Category: Daily Monitor

Each year, between 140,000 and 165,000 students complete A-Level (Senior Six) in Uganda, according to the Uganda National Examinations Board (Uneb), with many of them aspiring to join university or other tertiary institutions. Yet for a large share of these graduates, that ambition ends at the classroom door.

Despite the growing number of secondary school leavers, research shows that less than 10 percent transition to university, with cost emerging as one of the most decisive barriers. Tuition fees in some private universities now reach as high as Shs6 million per semester, placing higher education beyond the reach of many academically qualified students. As a result, access to university is increasingly being determined not by merit, but by financial capacity. This leaves a significant pool of talent unable to advance beyond secondary education, deepening inequality in higher learning opportunities.

Equity concerns

Mr Patrick Kaboyo, the national secretary of the Federation of Non-State Education Institutions, says Uganda’s higher education financing model is increasingly raising concerns around fairness, access, and long-term impact. He argues that while government support through scholarships and the Students’ Loan Scheme remains important, the system is still largely driven by merit-based selection-an approach that can disadvantage students from less-resourced backgrounds.

Mr Kaboyo adds that learners from better-performing schools and wealthier households often have an advantage in competitive selection, leaving equally capable but poorer students behind. ‘We need to ask whether the system is truly reaching those who need it most,’ he says, adding that a stronger focus on financial need would improve equity in public sponsorship. He also raises concerns about transparency, arguing that many scholarship opportunities are not widely publicised.

According to him, better information sharing would widen access and improve trust in the allocation process. Beyond access, Mr Kaboyo calls for a stronger focus on outcomes, questioning whether Uganda is tracking the long-term impact of its investment in higher education. ‘We need to know, for the last 10 or 20 years, who are these beneficiaries and are they adding value to national development?’ he says. He suggests a comprehensive audit of scholarship and loan beneficiaries to assess whether graduates are entering priority sectors, warning that without such tracking, the country risks producing graduates whose skills do not translate into national needs.

Govt financing channels

The government, however, maintains that it is actively working to expand and refine access to higher education funding. Ms Kedrace Turyagyenda, the permanent secretary at the Ministry of Education and Sports, says state support is delivered through two main channels: government scholarships and the Students’ Loan Scheme. ‘As [the] Government of Uganda, we have two main ways of supporting young people who are joining higher education,’ she explains, adding that support extends to both universities and technical institutions.

Ms Turyagyenda says government scholarships are awarded through merit, sports excellence, and the district quota system. ‘Each district has a number of students who can join universities and other tertiary institutions on government sponsorship,’ she says. For students who cannot afford higher education, the Students’ Loan Scheme offers an alternative pathway. The Education ministry’s top accounting officer explains that selection is strictly based on financial vulnerability at the family, community, and individual level. Beneficiaries study under the scheme and repay the loans after graduation, following a grace period.

External scholarships, partnerships

Beyond domestic funding, Uganda also benefits from externally funded scholarships through partners such as the Commonwealth framework, the United Kingdom (UK), India, and the Mastercard Foundation Scholars Programme. Bilateral partnerships have also expanded opportunities, including the Government of Algeria scholarship programme, which recently flagged off 53 students, bringing total beneficiaries to about 253 this academic year. Ms Turyagyenda says such opportunities are first received through official channels before being released to the public. ‘Once we get them, we put them out in the media or on our website, and people compete for them,’ she says. However, she notes that many external scholarships are concentrated at postgraduate level, limiting opportunities for undergraduate students who make up the majority of A-Level leavers.

Rising demand, funding pressure

Despite these interventions, demand for higher education funding continues to exceed available support. The challenge is compounded by broader education financing constraints, even as the government maintains free primary and secondary education under the Universal Primary Education (UPE) and the Universal Secondary Education (USE) initiatives. Stakeholders note that the capitation grant-currently about Shs20,000 per pupil under UPE-remains insufficient to meet rising operational costs, affecting learning quality and preparedness for university. As more students complete A-Level each year, the financial burden increasingly shifts to families at the most critical transition point. For many, entry into university is no longer determined solely by academic performance, but by ability to pay.

The bigger question

The debate over higher education financing is therefore shifting beyond access to deeper questions of fairness, transparency, and national return on investment. As Uganda expands participation in education, stakeholders argue that the challenge ahead is not only how many students reach university, but whether the system that supports them is equitable, transparent, and sustainable enough to deliver long-term development impact.

A 64-year-old Canadian national has been remanded to Luzira Prison by the Chief Magistrate’s Court in Kampala over allegations of obtaining $1.5 million (about Shs5.56 billion) by false pretences and illegal mineral dealing.

The accused, Michel Faille-a consultant residing at Mestil Hotel in Nsambya, Kampala-on Friday appeared before Chief Magistrate Ritah Neumbe Kidasa and denied the charges leveled against him.

According to the charge sheet, Faille, alongside others still at large, allegedly obtained the money from Abdulkadir Mohamed Nur between July and October 2025 at Acacia Mall in Kamwokya, Kampala. Prosecutors contend that the suspects falsely claimed they would facilitate the shipment of 16 tonnes of gold to Dubai, a transaction that never materialized.

In the second count, the prosecution alleges that during the same period, Faille and his accomplices were found in possession of 740 kilograms of suspected gold nuggets in Kololo, Kampala, without a valid mineral dealer’s licence-a violation of the Mining and Minerals Act, 2022.

State Prosecutor Ms. Grace Amy Namuganza informed the court that police inquiries into the matter are still incomplete.

“Investigations are still ongoing,” Ms. Namuganza told the court as she requested an adjournment to allow detectives time to conclude their work.

Chief Magistrate Neumbe granted the state’s request and remanded Faille until August 12, 2026, when the matter will return to court for mention and an update on the progress of investigations.

“You are hereby remanded until August 12 for the mention of your case,” Ms. Neumbe ruled.

Prosecution added that security agencies are actively hunting for other suspects linked to the scheme who remain at large.

The development highlights Uganda’s ongoing crackdown on fraudulent gold transactions-a sector that has faced heightened scrutiny from law enforcement following a surge in fake export deals targeting foreign and local investors.

There is a particular kind of confidence a Finance ministry displays when it starts turning down free money. Not literally free, of course because the Bank of Uganda (BoU) still pays for every shilling it borrows, but when a government is offered nearly nine times more cash than it asked for and still says no to the majority of it, that is a signal worth reading carefully.

July 2026, the opening month of Uganda’s new financial year, offered four such signals in a row. To understand July, it helps to know what came before it. The 2025/2026 fiscal year (FY) was an election year, and Uganda’s bond market behaved the way election-year bond markets tend to: nervously, then expensively. Yields on the long end of the curve touched 17.7 to17.9 percent at auction and briefly cleared 18 percent on the secondary market. Investors were, in effect, being paid a hefty political-risk premium to hold 15, 20 and 25-year government paper through a contested electoral cycle.

A slow unwind

The Government of Uganda (GoU), meanwhile, was in no position to argue: its domestic financing needs were large (a Shs72 trillion budget, later topped up with a roughly Shs10 trillion supplementary), donor grants were declining, and it needed the market to show up. It did. Auctions were oversubscribed almost without exception, and the GoU accepted, on average, roughly 13 percent more than it had originally offered across the year. That appetite front-loaded itself.

Uganda issued heavily in the first half of the fiscal year and then, tellingly, skipped a bond auction altogether in December and pulled back acceptance sharply through January and March, as coupon payments and maturities came due and the Treasury managed its own cash-flow pressure rather than the market’s. Then came a wrinkle nobody had priced for. By January 2026, with the election behind it and roughly 90 percent of its financing needs already met, the government’s cost of borrowing began falling fast.

The 20-year touched 14.7 percent in January, a startling six-month drop from the 2025 peaks. Then the Iran war escalated in February and March, the dollar strengthened, offshore investors, who had built their Ugandan sovereign holdings back up to nearly 15 percent of the market by December, began heading for the exits, and yields snapped back up into the 15 to16 percent range, where they largely stayed through the first half of 2026. As Janet Anayo, an investment analyst at Old Mutual Investment Group Uganda, put it: ‘That Iran war escalated, in February, March… you’d see that there was a bit of volatility in the fixed income market. Part of that was that these offshore investors were exiting some of these positions.’

July, dissected

Against that backdrop, July’s four auctions that include two, five and 15-year bonds on the 1st; Treasury bills on the 8th; three, 10 and 20-year bonds on the 15th; and two, five, 15 and 25-year bonds again on the 29th, read more like a government pressing its advantage. The numbers, taken together, show that across the month, the BoU offered a combined Shs3.73 trillion of paper. Investors tendered Shs8.79 trillion, 2.36 times over-subscribed. The GoU accepted just Shs3.85 trillion, meaning it turned away roughly Shs4.93 trillion that investors were actively trying to hand it.

More interesting than the aggregate is the shape of the curve within the month. Three tenors were reopened twice in July, and all three priced lower the second time. The two-year fell from 12.800 percent (1 July) to 12.500 percent (29 July), down 30 basis points. The five-year fell from 14.700 percent to 14.250 percent, down 45 basis points, even as its tender book nearly doubled, from Shs824 billion to Shs1.06 trillion. The 15-year fell from 15.750 percent to 15.650 percent, down 10 basis points The short and belly of the curve, in other words, are still compressing, and doing so with demand accelerating rather than tapering off, a signature of a market conditioned to expect further easing.

The long end also tells something. The 25-year bond, the same 16 percent-coupon, 2050-maturity paper first floated in August 2025, cleared at exactly 16.000 percent on July 29, having traded, according to secondary-market levels in June, around 15.93 percent. That is a small but real reversal: seven basis points higher, not lower, after weeks of apparent softening. It is also barely above where the 20-year cleared two weeks earlier, at 15.950 percent, an unusually flat spread for 500 basis points of extra duration risk. Meanwhile the 10-year, at 15.450 percent, is essentially unchanged from where it was trading roughly six weeks earlier at 15.44 percent.

This means that Uganda’s front end is still easing decisively, its belly has stabilised, and its very long end has stopped falling and shown its first flicker of resistance. That divergence matters for how one reads the ‘taper.’ Government’s declared preference, as Susan Namaganda, a fixed income expert noted, is unambiguous. At borrowing costs of 16 to17 percent, ‘that’s really expensive debt for the government of Uganda as they’re running the country,’ and the state ‘wants to start tapering… maybe we can go down to the 14 percent ranges, 13 percent ranges.’ The July data shows that ambition is being realised at the short end and stalling, for now, at the long end, precisely where offshore investors, still skittish after February’s exodus, exert the most pricing power.

The architecture

None of this is accidental. The 2026/2027 auction calendar, published just before the fiscal year began, was engineered with exactly this dynamic in mind. Treasury bill auctions were cut from twice a month to once, a change Ms Namaganda linked directly to the State’s declining appetite for short-dated rollover risk. ‘Now for this particular calendar the government is saying, no, we no longer want that much of the short money, we want longer-term money,’ she noted. Several long-dated benchmarks are also being deliberately retired. The three-year bond used in July’s auction, which is the 15.550 percent paper maturing July 2028, is scheduled to stop being reissued around August, replaced by a fresh 3-year benchmark from September.

The 15-year (15.800 percent, maturing 2039) and 20-year (15.000 percent, maturing 2043) bonds sold in July face the same fate around August and September. Ms Namaganda’s explanation was that: ‘Since these particular bonds, especially the 20 and 15-year bond, ever since they issued them out, they have been appearing on the calendars non-stop… the government has also accumulated an outstanding debt on those particular [maturities].’ A bond switch is also scheduled for March 2027, giving holders of the August 2029 bond the option, not obligation, to roll into fresh paper, a tool Ms Namaganda described as designed to relieve exactly the kind of maturity-clustering pressure that a large single redemption date creates: ‘It is not a must to switch your bond.’

There is also a longer-term financing story sitting underneath all of this. Ms Anayo flagged Uganda’s approaching oil production, expected to commence in the second half of 2026, as a structural reason for the government to want cheaper domestic debt now. A new external revenue stream reduces the urgency to keep paying elevated coupons to attract Treasury demand. ‘The government wants to diversify away from expensive shilling-denominated borrowing to be able to reduce the rate at which they are borrowing,’ Ms Namaganda noted. That, combined with public debt sitting at roughly 53 percent of GDP and a Fitch rating of B+ with a stable outlook, figures which Ms Anayo cited as the credit backdrop investors should be weighing against the yields. This gives the government both the incentive and, so far, the credibility to keep rejecting bids rather than chase the market up.

What to watch

Owing to this, two things are worth tracking into August and beyond.

First, whether the roughly Shs900 billion rejected at the 25-year auction alone, plus the hundreds of billions turned away across the rest of July, resurfaces, as expected, at the mid-August auction covering the 20-year, 10-year and 3-year bonds.

A further oversubscription there would confirm that July’s discipline is sustainable rather than a one-month anomaly.

Second, whether the long end’s slight uptick on July 29 was noise or the start of a genuine re-steepening, as the market prices in the retirement of the current 15- and 20-year benchmarks and waits to see what coupon the replacement bonds carry in September.

If the pattern of the last financial year is any guide, heavy front-loaded issuance early, followed by a deliberate pullback once financing needs are largely met, investors would not assume July’s rejection rates persist unchanged all year.

One month in, the government has already cut yields on three bonds it didn’t have to reopen, and the long end hasn’t punished it for trying.

In July 2026, at least, Uganda’s Treasury was setting the terms, not taking them.

For four weeks, this weekly column and others appearing in the Weekend Monitor have been absent. The reason is well known.

The government, unhappy with the way Daily Monitor and its sister broadcasters – NTV, Spark TV, KFM and Ddembe FM – covered it, moved to shut them down temporarily. People who care about press freedom and free speech – and the role they play in fostering democracy – expressed serious concerns.

The government had its compelling reasons for the action it took, just like the people who were concerned. The good news is that all five outlets have resumed operations.

Discerning news consumers are now going to watch closely and see if the reporting, commentary and opinions will change.

My guess is that they will. The reason is simple. A newspaper, radio or TV station that is closed for good does absolutely nothing.

But one that has been forced into self-censorship can, at the very least, report something that people want to know. Ideally, news outlets should report freely.

Governments in many places are concerned about what they call critical or biased reporting. Many do take drastic action against the press.

But the solution to this problem, assuming it is a problem, does not have to be heavy-handedness. Nordic countries are a good place to start.

Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden are, in my humble opinion, the best examples you can cite when talking about countries that are politically well managed. True, in developing countries, many people are wowed by the United States and the UK.

Both are favourite destinations for those wishing to emigrate, and part of the reason has to do with their official language: English.

However, neither does better than Nordic countries across a range of indexes measuring anything from happiness to corruption to human development.

Their performance is exceptional, and they have every reason to say that politics really works for ordinary people. Being a politician in these countries generally means working for the good of the country. And the results are impressive.

Mention the UNDP Human Development Index (HDI), for example, and you will find Nordic countries consistently rank among the highest.

The index covers nearly 200 countries and is a measure combining life expectancy, education and income per person into a single score ranking countries’ development.

Nordic countries have consistently dominated the top 10 slots for years. They do the same on the Corruption Perceptions Index by the Berlin-based Transparency International.

On the 2025 Index, for example, Denmark had the highest score: 89/100, followed by Finland, with 88/100. Uganda’s score has remained in the 20s for more than 10 years.

The CPI ranks 182 countries and territories worldwide by their perceived levels of public sector corruption. The results are given on a scale of 0, which means a country is highly corrupt to 100, which means almost zero corruption.

Two other indexes on which Nordic countries are star performers are the World Happiness Report and World Press Freedom Index.

The five countries consistently rank at or near the top. The government says it is fighting corruption. Some believe it. It moves to investigate some key public figures over allegations of corruption and then leaves the public guessing about what will be done next, with many speculating that even if incriminating evidence is found, they will never be tried.

How then can such a government improve its score on the Corruption Perceptions Index? To catch up with Nordic countries, Uganda needs actions, not words. And more importantly, it should regard the media as a key ally.

East Africa’s commercial property market is increasingly moving away from a one-size-fits-all investment story.

Instead, the region’s three largest economies are carving out distinct competitive advantages, with Uganda emerging as East Africa’s highest-yield industrial property market, Tanzania strengthening its position as a logistics and infrastructure hub, and Kenya consolidating its place as the region’s most mature commercial real estate market.

Details contained in the Knight Frank Africa Report 2026/27 suggest that investors are becoming far more selective, allocating capital according to the strengths of individual markets rather than treating East Africa as a single real estate destination.

Industrial and logistics property has become Africa’s strongest-performing commercial asset class, fuelled by manufacturing growth, regional trade, supply-chain expansion and rapid urbanisation.

Within East Africa, those trends are producing three increasingly different investment propositions, with Uganda emerging as East Africa’s highest-return market.

The report indicates that Uganda has quietly become one of Africa’s most attractive industrial property markets, with Knight Frank Africa noting that prime industrial assets in the country now deliver yields of approximately 13 percent, matching only DR Congo as the highest on the continent. Tanzania follows at 10 percent, while Kenya records 9.5 percent.

Those returns reflect growing demand for warehouses, logistics facilities and industrial parks as regional trade, manufacturing and distribution networks expand.

But Uganda’s investment story is becoming broader than industrial property alone.

A separate Knight Frank – Kampala Short-Term Rental Market Report 2026 shows Kampala has evolved into one of East Africa’s fastest-growing professionally managed short-stay accommodation markets, adding another investment opportunity alongside industrial real estate.

The report estimates there were 3,478 active Airbnb listings by December 2025, representing 56.7 percent year-on-year growth in supply. The average daily rate stood at $39 (Shs142,350), with a 44 percent median occupancy rate and estimated annual revenue of $6,333 (Shs23.12m) per listing.

Unlike many African cities where short-term rentals depend heavily on leisure tourism, Kampala’s market is anchored by institutional demand.

Knight Frank says business travellers, diplomats, NGO professionals, development agencies, corporate consultants and diaspora visitors now form the market’s core customer base, creating year-round demand that is less exposed to seasonal tourism cycles.

Uganda also received approximately 1.37 million international visitors in 2024, with Kampala serving as the principal gateway for business travellers before they continue to other destinations.

That demand profile is helping professional operators outperform informal landlords as the market becomes increasingly sophisticated.

Knight Frank argues that Kampala’s short-term rental market is entering a new phase of professionalisation, with the report noting that the highest-performing operators are no longer simply those with the best properties but those offering hotel-quality management, professional marketing, dynamic pricing and reliable infrastructure such as backup electricity, water storage and high-speed internet.

It notes that “a well-managed unit in Kyanja will consistently outperform a poorly managed unit in Kololo,” which highlights how operational quality is becoming a more important differentiator than location alone.

Knight Frank also indicates that more than 1,000 new apartment units are expected to enter Kampala’s prime residential neighbourhoods over the next 12 to 24 months, which increases supply and accelerates the shift towards professionally managed portfolios, with Bugolobi, Bukoto, Mbuya and Entebbe offering the strongest risk-adjusted investment opportunities because they combine relatively lower acquisition costs with access to premium guest segments.

But Knight Frank also warns that Usaid funding reductions and broader donor spending cuts have begun softening demand from expatriate NGO workers in premium suburbs such as Kololo, Nakasero and Naguru.

The two reports suggest that Uganda’s property market is becoming increasingly diversified, offering investors opportunities across industrial property, logistics infrastructure and professionally managed residential accommodation.

Tanzania’s advantage is infrastructure

While Uganda is increasingly attracting investors through higher returns, Tanzania is positioning itself around infrastructure and logistics.

The Knight Frank Africa Report indicates that industrial property yields in Tanzania stand at approximately 10 percent, supported by sustained investment in transport infrastructure, expanding logistics operations and continued urbanisation.

Dar es Salaam is strengthening its role as East Africa’s principal maritime gateway, while investment in ports, railways and road networks continues to support commercial and residential development.

Rather than competing directly with Uganda on investment yields, Tanzania is increasingly competing on connectivity and trade.

Kenya deepens institutional investment

On the other hand, Kenya remains East Africa’s largest and most sophisticated commercial property market.

According to Knight Frank, Nairobi’s prime office occupancy has climbed above 80 percent as companies increasingly relocate to modern Grade A office buildings offering higher environmental standards and greater operational efficiency.

Older office buildings continue to struggle as occupiers pursue a “flight to quality.”

The report also points to continued growth in Real Estate Investment Trusts, Special Economic Zones, logistics parks and mixed-use developments, reinforcing Kenya’s position as the region’s preferred destination for institutional property investment.

Retail development is similarly evolving towards neighbourhood shopping centres and convenience-led formats aligned with changing consumer behaviour.

Although Kenya’s industrial yields are lower than Uganda’s, its commercial real estate market remains the deepest and most diversified in East Africa.

Three different investment stories

The contrast between Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya illustrates how East Africa’s commercial property sector is becoming increasingly specialised.

Uganda is building a diversified investment proposition around high industrial yields, logistics infrastructure and a rapidly professionalising residential investment market, while Tanzania is leveraging large-scale infrastructure investment to reinforce its role as the region’s logistics gateway.

On the other hand, however, Kenya continues to attract institutional capital through premium offices, Real Estate Investment Trusts, logistics parks and sophisticated mixed-use developments.

Knight Frank argues that commercial property investment across East Africa is increasingly being shaped by sector expertise, asset quality and market specialisation rather than broad economic growth alone.

Thus, the property market in East Africa is three distinct investment destinations, each offering a different balance of risk, return and long-term opportunity.

Uganda increasingly appeals to investors seeking higher returns and emerging sectors, while Tanzania and Kenya appeal to investors focused on infrastructure-led growth and on institutions seeking market depth and scale, respectively.

Every evening at 9pm, television sets across Uganda would be switched to NTV Uganda’s prime news bulletin. Every morning, commuters would unfold the Daily Monitor over breakfast or at roadside kiosks, while thousands tuned in to KFM and Dembe FM for the day’s headlines and current affairs. For a month, however, that familiar rhythm disappeared. Following a security operation at Nation Media Group Uganda (NMG-U) premises on June 28 that halted the company’s operations, millions of consumers found themselves without one of the country’s largest and most influential sources of news and information.

The closure affected NMG-U’s extensive media network, including Daily Monitor, NTV Uganda, Spark TV, KFM and Dembe FM, leaving audiences, advertisers, opinion writers and employees grappling with uncertainty. For many consumers, it was the sudden loss of a trusted institution that had shaped Uganda’s public discourse for more than three decades. An information gap Mr Denis Yub, a socio-political commentator and regular opinion writer, says he felt the impact from both sides-as a consumer of news and as someone who contributes to public debate. ‘I regularly write on governance, constitutionalism and accountability. Suddenly there was nowhere to publish those opinions. It affected not only me but many lawyers, academics and ordinary citizens whose voices contribute to national discourse,’ he says.

Mr Yub says he had intended to comment on several major developments, including ongoing court proceedings involving political leaders and international legal cases, but lost the opportunity. Although he continued following events through online platforms, he says they could not easily replace the editorial standards that NMG publications have built over decades. ‘Social media can provide speed, but credibility is earned over many years,’ Mr Yub says. Political and cultural commentator Yusuf Serunkuma says the shutdown created a void in Uganda’s public conversation. ‘As someone involved in political and cultural commentary, NTV and Daily Monitor have been among my biggest platforms; When they were closed, part of me disappeared,’ he explains.

Mr Serunkuma argues that independent media performs an oversight role that benefits both citizens and those in government. ‘In countries where formal accountability institutions do not always perform optimally, independent journalism helps bridge that gap. Government may not always appreciate criticism, but it also benefits from scrutiny because it exposes weaknesses that require attention,’ he says. He says Uganda should explore sustainable mechanisms for supporting public-interest journalism without compromising editorial independence. The Vice Chairperson of Parliament’s Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (COSASE), Mr George Musisi, says the shutdown highlighted the close relationship between media freedom and citizens’ constitutional right to information.

‘As a consumer of news, my access to information was limited,’ Mr Musisi, also Kira Municipality MP, says. ‘Parliament should strengthen oversight over institutions whose actions affect freedoms guaranteed under the Constitution,’ he added. Forum for Democratic Change deputy spokesperson Richard Muyombya says he particularly missed NMG’s investigative journalism and analytical reporting. ‘I missed Daily Monitor’s investigative pull-outs, opinion pages and NTV’s balanced news bulletins. Dembe FM’s morning programmes also kept many ordinary Ugandans informed without sensationalism,’ he adds. According to him, professional media houses perform functions that extend beyond reporting events. ‘When major media organisations go silent, public debate weakens, and scrutiny of public institutions diminishes.

Democracy depends on informed citizens,’ Mr Muyombya says. JEEMA spokesperson Dr Swaib Kaggwa Nsereko says the closure also carried economic implications.

‘NMG contributes through employment, corporate taxes, PAYE remittances and commercial activity. Interruptions therefore affect not only journalism but also the wider economy,’ he adds. For some households, the closure also interrupted learning. Mr Richard Tumwesigye says his children missed educational supplements and the Rainbow pages that have long encouraged reading among young learners. ‘The closure reminded us that newspapers do much more than report politics.

They support education and literacy,’ he says. As traditional platforms fell silent, many consumers increasingly relied on Facebook, YouTube, TikTok and X for updates. Ms Azabu Jalia says while these platforms delivered information quickly, verification remained a constant challenge. ‘When professional journalism is interrupted, citizens are forced to rely on sources whose credibility is often difficult to establish.’ Human rights defender Flavia Ramto says independent journalism should never be viewed as hostility towards the State. ‘If leaders want better headlines, they should focus on better governance. Professional journalism reflects realities, however uncomfortable,’ she says.

LOOKING BACK

For many Ugandans, the latest closure revived memories of May 2013, when security agencies sealed Daily Monitor’s premises after publication of a letter alleging a succession plan within the ruling establishment. That shutdown, which lasted more than a week, disrupted newspaper production, advertising schedules and distribution networks across the country before publication eventually resumed.

For nearly 30 minutes, the only sound that dominated the packed High Court courtroom on Wednesday afternoon was the relentless thud of Dr Kizza Besigye’s fists striking the hard-wooden surface of the dock. Each bang echoed through the courtroom, drowning out attempts by the Prosecution to begin presenting its first witness in the treason trial against the veteran Opposition politician and his co-accused, Mr Obeid Lutale and Capt Denis Oola. The afternoon protest gradually transformed an otherwise routine court session into one marked by confusion, shouting and panic. Justice Emmanuel Baguma, the presiding officer, had just directed the Prosecution to begin calling witnesses after rejecting objections by Dr Besigye over a lack of preferred legal representation.

The Prosecution, led by Chief State Attorney Richard Birivumbuka, called its first witness, Mr Andrew Wilson, an American national, who stepped into the witness box ready to testify. But before any meaningful testimony could be heard, Dr Besigye rose in protest. Handcuffed after struggling with prison officers, the four-time presidential candidate repeatedly struck the wooden dock while shouting that the trial should not proceed before he was represented by lawyers of his own choice.

“The country must stop. Must stop these criminals. The country must stop abuse of our laws,” Dr Besigye shouted. The witness attempted to testify, but his voice was barely audible above the continuous banging and the chants from the dock. Court officials, lawyers and journalists watched as the protest continued uninterrupted. Prison officers moved in and restrained Dr Besigye by handcuffing him after a brief struggle, despite the usual practice that accused persons are not restrained while inside the court dock unless security circumstances demand otherwise. Even while restrained, Dr Besigye continued shouting.

”Stop! Stop! Stop! Stop!” he cried. Moments later, his voice faded. Still wearing a blue face mask, Dr Besigye slowly slumped to the floor, collapsing between his co-accused. The courtroom instantly fell silent with panic setting in. Prison officers rushed to his side as court orderlies and medical personnel were alerted. Proceedings came to an abrupt halt as officials called for ambulances. Within minutes, ambulances from the Uganda Prisons Service and the Ministry of Health were driven and parked at the court premises. Dr Besigye was lifted from the courtroom and reportedly rushed to Mulago National Referral Hospital for emergency medical attention.

The dramatic collapse followed a heated exchange between Dr Besigye and Justice Baguma earlier. Dr Besigye had pleaded with the judge to postpone the hearing, arguing that his preferred lawyers were unavailable. He cited the deportation of Kenyan lawyer Martha Karua and the continued detention of lawyer and co-accused Erias Lukwago. He even asked the court to allow him leave the courtroom and be tried in his absence rather than proceed without legal counsel of his choice. Justice Baguma declined the request. Assistant Director of Public Prosecutions Thomas Jatiko argued that there was no legal barrier preventing the State from opening its case, saying the matter had already been delayed for a long time.

Three lawyers appointed by the State under the legal aid scheme informed the court that they had attempted to meet Dr Besigye and Lutale in prison but both had declined to instruct them.

”We proceeded to prison to interface with them. Dr Besigye and Lutale declined to interface with us, but we were able to interface with Capt Oola, who gave us instructions to represent him, and we are ready to proceed,” lawyer Sylvia Namwejje Ebitu told the court. In his ruling, Justice Baguma said the accused persons had not been denied legal representation of their choice.

He noted that several lawyers remained formally on record for the accused and that, apart from one law firm that had officially withdrawn, none had notified the court that they had ceased acting for them. The judge further ruled that a separate application before another judge regarding legal representation could not halt the commencement of the trial. Yesterday, Dr Besigye’s co-accused, Mr Lutale and Capt Oola, were brought back to court, but the treason trial didn’t take place as the State-appointed lawyers of Dr Besigye sought to understand his health status since the law demands that an accused person has to be present for the trial to proceed. Justice Baguma adjourned the court proceedings to August 4.

The Parliamentary Committee on Physical Infrastructure has given Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) seven days to submit a report explaining its management of the city’s drainage infrastructure and the persistent flooding that continues to devastate Kampala.

The directive followed inspections by the committee at some of the capital’s worst flood hotspots, including Nalukolongo-Najjanankumbi, Lugogo and Kyambogo, where legislators assessed drainage systems blamed for repeated flooding that has destroyed homes, businesses, roads and other infrastructure.

Committee Chairperson Mwine Mpaka said the inquiry was prompted by the growing human and economic cost of flooding.

He cited estimates by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) indicating that Uganda loses about US$50 million, approximately 188 billion shillings, annually to flood-related damage.

“Our interest as a committee is to determine what practical interventions can be implemented to prevent these recurring disasters. With heavier rains expected in August, we started with three critical locations but intend to inspect all flood-prone areas across Kampala,” Mpaka said.

According to Mpaka, the drainage channel at Nalukolongo-Najjanankumbi is too small to handle storm water from the surrounding catchment, leaving nearby communities vulnerable whenever heavy rains occur.

He added that the committee had uncovered apparent inconsistencies in the approval of developments, raising concerns that technical advice from KCCA engineers may have been ignored.

Bukora County MP Emmanuel Ilokul said the committee had also received evidence suggesting political influence may have overridden technical recommendations during the approval process.

He alleged that one private developer acquired about 46 acres and constructed buildings on a drainage channel, while the government continues to spend public funds on compensation and flood control.

The committee also inspected developments in Lugogo, where another private investor, identified as ICRD, is alleged to have built on a designated drainage corridor.

Parliament has since requested an independent assessment from the National Building Review Board after receiving a report from the Ministry of Works and Transport.

Mpaka said government has already spent nearly 20 billion shillings compensating residents affected by flooding in the Nalukolongo-Najjanankumbi area alone.

He argued that developers whose projects obstruct natural drainage should bear part of the cost of maintaining the drainage system instead of leaving taxpayers to shoulder the burden.

The committee now wants KCCA to explain how the disputed developments were approved and whether technical recommendations were ignored.

Mpaka warned that if officials approved the projects contrary to professional advice, they could face disciplinary or criminal action.

“If KCCA tells us these plans were technically harmonised and approved, yet flooding continues and Parliament is repeatedly asked to appropriate money for compensation, then those responsible should either resign or face prosecution for failure to perform their duties,” Mpaka said.

Hoima City Woman MP Asinasi Nyakato accused KCCA’s leadership of failing to properly plan and regulate the city’s drainage infrastructure despite years of recurring floods that have claimed lives, displaced families and disrupted businesses.

Responding to the concerns, KCCA Deputy Executive Director Benon Kigenyi said the Authority has a comprehensive master plan to guide urban development, address climate change and bridge infrastructure gaps despite rapid urbanisation.

The committee’s inquiry will examine whether Kampala’s worsening floods are the result of engineering failures, poor planning, weak enforcement of development regulations or unlawful construction in drainage channels. Its findings could determine whether individual public officials should be held accountable for the recurring crisis.

Three former Local Council I (LC1) chairpersons in Katabi Town Council, Wakiso District, have expressed bitterness over the outcome of Tuesday’s nationwide village elections, alleging widespread vote rigging orchestrated by security personnel and Electoral Commission (EC) officials.

The complaints emerge in the wake of the highly anticipated LC1 polls, held across over 70,000 villages nationwide. Under the Ugandan Local Governments Act, village elections rely on a open lining-up voting method-where voters queue behind their preferred candidates-rather than secret ballot voting. However, former local leaders claim the established legal process was subverted during the voting and tallying exercises.

Addressing journalists on Thursday, Mr Abbey Ssebowa, the former chairperson of Abayita Ababiri village, claimed that polling officials abandoned the mandatory physical headcount and instead relied on entry slips to declare winners.

‘We had three lines of people behind me while my opponent had only one line. We patiently waited for more than 20 minutes to be counted in line to no avail,’ Mr Ssebowa said. ‘Out of nowhere, Electoral Commission officials entered the voting area and collected entry slips that had enabled residents to access the polling site.’

Mr Ssebowa alleged that an official carrying a large bag proceeded to count these admission slips instead of counting the voters physically standing behind candidates.

‘By law, LC1 elections are meant to be conducted by lining up behind candidates, unlike national elections where ballot papers are ticked and dropped in boxes,’ he added.

Mr Ssebowa further alleged that rival camps recruited underage, school-going children to inflate voter numbers, wearing religious attire to disguise their age.

‘At the time of voting, they made them wear hijabs and join the lines, which was completely wrong,’ Mr Ssebowa stated. ‘We do not refuse to lose, but let us lose in accordance with the law. Losing an election is normal, but subverting the law is unacceptable.’

Echoing similar concerns, Mr Joseph Musunku, an area councillor, noted that many legitimate village residents were chased away from polling stations by security officers before the vote count or the selection of village executive committees could take place.

‘Legally, the village executive committee is supposed to be elected right after the chairperson’s vote, but that did not happen. As a result, residents in the area remain completely unsure of who actually won the election,’ Mr Musunku said.

In Nkumba-Bufulu village, former chairperson Mr John Chrysestom Luboobi alleged military interference, claiming non-residents were bused in to tilt the vote.

‘Military lorries dropped trainees from Kasenyi who are not registered voters in our village, along with a number of students. They forcefully partook in the elections,’ Mr Luboobi alleged.

Similarly, Mr Stanley Nsubuga, the former chairperson of Kabale A, Tadeo Zone, accused election officials of announcing candidates who lacked popular support following disruptions caused by security officers.

‘We were very peaceful until the army came in and started disrupting voters,’ Mr Nsubuga said. ‘I received 261 votes, while my rivals, Bosco and Balak Jjingo, got 161 and 42 votes respectively. However, officials refused to record these results on the official Declaration of Results (DR) forms. Instead, they wrote numbers on rough paper and started celebrating with Bosco. I have not received my DR form to date.’

This publication could not independently verify the specific allegations raised by the aggrieved contestants at the time of publication.

When contacted for comment, Electoral Commission Spokesperson Mr Julius Mucunguzi urged all aggrieved candidates to submit formal petitions to the commission for review.

‘It is within the rights of anybody-whether a voter or a candidate-if they have reason to believe that whatever was done was not consistent with the law, to raise that complaint formally in writing to the commission,’ Mr Mucunguzi said. ‘The commission will hear, determine, and make a decision.’

Mr Mucunguzi added that dissatisfied candidates retain the right to seek redress in courts of law by adducing evidence to support their claims. He declined, however, to provide a specific timeline for resolving the petitions.

‘If they submit a complaint to the commission, it will be handled. But the commission will not put up a signpost saying today we start, tomorrow we do this, or the next day that,’ Mr Mucunguzi explained. ‘The commission is mandated by law to hear petitions and will communicate directly with those who file them.’

Nine supporters of the National Unity Platform (NUP) who have been in military custody since the aftermath of the 2021 general elections have been granted amnesty by the General Court Martial in Makindye.

The amnesty was approved on Friday after the State declined to oppose applications the nine had submitted to the Amnesty Commission.

A panel chaired by Brig. Richard Tukacungurwa ordered that the beneficiaries be handed over to the Amnesty Commission for rehabilitation, counselling and reintegration into their communities in accordance with the Amnesty Act.

Nathan Twinomugisha, the Principal Legal Officer at the Amnesty Commission, was present in court and formally received the beneficiaries on behalf of the Commission.

The nine had been jointly charged with treachery contrary to Section 127(a) of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) Act and unlawful possession of ammunition contrary to Section 158(2)(c) of the same law.

According to the prosecution, the accused allegedly operated between March and May 2021 in Kampala Metropolitan areas including Kireka, Nakulabye, Kawempe, Natete and Nakasero, as well as Jinja and Mbale cities, where they were said to have acted as agents of a rebel group identified as “Bali Bali.”

The State alleged that the group recruited members, underwent military-style training and detonated improvised explosive devices targeting government vehicles and other infrastructure in activities considered prejudicial to national security.

Prosecutors further alleged that the accused were found in possession of improvised explosive devices between November 2020 and May 2021 in Kampala, Wakiso, Jinja and Mbale.

The applicants reportedly acknowledged participating in the rebellion and renounced involvement in armed activities, paving the way for their applications under the Amnesty Act.

They were represented by Major Simon Busagwa Nsubuga. The Director of Prosecutions at the Court Martial, Lt. Col. Raphael Mugisha, informed the court that the State had no objection to the applications.

The beneficiaries are Yasin Ssekitoleko, also known as “Machete” (31), Patrick Mwase (27), Sharif Kalanzi (48), Joseph Muwonge (33), Abdalla Kintu (38), Emma Umar Kato (30), Musa Kavuma (26), Jimmy Galukande (26), and Abdallah Hakim Gibusiwa (26).

They will undergo rehabilitation, counselling and reintegration under the Amnesty Commission before returning to their families and communities.

Long road in military custody The nine are among dozens of NUP supporters arrested following the disputed 2021 general elections whose cases remained before the Makindye military court for years.

In November 2024, President Yoweri Museveni pardoned 19 of their co-accused after they pleaded guilty before the Court Martial. Those pardoned had been convicted and sentenced by a seven-member panel then chaired by Brig. Robert Freeman Mugabe.

The nine granted amnesty on Friday had remained in custody after declining to plead guilty, maintaining that the charges against them had been fabricated.

The case stemmed from allegations by the Uganda Police Force that the accused had plotted petrol bomb attacks on government vehicles and installations ahead of President Museveni’s swearing-in ceremony in May 2021 following his election victory over NUP leader Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu.

Police also alleged they were behind attacks on the Kasubi Royal Tombs, the former Jinja Resident City Commissioner Eric Sakwa, the Uganda Registration Services Bureau offices and Katwe Police Station, among other targets.

The suspects were arrested by operatives of the then Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI), now the Defence Intelligence and Security (DIS), and arraigned before the General Court Martial.

Several attempts by the group to secure bail over the years were unsuccessful.

However, NUP has consistently maintained that many of its supporters were wrongfully prosecuted and has alleged that some of those who pleaded guilty did so after prolonged detention and pressure to secure their release.