Category: Daily Monitor

The recently concluded Local Council One (LC1) elections have once again highlighted the enormous value attached to the lowest office in Uganda’s local governance structure, with candidates spending millions of shillings on campaigns despite the position carrying only a modest monthly gratuity. Across the country, candidates traversed villages between July 20 and 27, distributing cash, foodstuffs and other items while blaring campaign messages through public address systems in a bid to win over voters. Political analysts say the intensity of the campaigns reflects the growing monetisation of grassroots politics and the influence wielded by village chairpersons through the official LC1 stamp, a tool that remains central to accessing a range of public and private services.

The elections, conducted on Tuesday in 71,214 villages nationwide, were marred by violence and electoral malpractice in some areas, leading to the cancellation of 1,113 polls. While several affected villages held repeat elections on Wednesday, others are expected to return to the polls on Saturday. Although the office attracts a monthly gratuity of only Shs10,000, stakeholders say the authority vested in the LC1 chairperson-particularly the power to verify documents and authenticate transactions-has made the position one of the most fiercely contested at the grassroots.

More than a rubber stamp

The LC1 stamp is widely used to authenticate a variety of official documents. It is required in land transactions, passport and National Identity Card applications, applications for bank loans, letters of good conduct, written agreements and recommendations needed to access government services. Although government has repeatedly warned village chairpersons against turning the office into a money-making venture, the stamp continues to command significant influence, especially in rural communities where formal legal services remain limited.

Mr Veleriano Tumusiime, the former LC1 chairperson of Nyakishoja B Cell in Rwengwe Sub-county, Buhweju District, says the stamp gives community validation to transactions.

‘The stamp is used to verify documents such as land transaction agreements, animal movement permits and, in some cases, wills, making them legally credible,’ Mr Tumusiime said. He explained that although land sales can legally proceed without an LC1 endorsement, many buyers insist on obtaining one because it confirms that the transaction is recognised within the community. ‘People prefer using the LC1 stamp because it confirms that those selling the land are the rightful owners.

It also gives confidence that whatever someone is buying or selling is genuine and known by the community,’ he said. Mr Tumusiime, who served as an LC1 chairperson for two decades before losing this week’s election, added that the endorsement is particularly important in rural areas where residents often cannot afford legal services. ‘For example, when transporting animals, one may require a local permit to show they acquired them legally. If the permit does not bear the LC1 stamp, its authenticity may easily be questioned,’ he added.

Government warning

The government has previously cautioned LC1 chairpersons against charging residents for services offered using the official stamp. In January 2024, the then Local Government minister, Mr Raphael Magyezi, directed village chairpersons to stop levying fees on residents seeking endorsements and recommendations. Addressing local leaders during a cadre training at the Northern Uganda Youth Development Centre in Omoro District, Mr Magyezi said the stamps were issued to facilitate service delivery rather than generate personal income. ‘We have given them official stamps to ease their work because they certify certain official documents. For example, when I want to register for a passport, I need a stamp of the LC1 chairperson.

Even courts sometimes require confirmation from LC1 chairpersons,’ he said. The current Local Council system evolved from the Resistance Councils established by the National Resistance Movement after it came to power in 1986. At village level, each LC1 comprises an elected chairperson and 10 committee members. Their responsibilities extend beyond document verification. They oversee community security, coordinate with security agencies, mediate domestic and neighbourhood disputes, mobilise residents for government programmes and public health campaigns, and participate in activities such as census and voter registration exercises.

They also handle minor civil and land disputes before they escalate to the police or courts. Despite the ministerial directive, charging for LC1 endorsements remains common in many parts of the country. Residents seeking recommendations for employment, letters of good conduct, government services or verification of agreements often pay between Shs5,000 and Shs50,000, depending on the locality and the nature of the service. Land transactions attract even higher informal charges.

Some village chairpersons reportedly demand a percentage of the purchase price before endorsing sale agreements. Mr Richard Kuku, the secretary general of the Uganda Local Government Association (ULGA), described the practice as both illegal and unethical. ‘The stamp should be free of charge. Since land transactions involve money, it is entirely up to the buyer, out of goodwill, to appreciate the LC1 chairperson with a small token if they wish. It should never be a compulsory fee,’ Mr Kuku said. He noted that while involving the LC1 chairperson is not legally mandatory when buying land, doing so provides an additional layer of community verification that often helps prevent future disputes.

High stakes at the grassroots

Observers say the perceived benefits associated with the office partly explain why candidates invested heavily in campaigns. In Nyakahita Village in Rwengwe Sub-county, Buhweju District, voters alleged that candidates distributed between Shs5,000 and Shs50,000 in exchange for support. ‘There is no way I would have refused Shs50,000 because it is a lot of money. Since voting was by lining up behind the candidate, it was difficult to take the money and then vote differently,’ one voter said. Elsewhere, the elections turned chaotic. In Kireka D Village in Kira Municipality, Wakiso District, security personnel were deployed after violence erupted during polling. The contest involved two candidates aligned to the ruling National Resistance Movement, one of whom was the incumbent village chairperson.

Promise to restore trust

Some newly elected leaders say they intend to restore public confidence in the office by ensuring that the village stamp is used responsibly. Mr Amos Mwesigwa, the chairperson-elect of Zone 7 Village in Mbuya II Parish, Nakawa Division, said the authority attached to the stamp carries a responsibility to protect residents rather than exploit them.

‘The LC1 stamp is not a tool for personal enrichment. It is a seal of legal authority and public trust. People fight for the stamp because of the weight it carries in land transactions and official documents,’ Mr Mwesigwa said. He pledged to verify every land transaction, agreement and recommendation thoroughly before endorsing them.

‘Under my administration, this stamp will stand for truth and integrity. We will strictly verify every land sale, every agreement and every recommendation letter before stamping to protect our residents from fraud, extortion and illegal land grabbing,’ he said. Mr Emmanuel Obire, who won the LC1 race in Lugala Village, Buikwe District, echoed similar sentiments. His village has been embroiled in a decade-long land dispute involving approximately 640 acres, leaving many bibanja holders uncertain about their future. Mr Obire said resolving the longstanding conflict would be among his first priorities. ‘My first assignment is to see that this land question is solved. I will not use the village stamp to impose terror on residents but to create lasting peace by working with all relevant stakeholders to resolve the outstanding issues,’ he said.

When Henry Musasizi assumed office as Uganda’s Minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Development in June, he inherited one of the country’s most influential portfolios at a pivotal moment for the economy.

Uganda is preparing for commercial oil production, pursuing an ambitious strategy to expand the economy tenfold over the next 15 years, and seeking to finance rapid industrialisation while containing rising fiscal pressures. At the same time, government faces growing demands to increase domestic revenue, improve spending efficiency and keep public debt sustainable.

Rather than signalling a departure from existing policy, Musasizi has moved quickly to define what success under his leadership will look like.

Within days of taking office, he outlined a five-point agenda that places execution, fiscal discipline and economic transformation at the centre of his tenure.

The priorities offer the clearest indication yet of how Uganda’s new Finance Minister intends to steer the ministry during one of the country’s most consequential economic transitions.

A ministry that has continuously reinvented itself

The Ministry of Finance has evolved significantly over the past four decades.

In the late 1980s and 1990s, it led Uganda’s post-conflict economic recovery through liberalisation, privatisation, trade reforms and exchange-rate liberalisation. Those reforms dismantled state controls and established the framework for private sector-led growth.

During the 2000s, attention shifted towards macroeconomic stability and poverty reduction. Fiscal discipline, inflation control and domestic revenue mobilisation became central pillars of government policy under programmes such as the Poverty Eradication Action Plan.

The following decade saw the emergence of National Development Plans as the government’s principal planning framework. Investment increasingly focused on infrastructure, agro-industrialisation, tourism, manufacturing and mineral development, to move more Ugandans into the formal economy.

More recently, the ministry has accelerated reforms in public financial management through the expansion of the Integrated Financial Management System (IFMS) and the rollout of Electronic Government Procurement (eGP), both intended to strengthen accountability, improve expenditure control and reduce opportunities for corruption.

Today, Uganda’s economic strategy is anchored in the Fourth National Development Plan and the government’s Tenfold Growth Strategy, which seeks to expand the economy from about $50 billion in the 2023/24 financial year to $500b by 2040 through industrialisation, value addition, export growth and higher productivity.

It is this agenda that Musasizi now inherits.

Building on Kasaija’s legacy

On June 17, outgoing Finance Minister Matia Kasaija formally handed over the ministry after nearly 15 years in office.

During the ceremony, Kasaija credited the ministry’s technical staff for maintaining macroeconomic stability through multiple domestic and international shocks and urged the incoming political leadership to preserve that institutional continuity.

For Musasizi, however, continuity alone will not be enough.

His tenure will increasingly be judged by whether government can convert ambitious long-term strategies into measurable economic outcomes.

The five priorities

At his first top management meeting on June 25, Musasizi outlined five priorities that will shape his stewardship of the ministry.

The first is delivering the government’s Tenfold Growth Strategy.

“We shall relentlessly execute the Tenfold Growth Strategy to turn Uganda into a $500 billion economy,” he told ministry officials, making economic transformation the defining objective of his tenure.

His second priority is strengthening fiscal discipline.

Rather than focusing solely on budget allocations, Musasizi says government spending must increasingly demonstrate measurable value through tighter expenditure controls, procurement reforms and stronger value-for-money audits.

The third pillar is accelerating domestic revenue mobilisation.

Government wants to increase Uganda’s tax-to-GDP ratio to at least 20 percent, reducing dependence on borrowing while creating additional fiscal space to finance infrastructure and public services.

His fourth priority centres on wealth creation.

Musasizi says public financing should increasingly support commercial agriculture, productive enterprises and programmes that enable more Ugandans to participate in the formal economy.

The fifth pillar reflects the country’s approaching transition into an oil-producing nation.

Uganda expects commercial petroleum production to begin in the coming years, creating new revenue opportunities but also exposing government to the fiscal risks experienced by many resource-dependent economies.

“Our goal is for Uganda to become an oil producer but never an oil-dependent economy,” Musasizi said, signalling that future petroleum revenues should primarily finance productive investments rather than recurrent expenditure.

The execution challenge

The agenda is ambitious, but many of its objectives mirror concerns already highlighted by Uganda’s development partners.

As Finance Minister, Musasizi also represents Uganda in engagements with the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, institutions that remain central to the country’s financing and reform agenda.

The IMF says Uganda’s public debt remains sustainable and the country faces a moderate risk of debt distress. However, it has repeatedly warned that fiscal pressures are becoming more pronounced.

Responding to a Daily Monitor inquiry, IMF Resident Representative Dr Sébastien Walker said Uganda’s key vulnerabilities include domestic financing pressures and weaknesses in budget execution.

“Uganda’s debt is assessed as sustainable with a moderate risk of debt distress; it faces risks from domestic financing pressures and weaknesses in the budgetary process,” Walker said.

“Addressing these vulnerabilities requires mobilising more domestic revenue, rationalising expenditures while protecting vital investments and social spending, enforcing budgetary discipline, and improving cash flow controls.”

Those recommendations closely mirror Musasizi’s own priorities, suggesting broad agreement on what Uganda’s economic challenges are. The greater question is whether implementation can keep pace with policy ambition.

The World Bank, meanwhile, remains one of Uganda’s largest development financiers, supporting infrastructure, education, agriculture, health and institutional reforms. The Finance Minister plays a central role in mobilising concessional financing, overseeing project implementation and ensuring reforms tied to World Bank lending are delivered.

A defining period

Musasizi begins his tenure during one of the most important periods in Uganda’s economic history.

Commercial oil production is approaching. Public investment requirements remain substantial. Domestic revenue must increase significantly if government is to reduce reliance on borrowing. At the same time, investors are looking for stronger policy consistency and faster implementation of reforms.

His five priorities suggest that he intends to measure success less by announcing new policies than by improving execution of existing ones.

Whether Uganda ultimately reaches its long-term ambition of building a $500 billion economy will depend not only on the quality of those policies, but also on government’s ability to spend more efficiently, strengthen institutions, attract productive private investment and convert economic plans into sustained growth.

Those are the benchmarks against which Henry Musasizi’s tenure as Finance Minister is now likely to be judged.

Somewhere between a ghost SACCO that swallowed a poor farmer’s hope and the billions invested in programmes intended to lift ordinary Ugandans out of poverty, we barely flinched. Yet let the conversation turn to politics and the nation erupts. We have become highly alert to politics, but far less attentive to economics. One reason I find the recent hands-on inspections by the new Minister of Local Government, Hon. Balaam Barugahara, and his colleagues encouraging is that they take oversight beyond offices and into communities, following public resources to where they are meant to make a difference. But inspections alone are not enough.

Every such visit should leave behind something more enduring: informed citizens, call them socio-economic activists or economic vigilantes, who continue asking questions long after the official convoy has departed. Until that happens, we risk remaining a country that reacts more passionately to political events than to the effective use of public resources. Perhaps that is our national blind spot. We have become more interested in who holds public office than in what is achieved with the authority and resources entrusted to that office. To be clear, this is not an argument against political activism. Every democracy needs citizens who defend constitutionalism, uphold rights and hold leaders accountable.

The point is that our civic energy seems to become unbalanced at every other turn; highly activated while following politics, but less consistent at following public expenditure and development outcomes. The evidence is all around us. Billions of shillings are allocated annually to roads, yet some urban roads deteriorate. The Parish Development Model has channeled unprecedented resources into communities, yet audit reports highlight ghost SACCOs, duplicated beneficiaries and weaknesses in accountability. The question is no longer whether government has development programmes. It is whether citizens are tracking those programmes until the promised benefits reach the intended people.

That is why Uganda needs a stronger movement of socio-economic activists. Not louder voices, but sharper eyes. Citizens who can translate an Auditor General’s report into language that makes sense in a village baraza meeting. Citizens who understand that the national budget is not merely a government document but a blueprint for whether schools receive textbooks, health centres receive medicines, farmers access markets and businesses flourish. We need more institutions and initiatives, such as the Civil Society Budget Advocacy Group (CSBAG), that help citizens engage meaningfully with public finance and accountability. Imagine if every radio station dedicated one programme each week to tracking public expenditure instead of focusing almost exclusively on political contests.

Imagine if every university adopted a public project and independently monitored its progress. Imagine if every parish displayed, on a public noticeboard, how much money had been released for roads, health, education and the Parish Development Model. Imagine if every citizen routinely asked four simple questions whenever a project was commissioned: How much was released? Who received it? What has been delivered? Where is the evidence? Public accountability would become much stronger. Uganda needs greater civic attention to the economy. We have many commentators analysing political events. We also need more citizens examining procurement, implementation, value for money and service delivery. From my own experience, I will tell you, elections determine who governs, but budgets determine how people live.

They influence whether citizens can work, trade, learn, invest and prosper. My argument, therefore, is simple. Uganda needs many more socio-economic activists. Men and women who appreciate that protecting the taxpayer is a patriotic duty; that monitoring public expenditure is a civic responsibility; and that safeguarding public resources ultimately protects opportunity, development and the future of every Ugandan. Uganda has produced no shortage of political mobilisers.

The next generation we need are economic or development mobilisers; citizens who turn up at procurement meetings, district budget conferences and project inspections not to sign for transport refunds or per diems, but to demand answers. How much was released? Who received it? What was delivered? Where is the evidence? If those four questions became routine in every parish, corruption would become a far riskier enterprise, accountability would become a national habit, and our journey towards a US$500 billion economy would move from aspiration to reality a lot faster.

It’s been over two months since President Museveni appointed his 83-member Cabinet to run his government following his election to a seventh term. Of the 83 appointees, nine are facing election petitions in various courts across the country. At press time, the Judiciary was still stuck with finances and hadn’t commenced hearing the parliamentary and local council petitions that had been filed by disputing parties. The Judiciary’s records show that at least 118 election petitions had been filed arising from the January 2026 general polls. Of the 118 petitions, 107 are parliamentary, and 11 are from local councils. Being a minister is an added advantage in that even if one is kicked out of Parliament, they can continue performing the ministerial duties at the discretion of the appointing authority, the President. Below are some of the ministers whose elections are being challenged in court;

In Masaka

The controversial announcement of Ms Justine Nameere of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party as the Woman MP for Masaka City following a vote recount has since been challenged before the Masaka High Court by her main challenger, Ms Rose Nalubowa of the Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) party. Through her lawyers at Alaka and Company Advocates, together with Xander Advocates, Ms Nalubowa claims to have won the highly contested race that attracted four candidates.

The EC had initially announced NUP’s Nalubowa as the winner of the race with 25,443 votes, with Ms Nameere coming in second position with 20,324 votes, representing a difference of 5,119 votes. The then incumbent MP, Ms Juliet Kakande Nakabuye of the Democratic Front (DF), got 6,343 votes while independent candidate Sawuyah Nanyonga garnered 6,196 votes. However, in the recount on February 1, Masaka Chief Magistrate Mr Abert Asiimwe declared Ms Nameere after a tense three-day recount exercise, overturning the EC’s earlier declaration of Ms Nalubowa as the duly elected MP. According to results from the recount, Ms Nameere scored 25,502 votes against Ms Nalubowa’s 23,176 votes, indicating a margin of 2,326 votes.

In Kalungu

State minister for Water Aisha Sekindi’s election to Parliament is also being contested in court. She was sued by Ms Hellen Nakeeya, the former NRM flag bearer for the Kalungu District Woman MP seat. Ms Nakeeya, among others, contends that the election was marred by gross irregularities, ranging from beating up her supporters to her agents being shot at on the eve of the election. Two residents allied to Ms Nakeeya’s camp were reportedly shot dead by Ms Sekindi’s escorts. Ms Sekindi was declared the winner after gathering 25000 votes compared to Nakeeya’s 5,592 votes.

Elsewhere

In Kigezi Sub-region, three ministers are battling election petitions. They include Jim Muhwezi (Security minister), Dr Chris Baryomunsi (Health Minister), and Lt Gen (Rtd) Henry Tumukunde (Gender Minister). Minister Muhwezi’s victory is being challenged by Mr Fred Turyamuhweza Tumuheirwe of the Opposition People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) party. The petitioner is, among others, seeking a declaration that Minister Muhwezi allegedly committed electoral malpractices during the campaign period and was therefore not validly elected as a Member of Parliament for Rujumbura constituency in Rukungiri District.

Mr Turyamuhweza also seeks a declaration that the second respondent, the Electoral Commission (EC), conducted the election of a member of parliament for Rujumbura County constituency in Rukungiri district in non-compliance with the electoral laws. ‘The election of the first respondent be annulled, and a fresh election be conducted in the said county. The respondents pay the costs of the petition jointly or severally,’ the petition, stamped received at the High Court of Uganda at Rukungiri dated April 1, reads in part. Relatedly, an independent candidate in the January 15th Kinkizi East parliamentary race, Mr Sam Arinaitwe Kajojo, on March 31, filed an election petition at Rukungiri High Court in Rukungiri District challenging the declaration of Health minister Baryomunsi as the winner.

Through his lawyers, M/s Alaka and Co Advocates and M/s Ochieng Associated Advocates and solicitors, Mr Arinaitwe contends that the elections were marred by a lot of irregularities that greatly affected the outcome. His prayers to the court are for the cancellation of the election and to compel the Electoral Commission to organise fresh elections using the biometric voter verification kits. ‘The election was marred by gross inconsistencies that affected the outcome of the election. There was intimidation of voters, colluding with electoral officials to change declaration of result forms, ballot stuffing, among other irregularities,’ Mr Kajojo said.

Gender minister Gen Tumukunde’s victory as the Rukungiri Municipality MP is also being challenged by Opposition politician Ingrid Turinawe of the PFF party. Ms Turinawe, in her petition, contends that the January 15 parliamentary elections were marred by inconsistencies that affected the overall results and the integrity of the process, hence should be cancelled At the press time, the registrar at Rukungiri High Court had given Gen Tumukunde 10 days to file a response to the election petition. The registrar had warned that failure to comply would lead to the court delivering its decision in his absence.

In Eastern Uganda

Bukono constituency MP Persis Namuganza’s victory is being contested before the Iganga High Court. The petition against the minister was filed by Mr Emmanuel Katoko, who, among others, cites violence, voter bribery, vote rigging, and the use of pre-ticked ballot papers, which he claims substantially compromised the credibility of the results. He is seeking court orders to nullify the declared outcome, arguing that the process did not comply with the principles of free and fair elections.

In Northern Uganda

In Northern Uganda, Justice Minister Norbert Mao is facing a court action over how he didn’t win the Laroo-Pece Division constituency in Gulu City. The NRM candidate, Mr Tonny Kitara, filed a 41-page election petition challenging Mr Mao’s victory in the Laroo-Pece Division MP race, citing multiple election act breaches. Mr Kitara, also a human rights lawyer, alleges that Mr Mao, who is also the president of the Democratic Party (DP), interfered with campaigns, used official vehicle/escorts, campaigned past official hours, and committed voter bribery. The petitioner lists 18 grounds he believes will warrant the cancellation of Minister Mao’s win.

Mr Mao is a former Gulu District chairperson and also served two terms as MP for Gulu Municipality before it was elevated to a city in July 2020. The DP party leader secured 7,359 votes against Fr Charles Onen’s 5,562 votes, who was the incumbent. Mr Kitara, who came third in the race after garnering 2,867 votes, had claimed he had failed to physically serve the minister with the court papers; hence, he sought the court’s intervention to serve him through newspapers (legally known as substitute service). In Karamoja Sub-region, Karamoja Affairs minister Esther Anyakun’s victory has also been challenged before the court over alleged electoral irregularities. The Nakapiripirit District Woman MP’s victory is being challenged by Ms Lilly Lopuwa.

The EC declared minister Anyakun the winner with 16,275 votes against Ms Lopuwa’s 11,675 votes, while Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) candidate Zipora Nate garnered 705 votes. Ms Lopuwa, through her lawyer Israel Ahereza of Kituuma Magala and Co Advocates, claims there was, among others, ballot stuffing in more than 100 polling stations. ‘There was voter bribery, Intimidation by state operatives, and ballot stuffing,’ Ms Lopuwa said through her lawyers. Ms Lopuwa alleges that the EC failed to conduct the election process in accordance with the Parliamentary Elections Act, and allegedly went ahead to mishandle the declaration result forms.

In Kampala

Kampala Affairs Minister Minsa Kabanda’s election has been contested by Mr David Lewis Rubongoya, the general secretary of the largest Opposition political party, National Unity Platform (NUP). Mr Rubongoya alleges that the Kampala Central MP election was marred by irregularities, including ballot stuffing and rigging in favour of Ms Kabanda. He claims he won 17 out of the 20 parishes in the Kampala Central Division, and that Minister Kabanda influenced the electoral officials to ‘rob’ his victory in her favour.

A pit latrine without a pit? That was perhaps the most startling discovery made by Hon. Balam Barugahara, the Minister of Local Government, during his maiden #EndCorruption in Local Government campaign. The so-called ‘half-latrine’ in Bulambuli District, constructed without the actual pit was intended to serve, cost taxpayers a staggering Shs73 million. That discovery is only one example of a much deeper problem. Across the country, similar stories have emerged during the ongoing anti-corruption crackdown. In Mbale, for instance, a Shs2.2 billion gravity flow water project has reportedly never produced water despite the resources invested in it. These cases are not isolated incidents. Rather, they reflect a pattern that has, for years, become the modus operandi in many local governments and, in some cases, even within the ministries that oversee them. For decades, Ugandans have watched corruption steadily take root within local government structures.

The sectors that directly affect citizens’ daily lives, such as clean water provision, agricultural support, healthcare, education, and road maintenance, have suffered the most. Services that should improve livelihoods have instead become avenues through which public resources are siphoned away. At the centre of this problem is systemic corruption by individuals entrusted with managing public funds and delivering services to citizens. When those responsible for safeguarding taxpayers’ money become the very people who abuse it, service delivery inevitably deteriorates. The result is what we are witnessing today: unfinished projects, non-functional facilities, and communities deprived of essential services despite substantial public expenditure. What has been uncovered in Bulambuli is unlikely to be unique. Similar findings would probably emerge in many, if not most, districts across the country.

To understand how we arrived at this point, however, we must examine the evolution of local governance in Uganda and the structural changes that have shaped it over the years. Shortly after the NRM government came to power in 1986, it introduced the Resistance Council (RC) system, which later evolved into the Local Council (LC) system. Many of us were still young then, but we understood how the system worked. In Tororo District, our mother district before the creation of several new districts including my beloved Butaleja, leadership was organised through a hierarchy of Resistance Councils. At the top was the RC V leadership, supported by lower structures down to RC I, much like the LC system we have today.

What made the RC system particularly influential was that local leaders exercised real political authority and had a direct stake in national governance. Many represented their constituencies in the National Resistance Council (NRC), then chaired by President Yoweri Museveni. This connection fostered a sense of responsibility and accountability between local leadership and national decision-making. On the technical side, districts were managed by District Executive Secretaries (DES), positions that later evolved into today’s Chief Administrative Officers (CAOs), supported at the time by Special District Administrators (who are now called RDCs).

The promulgation of the 1995 Constitution introduced the Local Council system in its current form. Although decentralisation had been piloted earlier in the 1990s, it was formally entrenched through the Local Governments Act of 1997. The principle behind decentralisation was simple but powerful: bring government closer to the people by empowering local authorities to manage their own affairs while promoting transparency, accountability, and citizen participation. In theory, decentralisation enabled local leaders to plan and implement programmes based on the unique needs of their communities. Citizens could more easily monitor government activities, demand accountability, and influence decision-making. Local governments were intended to function as the primary vehicles for delivering public services and responding to local priorities.

Over time, however, this vision gradually weakened. Political will diminished, and governance began to recentralise. Increasingly, resources became concentrated at the centre, with ministries controlling the flow of funds and determining how local governments would spend them. As a result, a new class of powerful actors emerged within district administrations. These are the heads of technical departments, the District Engineers, District Health Officers, District Education Officers, Environmental Officers, and others who control critical budget lines. Because they oversee significant resources and often answer more to their parent ministries than to local leadership, many have accumulated enormous influence within district structures.

In some cases, they operate with little regard for elected local councils or even CAOs, making accountability difficult to enforce. Yet the problem does not end with the technical wing. The political leadership in many local governments has often become equally complicit. Instead of providing oversight, some political leaders have formed alliances with technical officers, creating networks of collusion that prioritise personal gain over public service. The predictable outcome is the misuse of public funds, inflated contracts, ghost projects, and ultimately the delivery of “half-pit latrines” and other symbols of failed governance.

The anti-corruption drive currently being championed by Minister Balaam Barugahara, alongside the broader commitment of President Yoweri Museveni’s “Kisanja No Sleep” agenda, presents a rare opportunity to confront these structural challenges. While exposing and prosecuting corrupt officials is necessary, it will not be sufficient on its own. The deeper governance weaknesses that enable corruption must also be addressed. To defeat systemic corruption, Uganda must rethink how local governments are managed. Citizens must be empowered with the information and tools they need to demand transparency and accountability from their leaders. Local councils must be strengthened to effectively oversee public resources.

Equally important, government must examine the institutional health, capacity constraints, and operational challenges facing local governments across the country. Quality service delivery is not a privilege; it is a constitutional right that every Ugandan should enjoy. However, achieving that goal will require more than arrests and investigations. Once the minister and his team complete the important task of ‘cleaning up the system’, the country must return to the drawing board and develop lasting reforms.

Without such reforms, the gains being made today may prove temporary, and the cycle of corruption may simply re-emerge in a different form. The NRM, working together with the Patriotic League of Uganda, has an opportunity to help usher the country into a new era of accountability, one in which stealing public resources becomes not only punishable but unthinkable, as risky and painful as touching a hot iron. Only then can local governments truly serve the people for whom they were created.

The Inspector General of Government (IGG), Justice Aisha Naluzze Batala, has directed the Clerk to Parliament, Adolf Mwesige, to immediately interdict seven senior parliamentary officials currently facing corruption charges in court.

The directive targets high-profile officials including Mr Chris Ariko Obore, the Director of Communications and Public Affairs, alongside Mr Adilo Daniel (Director of Human Resource), Mr. Rajab Kaaya Ssemalulu (Principal Research Officer), and Mr. Okwi Emmanuel Emuron (Principal Protocol Officer). Other affected officers are Mr. Otebata Vincent (Capacity Development Officer), Mr. Okema Leonard (Executive Secretary, Office of the Speaker), and Ms Itute Stella (Office Supervisor, Office of the Sergeant-At-Arms).

The seven officials, who are currently remanded at Luzira Prison, were arraigned before the Anti-Corruption Court on July 1, 2026, where they were charged with embezzlement and causing financial loss.

Citing constitutional provisions, the IGG noted that public interest requires the officers to step aside from exercising public power while their criminal proceedings remain pending.

“The Inspector General of Government may, during the course of his or her duties or as a consequence of his or her findings, make such orders and give such directions as are necessary and appropriate in the circumstances,” the Inspectorate highlighted, referencing Article 230 of the Constitution and Section 13(6) of the Inspectorate of Government Act.

In an official statement issued on July 31, 2026, the Inspectorate emphasized that the interdiction order underscores its ongoing commitment to safeguarding the integrity of public institutions and upholding due process while the cases remain before the courts.

In Arua town, a young produce trader uses her smartphone to coordinate deliveries from farmers, receive mobile money payments from Kampala buyers, and market her produce through short TikTok videos. Like many informal digital entrepreneurs across Uganda, she is using mobile technology not just for communication, but for visibility, income generation, and market access. She owns a smartphone, has a mobile money wallet, and transacts digitally. Yet she has never saved formally, accessed digital credit, or built a financial history that could unlock larger opportunities. She is connected but not fully included.

According to the Global Findex 2025 report, Connectivity and Financial Inclusion in the Digital Economy, 86 percent of adults globally now own a mobile phone. In Uganda, 79 percent of adults own a mobile phone, and 73 percent have a financial account. Uganda’s digital transformation is often measured through rising mobile phone ownership and expanding mobile money usage. On the surface, the story appears encouraging: more people are connected, more payments are digitised, and access barriers are falling. But beneath this progress lies a more uncomfortable reality: connection is not the same as inclusion. But while millions of people use mobile phones and digital payments every day, their participation in the digital economy rarely goes much further.

They send and receive money, pay bills, and communicate with customers, but many remain excluded from the systems that create long-term economic opportunity, including formal savings, affordable credit, insurance, digital marketplaces, and scalable enterprise growth. The problem is no longer simply access, but conversion and turning connectivity into meaningful economic participation. Owning a phone does not automatically translate into meaningful participation in the digital economy. A device can connect someone to a network, but it does not, on its own, connect them to opportunity. What determines that transition is the broader ecosystem surrounding digital access. In many rural and peri-urban areas, mobile phones are still used primarily for basic functions such as receiving money, withdrawing cash, and purchasing airtime.

These services are important, but they represent only the surface layer of digital finance. The deeper layers savings, insurance, merchant services, credit scoring, and e-commerce integration remain significantly underutilised. As a result, many users enter the digital system only briefly before exiting it again. They receive funds, withdraw cash, and leave little trace of economic activity behind. Without consistent digital engagement, there is no transaction history, no credit profile, and no pathway to more advanced financial services. This is the real inclusion gap: the distance between being connected and being economically empowered. Part of the challenge lies in the cost of participation. Owning a phone is not a one-time investment.

It comes with ongoing expenses including data bundles, transaction fees, device replacement, and even charging costs in off-grid communities. For low-income households, these costs shape how digital services are used and whether participation can deepen over time. But affordability alone is not the issue. Trust, product design, digital literacy, and system interoperability are equally important. If digital financial products are poorly designed, difficult to use, or disconnected from the realities of informal workers and small businesses, adoption will remain shallow regardless of connectivity levels. Equally important is the question of how digital inclusion itself is measured.

Too often, success is defined by the number of registered SIM cards, mobile wallets, or users brought onto digital platforms. While these indicators matter, they reveal little about whether people are building resilience, increasing productivity, or improving their economic prospects through digital participation. Access metrics alone can create the illusion of progress while masking shallow or unequal participation. This is where the conversation on financial inclusion must shift.

For years, the focus has been on expanding access: more SIM cards, more accounts, and wider network coverage. These gains matter and should not be understated. But the next phase of digital transformation must focus on capability and sustained participation. That means building systems that enable people not only to transact digitally, but to save, borrow, invest, insure, and grow within the digital economy. It means turning phones into pathways rather than endpoints. The question is no longer whether mobile phones can enable inclusion. It is whether financial, regulatory, and innovation ecosystems are strong enough to ensure that every phone owner can fully participate in the digital economy.

Barely two months after President Museveni unveiled his 2026-2031 Cabinet with a strong warning against corruption and poor service delivery, several ministers have already embarked on countrywide inspections that have resulted in arrests, investigations and stern warnings to public officials.

The early actions appear to reflect Mr Museveni’s ‘Kisanja Hakuna Kusinzira’ (Term of No Sleeping) pledge, made during his swearing-in for a seventh elective term, signalling that ministers are expected to spend less time behind office desks and more time monitoring government programmes on the ground.

Some of the most visible interventions have come from ministries that, until recently, rarely made headlines over field enforcement. The inspections have exposed alleged misuse of public funds, shoddy infrastructure projects, inflated school enrolment figures, and delayed government contracts.

Whether the momentum will be sustained remains to be seen. Still, the first weeks of the new Cabinet have already sent a strong message to accounting officers and contractors that routine supervision may no longer be enough.

Bulambuli inspections

Local Government Minister Balaam Barugahara recently led one of the most dramatic anti-corruption operations during an inspection tour of Bulambuli District. The visit culminated in the arrest of the district engineer, Mr Paul Walimbwa, after he allegedly failed to satisfactorily account for about Shs3 billion allocated to rural road maintenance over the last five financial years. Mr Walimbwa had presented what officials described as proper documentation before leading the minister and his team to inspect several roads, including the Tunyi-Busoga road in Sisi Sub-county. According to Mr Walimbwa, about Shs140 million had been spent on rehabilitation works along the road.

However, the visibly deteriorated condition of the road shocked the inspection team. The situation worsened after local leaders and boda boda riders disputed the engineer’s claims, telling the minister that little or no meaningful work had been carried out despite the reported expenditure. The inspection came at a time when government has allocated Shs1 billion under the current financial year’s road maintenance grant to districts for rehabilitation of community roads.

Nationally, the programme targets rehabilitation of about 11,000 kilometres of district and community access roads, in addition to 2,460 kilometres of city and municipal roads. Following the inspection, Mr Barugahara announced the launch of an anti-corruption campaign code-named ‘Expose the Corrupt.’ The operation also led to the arrest of Bulambuli Town Council Town Clerk Joseph Magona and the town engineer, identified as Mr Okiror, over alleged shoddy work on the Muyembe-Bukhalu Bridge, a project valued at more than Shs500 million.

Schools and health centres

Mr Barugahara’s Bulambuli tour also exposed alleged irregularities in the education sector. At Naiku Primary School, the minister ordered the arrest of the head teacher after a physical headcount established that the school had only 705 learners, despite official records indicating an enrolment of 1,352 pupils.

Officials suspect the enrolment figures had been inflated to attract higher government capitation grants.

The minister also questioned expenditure on the construction of a pit latrine at Muyembe Health Centre IV after learning that Shs73 million had reportedly been spent on what inspectors described as an unfinished and substandard structure. The discoveries have reinforced government concerns that leakage of public funds often begins at the implementation level, where weak supervision and collusion between officials undermine service delivery.

Delivering the NRM manifesto The inspections are taking place as government begins implementing the National Resistance Movement (NRM) manifesto for the 2026-2031 term under the theme ‘Protecting the Gains as We Make a Qualitative Leap into a High Middle Income Status.’ The manifesto prioritises infrastructure expansion, wealth creation through programmes such as the Parish Development Model, Operation Wealth Creation and Emyooga, job creation through industrialisation and commercial agriculture, market expansion, improved public services, and preservation of national unity and political stability.

These priorities are aligned with government’s Tenfold Growth Strategy, launched in 2023, which seeks to increase Uganda’s Gross Domestic Product from about $50 billion to $500 billion by 2040. The strategy places particular emphasis on four sectors-Agro-industrialisation, Tourism, Mineral Development, and Science, Technology and Innovation-popularly referred to as ATMS. Implementation is expected to be driven through the Fourth National Development Plan (NDP IV), which covers the period between FY2025/26 and FY2029/30, as well as the Shs84 trillion national budget for the current financial year. Government believes stronger supervision of projects will help ensure public resources translate into visible development outcomes.

Pressure on contractors

Away from the Local Government ministry, Works and Transport Minister Fred Byamukama has also intensified monitoring of major infrastructure projects. The minister has inspected several ongoing road projects, including the Mubende-Kyenjojo Road, Busega-Mpigi Expressway and sections of the Northern Bypass, expressing dissatisfaction with delayed works. He has repeatedly warned contractors that failure to meet agreed timelines could lead to termination of contracts. In June, Mr Byamukama gave Energo Project Company an eight-month ultimatum to complete the 86-kilometre Mityana-Mubende Road or risk losing the contract.

The road has remained under construction for about six years, with the contractor seeking an extension. The minister has also warned government officials against soliciting money from contractors, saying such practices contribute to delayed project implementation and increased construction costs. Separately, the Ministry of Works and Transport suspended two engineers over allegations related to the Busega-Mpigi Expressway project. According to a statement issued by the Inspector General of Government on July 14, the suspended officials are Mr Edwin Raymond Kiyaga and Mr Dickens Ahimbisibwe.

Their suspension followed a directive by Inspector General of Government Justice Naluzze Aisha Batala pending investigations into alleged embezzlement of funds earmarked for construction of the 23-kilometre expressway and its 20 kilometres of access roads. The health sector has not been spared. Health Minister Dr Chris Baryomunsi ordered investigations into the operations of Mbarara Regional Referral Hospital after making an unannounced visit to the facility on July 11. During the inspection, the minister cited congestion in hospital wards, complaints about poor service delivery and allegations of corruption involving some health workers. The ministry said follow-up investigations would establish the causes of the reported challenges and recommend corrective measures.

Museveni’s benchmark

President Museveni has consistently argued that the central mission of the NRM government is socio-economic transformation. Addressing ministers shortly after they assumed office, the President reminded them that leadership should be judged by improvements in household incomes and service delivery. ‘Our mission is to move every household into the money economy through commercial agriculture, manufacturing, services and ICT. Leaders must guide the people towards wealth creation, value addition and prosperity. We must build a middle class and a skilled working class. That is the benchmark by which leadership should be judged,’ Mr Museveni said. The flurry of inspections, arrests and investigations across different ministries suggests the new Cabinet has begun its term with a more hands-on approach to supervision.

East Africa’s commercial property market is increasingly moving away from a one-size-fits-all investment story.

Instead, the region’s three largest economies are carving out distinct competitive advantages, with Uganda emerging as East Africa’s highest-yield industrial property market, Tanzania strengthening its position as a logistics and infrastructure hub, and Kenya consolidating its place as the region’s most mature commercial real estate market.

Details contained in the Knight Frank Africa Report 2026/27 suggest that investors are becoming far more selective, allocating capital according to the strengths of individual markets rather than treating East Africa as a single real estate destination.

Industrial and logistics property has become Africa’s strongest-performing commercial asset class, fuelled by manufacturing growth, regional trade, supply-chain expansion and rapid urbanisation.

Within East Africa, those trends are producing three increasingly different investment propositions, with Uganda emerging as East Africa’s highest-return market.

The report indicates that Uganda has quietly become one of Africa’s most attractive industrial property markets, with Knight Frank Africa noting that prime industrial assets in the country now deliver yields of approximately 13 percent, matching only DR Congo as the highest on the continent. Tanzania follows at 10 percent, while Kenya records 9.5 percent.

Those returns reflect growing demand for warehouses, logistics facilities and industrial parks as regional trade, manufacturing and distribution networks expand.

But Uganda’s investment story is becoming broader than industrial property alone.

A separate Knight Frank – Kampala Short-Term Rental Market Report 2026 shows Kampala has evolved into one of East Africa’s fastest-growing professionally managed short-stay accommodation markets, adding another investment opportunity alongside industrial real estate.

The report estimates there were 3,478 active Airbnb listings by December 2025, representing 56.7 percent year-on-year growth in supply. The average daily rate stood at $39 (Shs142,350), with a 44 percent median occupancy rate and estimated annual revenue of $6,333 (Shs23.12m) per listing.

Unlike many African cities where short-term rentals depend heavily on leisure tourism, Kampala’s market is anchored by institutional demand.

Knight Frank says business travellers, diplomats, NGO professionals, development agencies, corporate consultants and diaspora visitors now form the market’s core customer base, creating year-round demand that is less exposed to seasonal tourism cycles.

Uganda also received approximately 1.37 million international visitors in 2024, with Kampala serving as the principal gateway for business travellers before they continue to other destinations.

That demand profile is helping professional operators outperform informal landlords as the market becomes increasingly sophisticated.

Knight Frank argues that Kampala’s short-term rental market is entering a new phase of professionalisation, with the report noting that the highest-performing operators are no longer simply those with the best properties but those offering hotel-quality management, professional marketing, dynamic pricing and reliable infrastructure such as backup electricity, water storage and high-speed internet.

It notes that “a well-managed unit in Kyanja will consistently outperform a poorly managed unit in Kololo,” which highlights how operational quality is becoming a more important differentiator than location alone.

Knight Frank also indicates that more than 1,000 new apartment units are expected to enter Kampala’s prime residential neighbourhoods over the next 12 to 24 months, which increases supply and accelerates the shift towards professionally managed portfolios, with Bugolobi, Bukoto, Mbuya and Entebbe offering the strongest risk-adjusted investment opportunities because they combine relatively lower acquisition costs with access to premium guest segments.

But Knight Frank also warns that Usaid funding reductions and broader donor spending cuts have begun softening demand from expatriate NGO workers in premium suburbs such as Kololo, Nakasero and Naguru.

The two reports suggest that Uganda’s property market is becoming increasingly diversified, offering investors opportunities across industrial property, logistics infrastructure and professionally managed residential accommodation.

Tanzania’s advantage is infrastructure

While Uganda is increasingly attracting investors through higher returns, Tanzania is positioning itself around infrastructure and logistics.

The Knight Frank Africa Report indicates that industrial property yields in Tanzania stand at approximately 10 percent, supported by sustained investment in transport infrastructure, expanding logistics operations and continued urbanisation.

Dar es Salaam is strengthening its role as East Africa’s principal maritime gateway, while investment in ports, railways and road networks continues to support commercial and residential development.

Rather than competing directly with Uganda on investment yields, Tanzania is increasingly competing on connectivity and trade.

Kenya deepens institutional investment

On the other hand, Kenya remains East Africa’s largest and most sophisticated commercial property market.

According to Knight Frank, Nairobi’s prime office occupancy has climbed above 80 percent as companies increasingly relocate to modern Grade A office buildings offering higher environmental standards and greater operational efficiency.

Older office buildings continue to struggle as occupiers pursue a “flight to quality.”

The report also points to continued growth in Real Estate Investment Trusts, Special Economic Zones, logistics parks and mixed-use developments, reinforcing Kenya’s position as the region’s preferred destination for institutional property investment.

Retail development is similarly evolving towards neighbourhood shopping centres and convenience-led formats aligned with changing consumer behaviour.

Although Kenya’s industrial yields are lower than Uganda’s, its commercial real estate market remains the deepest and most diversified in East Africa.

Three different investment stories

The contrast between Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya illustrates how East Africa’s commercial property sector is becoming increasingly specialised.

Uganda is building a diversified investment proposition around high industrial yields, logistics infrastructure and a rapidly professionalising residential investment market, while Tanzania is leveraging large-scale infrastructure investment to reinforce its role as the region’s logistics gateway.

On the other hand, however, Kenya continues to attract institutional capital through premium offices, Real Estate Investment Trusts, logistics parks and sophisticated mixed-use developments.

Knight Frank argues that commercial property investment across East Africa is increasingly being shaped by sector expertise, asset quality and market specialisation rather than broad economic growth alone.

Thus, the property market in East Africa is three distinct investment destinations, each offering a different balance of risk, return and long-term opportunity.

Uganda increasingly appeals to investors seeking higher returns and emerging sectors, while Tanzania and Kenya appeal to investors focused on infrastructure-led growth and on institutions seeking market depth and scale, respectively.

Every evening at 9pm, television sets across Uganda would be switched to NTV Uganda’s prime news bulletin. Every morning, commuters would unfold the Daily Monitor over breakfast or at roadside kiosks, while thousands tuned in to KFM and Dembe FM for the day’s headlines and current affairs. For a month, however, that familiar rhythm disappeared. Following a security operation at Nation Media Group Uganda (NMG-U) premises on June 28 that halted the company’s operations, millions of consumers found themselves without one of the country’s largest and most influential sources of news and information.

The closure affected NMG-U’s extensive media network, including Daily Monitor, NTV Uganda, Spark TV, KFM and Dembe FM, leaving audiences, advertisers, opinion writers and employees grappling with uncertainty. For many consumers, it was the sudden loss of a trusted institution that had shaped Uganda’s public discourse for more than three decades. An information gap Mr Denis Yub, a socio-political commentator and regular opinion writer, says he felt the impact from both sides-as a consumer of news and as someone who contributes to public debate. ‘I regularly write on governance, constitutionalism and accountability. Suddenly there was nowhere to publish those opinions. It affected not only me but many lawyers, academics and ordinary citizens whose voices contribute to national discourse,’ he says.

Mr Yub says he had intended to comment on several major developments, including ongoing court proceedings involving political leaders and international legal cases, but lost the opportunity. Although he continued following events through online platforms, he says they could not easily replace the editorial standards that NMG publications have built over decades. ‘Social media can provide speed, but credibility is earned over many years,’ Mr Yub says. Political and cultural commentator Yusuf Serunkuma says the shutdown created a void in Uganda’s public conversation. ‘As someone involved in political and cultural commentary, NTV and Daily Monitor have been among my biggest platforms; When they were closed, part of me disappeared,’ he explains.

Mr Serunkuma argues that independent media performs an oversight role that benefits both citizens and those in government. ‘In countries where formal accountability institutions do not always perform optimally, independent journalism helps bridge that gap. Government may not always appreciate criticism, but it also benefits from scrutiny because it exposes weaknesses that require attention,’ he says. He says Uganda should explore sustainable mechanisms for supporting public-interest journalism without compromising editorial independence. The Vice Chairperson of Parliament’s Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (COSASE), Mr George Musisi, says the shutdown highlighted the close relationship between media freedom and citizens’ constitutional right to information.

‘As a consumer of news, my access to information was limited,’ Mr Musisi, also Kira Municipality MP, says. ‘Parliament should strengthen oversight over institutions whose actions affect freedoms guaranteed under the Constitution,’ he added. Forum for Democratic Change deputy spokesperson Richard Muyombya says he particularly missed NMG’s investigative journalism and analytical reporting. ‘I missed Daily Monitor’s investigative pull-outs, opinion pages and NTV’s balanced news bulletins. Dembe FM’s morning programmes also kept many ordinary Ugandans informed without sensationalism,’ he adds. According to him, professional media houses perform functions that extend beyond reporting events. ‘When major media organisations go silent, public debate weakens, and scrutiny of public institutions diminishes.

Democracy depends on informed citizens,’ Mr Muyombya says. JEEMA spokesperson Dr Swaib Kaggwa Nsereko says the closure also carried economic implications.

‘NMG contributes through employment, corporate taxes, PAYE remittances and commercial activity. Interruptions therefore affect not only journalism but also the wider economy,’ he adds. For some households, the closure also interrupted learning. Mr Richard Tumwesigye says his children missed educational supplements and the Rainbow pages that have long encouraged reading among young learners. ‘The closure reminded us that newspapers do much more than report politics.

They support education and literacy,’ he says. As traditional platforms fell silent, many consumers increasingly relied on Facebook, YouTube, TikTok and X for updates. Ms Azabu Jalia says while these platforms delivered information quickly, verification remained a constant challenge. ‘When professional journalism is interrupted, citizens are forced to rely on sources whose credibility is often difficult to establish.’ Human rights defender Flavia Ramto says independent journalism should never be viewed as hostility towards the State. ‘If leaders want better headlines, they should focus on better governance. Professional journalism reflects realities, however uncomfortable,’ she says.

LOOKING BACK

For many Ugandans, the latest closure revived memories of May 2013, when security agencies sealed Daily Monitor’s premises after publication of a letter alleging a succession plan within the ruling establishment. That shutdown, which lasted more than a week, disrupted newspaper production, advertising schedules and distribution networks across the country before publication eventually resumed.