruling establishment itself.

As a former insider within Uganda’s accountability framework, I view these developments not with personal triumph, but with deep structural anxiety.

The rapid realignment of power in Kampala raises profound questions about the integrity of our governance institutions, the selective application of anti-corruption mechanisms, and the increasingly overt militarisation of civilian political processes.

To understand the current crisis, one must recognise that Among’s trajectory fits into a recurring historical pattern within Uganda’s political architecture.

The Executive branch has historically struggled to tolerate an independent or competing centre of power within the Legislature. Over time, Parliament’s leadership has repeatedly been managed through a cycle of co-optation, exhaustion, containment, or political displacement.

Early manifestations of this dynamic emerged during the eras of James Wapakhabulo and Edward Ssekandi, where tensions periodically surfaced between the institutional autonomy of Parliament and the expanding dominance of the Executive. The pattern became more visible during the tenure of Kadaga, particularly amid disputes concerning parliamentary independence, legislative oversight, and the growing centralisation of political authority.

Among’s predicament, however, represents a more complex mutation of this cycle. Unlike some of her predecessors, she was not perceived as challenging Executive authority through parliamentary independence.

On the contrary, her leadership was widely associated with the consolidation of Executive dominance over the Legislature. Yet in Uganda’s political economy, even loyalty does not guarantee permanence. Once personal patronage networks grow sufficiently expansive, autonomous, and politically consequential, they may themselves become objects of suspicion within the broader architecture of power.

The anatomy of an Executive pivot

The speed with which the political ground appears to have shifted beneath the former Speaker illustrates the fragility of transactional political loyalty. The chronology of recent events is instructive: The zenith of influence: Among consolidated her position within the ruling establishment by defeating Kadaga for the influential office of NRM second national vice chairperson, reinforcing her standing as one of the country’s most powerful political actors.

The consolidation of Executive dominance over Parliament: Under her stewardship, Parliament increasingly attracted criticism for functioning less as an independent legislative body and more as an extension of Executive power.

The ‘tyranny of numbers’ repeatedly neutralised Opposition initiatives and facilitated the passage of controversial legislation, including the recent Protection of Sovereignty Bill. Institutional endorsement: The NRM Central Executive Committee reportedly endorsed both the former Speaker and her Deputy, Thomas Tayebwa, to retain their respective leadership positions in Parliament, reflecting apparent confidence in their continued stewardship.

The crisis of optics and elite perception: However, growing public scrutiny surrounding ostentatious displays of wealth and widening allegations of corruption appear to have altered political calculations within sections of the ruling establishment.

The controversy surrounding the acquisition of a luxury Rolls-Royce vehicle became symbolically damaging at a time of mounting public economic hardship and governance criticism.

The militarisation of political signalling: The subsequent public interventions by the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU), associated with the Chief of Defence Forces, dramatically escalated the situation. Statements and social media messaging perceived as favouring specific political outcomes in the parliamentary leadership contest deepened concerns regarding military involvement in civilian political processes.

The emerging realignment: Reports of high-level consultations at State House involving senior ruling party figures and discussions regarding alternative parliamentary leadership candidates further reinforced perceptions that a coordinated political realignment was underway.

Conceptualising the crisis

To fully grasp the gravity of this moment, we must demystify the technical realities underpinning Uganda’s governance crisis. In Roman mythology, Janus is the god of two faces, simultaneously looking in opposite directions.

Uganda’s anti-corruption architecture-comprising institutions such as the Inspectorate of Government (IGG), the Leadership Code Tribunal (LCT), the Auditor General, and other accountability organs-often appears trapped in a comparable duality. When politically connected actors remain in favour, accountability institutions frequently become procedurally cautious, legally restrained, and administratively dormant. Technicalities multiply.

Processes stall.

Investigations await ‘appropriate timing’ or further reports. Yet once political protection weakens, the same institutions can suddenly transform into hyperactive instruments of enforcement.

This selective elasticity damages public confidence. The issue is not whether corruption should be investigated-it absolutely must be-but whether accountability mechanisms operate according to constitutional principle or fluctuating political convenience.

The controversy surrounding the parliamentary commissioners’ service awards exemplified this institutional dilemma.

Critics argued that substantial awards were approved under circumstances raising serious concerns regarding fiduciary responsibility and conflict-of-interest safeguards. Yet meaningful institutional intervention appeared hesitant until broader political tides began to shift. Equally troubling is the increasingly visible role of military actors within civilian political contests.

A praetorian State is one in which the military establishment ceases to function merely as an instrument of national defence and instead emerges as a decisive arbiter in civilian political transitions and governance disputes.

Uganda’s Constitution, under Article 208(2), explicitly requires the UPDF to remain non-partisan, national in character, and subordinate to civilian authority. Yet recent political developments have increasingly blurred these constitutional boundaries.

When senior military-linked actors openly participate in political signalling surrounding parliamentary leadership contests, the perception inevitably emerges that military endorsement is becoming an influential factor in civilian political outcomes. That perception alone is profoundly damaging to constitutionalism. The election of the Speaker under Article 82 of the Constitution was intended to reflect the free and independent judgment of Members of Parliament-not the visible shadow of coercive political power.

A direct appeal to the President

Your Excellency, as the appointing authority under whom many of our accountability institutions ultimately function, you must reflect carefully on how the struggle against corruption has itself been undermined by political interference and institutional domestication.

Public confidence will not be restored merely by removing one compromised political figure while leaving intact the structural injustices and institutional sabotage that flourished under the same system. While serving as deputy chairperson of the Leadership Code Tribunal, I took my oath of office seriously.

Alongside other principled members, I insisted that the Leadership Code Act be enforced without fear or favour, including in relation to the controversial parliamentary service awards and related conflict-of-interest allegations involving parliamentary leadership.

My insistence on institutional autonomy and equal application of the law generated visible resistance within sections of the political and administrative establishment.

During internal engagements, concerns were openly raised regarding my Constitutional Court petition seeking to affirm the autonomy and judicial character of the tribunal. It became increasingly clear that my defence of institutional independence would weigh heavily against the renewal of my contract.

Over time, I learned from various insider sources within the tribunal, supervising ministries, and political circles close to Parliament that powerful interests aligned to the parliamentary leadership were deeply unhappy with efforts to subject parliamentary commissioners to Leadership Code accountability. The convergence of political hostility, administrative obstruction, and the subsequent non-renewal of our mandates strongly demonstrated a coordinated effort to neutralise an assertive, independent tribunal. This is the deeper national tragedy: accountability institutions were not merely weakened by corruption; they were weakened by the deliberate erosion of their autonomy.

Mr President, if the current campaign against parliamentary corruption is to be viewed as a genuine national correction rather than a selective political purge, then institutional justice must accompany political rhetoric. The State cannot continue benefiting from the marginalisation of officers who sought to uphold the law in difficult circumstances.

Reinstating principled accountability officers who were pushed aside for defending institutional autonomy would send a powerful signal throughout the public service that integrity, constitutional fidelity, and professional courage are no longer liabilities within the Ugandan state.

If Uganda is to emerge from this constitutional nadir, the remedy must be systemic rather than factional. Universality of accountability: The current investigations into Parliament must not become instruments of selective justice or elite factional warfare. Accountability processes should comprehensively examine the 2024 and 2025 service awards controversies, allegations surrounding inflated parliamentary expenditures, the mabaati scandal, and all related questions of abuse of office-regardless of political alignment.

Demilitarisation of civilian politics: The commander-in-chief must ensure that military actors and affiliated political formations refrain from involvement in civilian legislative contests.

Constitutional governance demands a clear separation between military command structures and parliamentary politics. Restoration of institutional independence: Uganda must revisit the unresolved constitutional question concerning the autonomy of accountability bodies such as the Leadership Code Tribunal. Institutions tasked with enforcing ethical governance cannot function effectively if they remain vulnerable to political intimidation, administrative retaliation, or executive domestication.

Protection of accountability officers: Public officials who act in defence of constitutionalism and institutional integrity must not be politically isolated, professionally punished, or administratively discarded. A state that punishes integrity ultimately institutionalises corruption. The writer is a former deputy chairperson of the Leadership Code Tribunal and former minister.

Caution

If political transition is ultimately achieved through selective prosecution, institutional manipulation, and the visible intrusion of military influence into civilian governance, Uganda risks endorsing militarised authoritarianism.

True reform requires more than the fall of individuals. It requires a genuine return to constitutionalism, the restoration of institutional autonomy, equal application of the law, and the protection of those who risked their careers to defend the integrity of the republic.