Category: Daily Monitor

As the first term of the year approaches, many households are thrown back into a familiar cycle of panic.

It begins with taking stock of uniforms, shoes, and bags, then quickly escalates to budgeting for school fees, shuttle fees, and a whirlwind of other expenses. The sheer volume of items to buy and bills to pay is overwhelming, enough to spike anxiety in the most laid-back individual. So, how does one navigate this annual financial tide without letting it wash a hole in one’s pocket?

Shop early

For some parents, easing back-to-school pressure begins with planning well before the rush sets in. Judith Nabachwa, a mother of two and guardian to three nephews in day and boarding schools, finds that shopping early makes a significant difference to her usual costs. She focuses on purchasing non-perishable items like shoes and stockings long before demand peaks. ‘At the moment, a pair of stockings can cost about Shs10,000. But earlier, when demand was still low, they were selling for around Shs3,000,’ she explains.

Buying ahead of time, she adds, not only keeps her spending within budget but also spares her the congestion and stress that characterise Kampala as parents scramble to prepare for the term. With prices already hiked in many shops, early planning helps her avoid both inflated costs and last-minute pressure. Similarly, Brenda Kemigisha, a mother of four and a teacher, believes in gradually acquiring school requirements to avoid feeling a sharp financial pinch and high pressure.

‘I normally get a shop and start depositing money for the requirements. When the amount is sufficient, I go and collect the items just before school starts,’ Kemigisha says.

Do it yourself

Beyond uniforms and supplies, the ongoing cost of daily school requirements can steadily drain a household budget. For parents like Judith Nabachwa, food is a key area for significant savings. Rather than purchasing ready-made snacks for her children and nephews, she chooses to prepare them at home. With food prices rising, she finds that homemade alternatives allow her to cut costs dramatically without compromising on quality or quantity.

‘What would have cost me Shs20,000 to buy ready-made, I managed to make for just Shs10,000, and in larger amounts,’ she explains. ‘For example, instead of buying a tin of processed snacks [‘daddies’], I bought the raw ingredients and made them myself. I did the same with hard corn, especially for the child in boarding school. As a mother, I want to give my children the best, but I also have to be mindful of costs.’

Edith Kyomukama, a mother of six, shares this practical approach. ‘When you have more than three children heading to boarding school at once, making snacks at home makes a huge financial difference. They get to take larger quantities, and it’s an added advantage that they genuinely enjoy what I prepare, especially the hard corn.’

These experiences reflect a broader trend among parents who are adopting creative, hands-on strategies to manage both large and small school-related expenses. From reusing uniforms and investing in durable items to sharing resources within their communities, families are increasingly turning to practical, self-reliant solutions to make their incomes go further.

Early financial literacy

Beyond tangible items, parents are also finding value in involving their children in conversations about money and responsibility. Jacob Mulera, founder of the Future Youth Foundation, believes that teaching financial literacy from an early age is critical, especially in a world driven by economics. He argues that it equips children with practical, lifelong skills for spending, saving, and making informed decisions.

‘In many parts of the world, children are introduced to financial literacy very early through structured school syllabuses on saving, budgeting, and money management,’ he says. ‘These societies understand that children are the future of their economies.’

Mulera emphasises that this education must also begin at home. Simple, everyday experiences, like giving a child Shs500, can become powerful learning moments with proper guidance.

‘If a child understands saving early, they learn that Shs500 can be kept until another Shs1,000 comes along, and it adds up. Even before formal schooling, they can grasp how to manage the money they have.’

This early exposure, he explains, helps children manage school-related finances like pocket money more responsibly. ‘When children understand money before they return to school, they are better prepared to make wise choices. They learn not to waste, to save, and to plan.’

Parents and guardians play the central role in shaping this understanding. Just as children are taught to identify everyday objects, Mulera believes financial concepts should be introduced in the same simple, practical way at home.

Kemigisha echoes this principle, stating that teaching children to live within their means helps them distinguish between wants and needs.

‘I do not see why a child should carry the whole supermarket to school,’ she says. ‘Let the child get used to what is necessary so that, if a time comes when you cannot provide a great variety, it does not create an issue.’

Reusing and buying smart

It is time to check what can be reused from the previous term.

Kyomukama says this is the time she asks every child to bring out their books, to see if they can work another term before buying new books.

‘This curbs wastage of resources and reduces costs. If uniforms, shoes, and school bags are still in good shape, we just clean it and get it ready for school or repair and adjust where possible,’ she says.

For Patricia Birungi, when buying new items, she compares prices across markets, shops, and tailors.

‘I also prioritise durable items over trendy but short-lived ones. It may be costly in the beginning but boy does it last!’ Birungi says.

Nabachwa, on the other hand, uses some of home items to compensate for school items.

‘My nephew is just starting boarding school. Instead of buying a new mattress, he will just take the one he uses at home. He still has a mattress, and I am still saving for other equally important things,’ she says.

Managing daily school costs

After buying small juices in bulk which saves costs in comparison to one buying a bottle at a time, Birungi says she can control how much the child takes without incurring more money, especially during dry periods where there is no money.

‘I make sure to pack snacks and send my child with water and juice from home instead of sending him with money to buy from the school canteen. I have an advantage that school is near home so instead of an Uber, I can take him on a boda boda to cut recurring transport costs,’ she says.

The All Africa Pool Championships got under way on Wednesday at Suncoast Casino in Durban, South Africa, without a full Ugandan team on parade.

Organised by the South African Pool Union (SAPU), the continental showpiece runs until February 8, 2026 and features competitions in heyball, blackball and 10-ball. Teams from hosts South Africa, Nigeria, Mozambique, Kenya, Zambia, Namibia, Tanzania and Eswatini are taking part, alongside a handful of individual players.

Uganda is represented only by individuals, Caesar Chandiga, Rashid ‘Dog City’ Wagaba and Rashida Mutesi, after the national team failed to travel in time.

The late arrival proved costly for Chandiga, one of the country’s most decorated players, who forfeited his slot in the 10-ball singles event but remains eligible for heyball and blackball.

Chandiga shrugs off setback

Despite the disruption, Chandiga insists his focus remains firmly on the medals.

‘Missing the 10-ball was disappointing, but championships are about mental strength. I’m here to compete and to win. Heyball and blackball still give me a real chance to put Uganda on the podium, and that’s where my focus is,’ Chandiga said.

The championships return to South Africa for the first time since 2023, reinforcing the country’s central role in African pool administration, but Uganda’s absence as a team contrasts sharply with its recent continental performances.

Uganda salvaged pride at the inaugural Hawley Cup, a prestigious international blackball event held in honour of the late Peter Hawley, a founder of the All Africa Pool Association and former SAPU president. Despite arriving late and missing the main event in the last event in 2023, Ugandan players collected several medals, led by Ian Kazibwe and Rashida Mutesi, who finished second in the U23 doubles.

Mutesi later paired with her sister Rukia Naiga to win the women’s doubles, while youngster Kenneth Odong claimed the men’s U23 singles title after edging South Africa’s Kumeshen Nadasen in a decider. Joseph Kasozi and Chandiga won silver in the men’s doubles, losing the final to South Africa’s father-and-son pairing of Abduragham and Ifraan Williams.

Naiga also secured bronze in the women’s singles as Uganda finished runners-up in the women’s team event.

Pool Association of Uganda (PAU) chairman Bob Trubish attributed the failure to field a full team in Durban to financial constraints.

‘It’s painful because the players deserved to compete. But without adequate funding, we couldn’t facilitate timely travel. That’s a gap we must close if Uganda is to compete consistently at this level,’ Trubish said.

The disappointment comes despite Uganda’s encouraging showing last year at the non-sanctioned All Africa Ultimate Pool Championship in Mpumalanga, South Africa, where the men won silver and the women clinched gold.

Uganda at a glance

Event: All Africa Pool Championships

Venue: Suncoast Casino, Durban, South Africa

Dates: February 5-8, 2026

Disciplines: Heyball, Blackball, 10-ball

Uganda representatives (individuals):

Caesar Chandiga

Rashid ‘Dog City’ Wagaba

Rashida Mutesi

There are moments when a nation must confront itself honestly and ask. At what point does silence become complicity?

The ill treatment of Barbie Kyagulanyi, a woman, a mother, a wife and a citizen by state security forces should have triggered a national condemnation. Not because she is the wife of the National Unity Platform (NUP) president Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, but because no state that respects its people should use security forces including the use of Chief of Defence Forces’ position to humiliate, intimidate, or brutalise a woman or any law-abiding citizen.

The most disturbing response, however, has not been outrage but quiet acceptance. This silence stretches across different segments. Most of Women in leadership, religious authorities, cultural figures, and Ugandans with large platforms have largely kept mute. The issue is no longer whether abuse occurred, it is why those best positioned to speak have chosen not to.

Condemning barbarity is not a political act. It is a moral obligation. Even where political contestation exists, decency must remain non-negotiable. Politics does not excuse cruelty, and power does not suspend humanity. A state that normalises humiliation, especially of women signals a deeper moral collapse.

We must confront an uncomfortable truth, citizens also bear responsibility. When torture is dismissed as ‘politics,’ when intimidation is justified as ‘security,’ silence becomes participation.

We are responsible for the trauma suffered by families and children who watch their parents persecuted. Nations are judged not only by the actions of leaders, but by what citizens tolerate. This is not a call to violence. It is a call to stand with those facing persecution. Standing up is not rebellion; it is patriotism.

History shows that when injustice goes unchallenged, accountability does not disappear it is deferred. If not to this generation, then to the next, which will inherit a country shaped by fear and indifference.

Uganda today is experiencing the normalisation of national embarrassment. The erosion of respect for institutions has become routine, beginning at the very top. When a national address is delivered casually while seated and taking porridge, it may appear minor or humorous. Yet symbolism matters. Such acts quietly communicate that national platforms and the nation itself do not deserve solemn respect.

Similarly, when swearing-in ceremonies for powerful public offices are conducted on farmland, stripped of institutional gravity, the message is clear, the state is subordinate to the individual wielding power. These are not isolated gestures. They are lessons. From the presidency to the village chairperson, authority is being redefined as dominance without restraint.

This is how lawlessness is institutionalised. When leaders disregard procedure and dignity, citizens learn to do the same. Tomorrow, we will lament indiscipline and disrespect for the law, forgetting that examples were set from the top.

The undermining of women and the routine disrespect of citizens are especially dangerous. Silence allows these practices to grow. What is tolerated today becomes normalised tomorrow and weaponised the next day. The government once claimed it had uplifted women. That claim rings hollow when women in influential positions cannot speak against abuse. Empowerment that collapses in moments of injustice is symbolic, not substantive.

If certain actions such as finding Bobi Wine are inspired by theatrics or intimidation, those responsible must remember: real life is not a movie. Security positions demand restraint and professionalism. Women and civilians are not tools for political messaging.

Ugandans with platforms, women leaders, clerics, artists, academics, and public figures, this is your moment. Leadership is measured not in comfort but in courage. We do not need political alignment to recognise wrong. We need moral clarity to confront it, before it is too late.

Widely remembered as a firm, principled prisons officer, who was also a disciplinarian, Nelson Lukwiya Okwera, died after a courageous battle with prostate cancer.

He died on January 2 after undergoing treatment at St Mary’s Hospital Lacor, Gulu Regional Referral Hospital, and later at the Gulu Cancer Institute, where he spent his final days under specialised medical care. Okwera began his distinguished service with the Uganda Prisons Service in Fort Portal Town, Kabarole District, where his career was shaped by a deep sense of duty, integrity, and commitment to institutional order. Through years of unwavering service, he steadily rose through the ranks, earning the trust of his superiors and the respect of both colleagues and inmates alike. His tenure in the Uganda Prisons Service was marked by a relentless commitment to order, accountability, and service to the nation.

Beyond his official duties, Okwera is remembered as a steadfast leader whose influence extended beyond the prison walls, shaping the conduct and careers of many junior officers under his command. His death leaves a void in the service and in the lives of those who knew and served with him diligently.

Born on June 27,1939, to the late Binayo Okwera of the Alero Punyono clan and his wife, the late Margaret Abwoyo, he was raised within a cultural setting that prized discipline, respect for authority, and perseverance. Okwera was born in a family of one sister, and three other brothers. One of his brothers had already died. These early influences shaped his character, instilling in him values that would later define both his personal life and professional conduct. From a young age, Okwera exhibited a strong desire to rise beyond the limitations of circumstance, guided by an inner resolve to pursue a life marked by purpose, dignity, and achievement.

His turning point came during his early and acting service within the Uganda Prisons Service, an institution whose rigid structure and demanding environment proved to be a crucible for personal transformation.

What began as routine duty gradually evolved into a profound awakening of ambition and self-belief. Exposure to responsibility, order, and leadership sharpened his outlook on life, compelling him to embrace discipline not merely as a requirement of service, but as a personal creed.

It was during this period that Okwera’s mindset fundamentally shifted. He developed a heightened sense of accountability, an appreciation for hierarchy, and an unwavering commitment to self-improvement. These formative experiences propelled him toward a clearer vision of success, one rooted in service, integrity, and steady advancement. Colleagues would later observe that his strictness and principled approach were not born of severity, but of a deeply held belief in structure as the foundation for progress.

The lessons drawn from his early service years remained with him throughout his career, shaping his leadership style and defining his interactions with both superiors and subordinates. His journey from humble beginnings to positions of responsibility within the Uganda Prisons Service stands as a testament to the transformative power of discipline, determination, and a resolute mind committed to betterment. In every stage of his life, Okwera embodied the belief that success is earned through consistency, sacrifice, and an unyielding dedication to duty.

Family

In 1957, he was united in holy matrimony to Martha Auma; a union that became the cornerstone of a lifelong partnership built on love, resilience, and shared purpose. Together, they raised a large and close-knit family through years marked by sacrifice, discipline, and unwavering commitment to one another. God blessed their marriage with 16 children, 12 of whom are alive, while four preceded him in death. The legacy of this union extended far beyond the immediate household. Okwera is survived by 55 grandchildren. His lineage continues to flourish through 10 great-grandchildren, proudly carrying forward the banner of his name, values, and enduring legacy. Through his family, Okwera’s life finds its most lasting testimony, one written not only in service and discipline, but in generations shaped by his guidance, principles, and quiet strength.

Education

Okwera began his formal education at Nwoya Church of Uganda Primary School in 1956. Driven by a desire to acquire practical skills, he later joined hands-on education at St Joe Technical College in Gulu, where he undertook Junior One studies and was introduced to technical training that emphasised discipline, craftsmanship, and applied knowledge.

In 1959, he advanced his technical education by enrolling at Rukungiri Technical School, further sharpening his skills and broadening his understanding of vocational practice. His pursuit of knowledge later extended into agriculture, a field deeply connected to community livelihood and sustainability. From 1960 to 1961, Okwera pursued a Certificate in Agriculture at Bukalasa Agricultural College, equipping him with practical expertise that complemented his professional life and reinforced his appreciation for productivity, land stewardship, and self-reliance.

Career

In 1963, Okwera’s employment path began taking shape at Alero Primary School from where he went on to become a prisons officer with Uganda Prisons Service in Fort Portal. He served in several other key prison facilities, including Dokolo Prison, Mbarara Prison, and later Lugore Prison Farm in Gulu. In each of these assignments, Okwera consistently demonstrated an uncompromising commitment to discipline, firm and decisive leadership, and strict observance of established prison regulations.

Sam Aliker, one of the deceased’s brothers, says these qualities not only ensured order and professionalism within the institutions under his charge, but also earned him widespread respect among colleagues, subordinates, and inmates alike, firmly cementing his professional legacy within the Uganda Prisons Service.

Okwera was laid to rest on Saturday, January 24, at his ancestral home in Layibi, Koro, Gulu City, where family, friends, and colleagues gathered to pay their final respects.

The outcome of the January 15 presidential election in the two island districts of Kalangala and Buvuma has revealed a notable shift in voting patterns, with incumbent Museveni reclaiming ground he lost in the 2021 polls.

On January 16, the Kalangala District Returning Officer, Mr Ronald Agaba, declared Mr Museveni of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party winner of the presidential vote in the district after securing 9,823 votes (50.63 percent) out of 20,003 total ballots cast.

His closest challenger, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine of the National Unity Platform (NUP), garnered 9,278 votes (47.82 percent). In the neighbouring Buvuma island district, Mr Museveni got 12,668 votes (55.02 percent), while Mr Kyagulanyi garnered 9,889 votes (42.95 percent). The results marked a sharp turnaround from the 2021 election, when Mr Kyagulanyi dominated the island district with 13,121 votes (70 percent) against Mr Museveni’s 5,275 votes (28.15 percent) from more than 30,000 voters.

In Buvuma, it was the same pattern, NRM performed poorly with its candidate garnering 6,814 votes (32.36 percent)

against Mr Kyagulanyi’s 13,572 votes (64.45 percent). Mr Sunday Gerald Kayita, the Kalangala District NRM chairperson, said Mr Museveni’s improved performance is a result of renewed grassroots mobilisation and reconciliation within the ruling party. ‘Winning came after we managed to reach every NRM member in all the 97 villages in Kalangala District, reviving their hopes and hearts to continue fighting for the glory of NRM and President Museveni,’ Mr Kayita said.

He added that party leaders focused on reminding residents of government interventions and addressing their long-standing grievances. ‘We clearly explained what the NRM government has done for Kalangala and answered most of the pressing questions residents had, like dwindling fish stocks and harassment meted out by soldiers on the lake. That helped to restore the trust they had lost,’ he said.Mr Kayita also revealed that the party avoided divisive primaries by encouraging internal negotiations among aspirants, resulting in consensus candidates for most positions.

‘Most critical positions emerged unopposed, which created harmony within the party. Candidates spent more time mobilising instead of resolving internal conflicts,’ he said. He further noted that the NRM’s strong showing in youth elections – where the party reportedly secured 82 percent of the positions – energised young voters in the district. ‘That victory restored our confidence that NRM is still loved in Kalangala. We then empowered the youth to mobilise their fellow youth to support President Museveni,’ he said.

The chairperson of NRM Buganda Caucus and Buvuma Member of Parliament, Mr Hon Robert Migadde, said the party undertook a deliberate review of why it had lost in most of the districts in Buganda Sub-region during the 2021 General Election. ‘As a party, we kept asking ourselves why NRM was not liked in Buganda despite the many government programmes we have rolled out. Before starting our campaign trail, we decided to first go to Mengo, the seat of Buganda Kingdom, to seek blessings, and I think this helped us a lot,’ he stated.

After visiting Mengo, Mr Migadde said NRM leaders focused on understanding community-specific challenges across the sub-region, particularly land wrangles and service delivery gaps. ‘In every area, we discovered unique problems. For example, in Mubende District, there was an issue of a hospital gate that was closed during Covid-19 period and, five years later, it was still closed,’ he said, explaining that when NRM leaders visited the area, locals complained that they were being inconvenienced because the hospital gate was closed and as result, experience unnecessary traffic.

Mr Migadde said the NRM leaders later talked to the hospital administration and the gate was reopened. Other complaints the locals raised were related to the NRM internal elections held last year. ‘In some areas, we had challenges deciding who to work with between flag bearers and MPs who had lost in the primaries. Some of those we sidelined accused us of fighting them, but we clearly explained to them that we are not their enemies, but we are supporting only official flag bearers,’ Mr Migadde stated.

He also explained that in their campaign messages, NRM leaders deliberately avoided confrontational politics and never attacked National Unity Platform (NUP) supporters, because the party enjoys strong support in Buganda. ‘We even welcomed NUP supporters at our rallies, which was not the case at their rallies. I think this gave confidence to the voters that NRM is better than the rest for continuity’ Mr Migadde noted. Kalangala NRM District spokesperson Elly Ntegge Wasajja said the party’s campaign strategy emphasised service delivery and also called for popularising government projects.

‘Government has done a lot – from oil palm projects to improved water transport, electricity, clean water supply and better roads,’ Mr Ntegge said. He added: ‘Once islanders were reminded of these achievements, their trust in NRM to deliver more grew.’ He added that the party established 30-member mobilisation committees in all 95 villages, 17 parishes and seven sub-counties, each tasked with recruiting at least 10 new supporters in the district. In the run-up to the elections, the office of the Resident District Commissioner (RDC) in both districts also engaged fishing communities at various landing sites.

Mr Fred Badda, the Kalangala RDC, said the government’s leniency towards fishermen influenced their decision to back Mr Museveni. ‘We know those involved in illegal fishing, but the government has been soft, allowing time for fishermen to raise money to buy recommended fishing gear,’ Mr Badda said. The NRM also benefited from defections and cooperation from some Opposition figures, including Kalangala District speaker Richard Katumba and Mugoye Sub-county councillor Herman Gilibe, who openly campaigned alongside the ruling party candidates.

NRM leaders said they also avoided repeating mistakes from 2021, when Mr Kyagulanyi was blocked from campaigning in parts of Kalangala – a move they believe annoyed voters. Mr Meddi Kayondo, an observer in Kalangala, said Mr Museveni appeared to have reflected on his poor showing in the district during the previous election. ‘He [Museveni] went back and reflected on why he did poorly in 2021 and corrected those mistakes, including revisiting promises that had not been fulfilled,’ Mr Kayondo explained.

He cited renewed assurances on key infrastructure projects such as the Kyamuswa ferry and the Bugoma-Mulabana roadworks, which he said had revived hope among islanders.

‘Mobilisation in landing sites was relatively easy due to population concentration. People here are usually in one place, which makes mobilisation easier for the ruling party,’ Mr Kayondo said.

What voters say

Ms Sylvia Namono, a farmer from Mweena Village, said the Parish Development Model (PDM) poverty alleviation programme has transformed her livelihood. She cited this as reason for support for NRM. ‘I voted for Museveni because he has helped us women come out of poverty through PDM…From the Shs1 million I received, I started farming, which now sustains my family. My future is brighter,’ she said. Mr Fred Tushabomwe, a boda boda rider, cited peace and infrastructure development as the two factors that influenced him to vote for Mr Museveni.

‘Today, many homes here have electricity, something we never had before. We used to have only one ferry, but now there are several of them. Roads are better, and movement has improved,’ he said.The dissolution of all landing site committees and restructuring the Fisheries Protection Unit (FPU) comprising soldiers under the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF), seems to have worked to Mr Museveni’s advantage. In a December 26, 2025 letter, the acting Director of Defence Public Information, Col Chris Magezi, announced that the dissolved committees will be replaced by new ones composed of representatives of indigenous fishermen and investors.

Until this Canadian Regional Jet-CRJ-by Bombardier came to the market around 1991, short regional routes were dominated by the more fuel-efficient turbo-prop aircraft. These included Bombardier’s 37-seat Dash 8-100/200 series.

While they were very economical, turbo-props had their downside. They were slow, noisy and restricted in range! Bombardier addressed this by launching the CRJ series.

Starting with the 50 seat CRJ 100/200 in 1991, Bombardier brought a jet that could deliver turbo-prop economics on regional routes. The market embraced the new kid on the block, resulting into what would turn out to be one of the most successful aircraft programmes in aviation history.

Bombardier sold more than 1,500 CRJs across its different iterations. As the CRJ soared, airlines demanded more. They wanted more range and capacity.

Bombardier responded by stretching the airframe first to the CRJ700, then 900, and ultimately the CRJ1000. Happy with the performance of the CRJ, airlines demanded more capacity with the same or better economics.

But the CRJ could not be stretched further. At a length of 39 metres and 104 passengers, it had reached its maximum viable technical limit in that configuration.

Make it longer and you would need to design new landing gear to avoid tail strikes on take-offs or require longer runways for shallow angle of attack take-offs. That would be a killer. Aircraft sell better if they can work within existing infrastructure-runways and airport gates.

That is why Airbus opted for more wheels on its A380 so that the aircraft would be able to land and take off even at Entebbe.

The cost of stretching the CRJ would be closer to that of developing a new aircraft from scratch. Bombardier took the bold step to grow from regional into narrowbody territory; developing the first all-new single-aisle narrowbody since the A320 in the early 1980s-the Bombardier C- Series.

The C-Series came in two models-the CS100 and 300. The CS 100 could seat 106 passengers in a two-class configuration and 135 in coach seating. Its larger sibling, the CS300, could seat 130pax in two classes and 160 in coach.

This came with a 15pc advantage in fuel burn compared to comparable products from Airbus and Boeing. But development costs proved fatal. Bombardier went for a different design philosophy that proved technically challenging.

The programme chalked up significant cost overruns. It came to a point where the Canadian Province of Quebec, which was a shareholder, could no longer pump in money without raising serious issues.

Meanwhile, sales were slow as airlines were not sure about Bombardier’s capacity to deliver on its promise with the C-series. The company was headed for bankruptcy.

Bombardier sold a controlling stake in its C-Series aircraft programme to Airbus in July 2018 for a symbolic CAD$1. Specifically, Airbus acquired a 50.01 percent majority stake in the C Series Aircraft Limited Partnership (CSALP).

Bombardier retained a 34 percent stake, and Investissement Québec held the remaining 16 percent. Later, Bombardier sold its remaining stake to Airbus and Investissement Québec in 2020 for $591m (Shs2 trillion), effectively exiting the commercial aviation business.

About the same time, Bombardier sold the CRJ programme to Mitsubishi Heavy Industries in 2020 for $550m (Shs1.9 trillion).

Mitsubishi, which had struggled with the development and certification of its own Mitsubishi Regional Jet MRJ, was basically buying the IP for the CRJ and the maintenance and after-market support business for the CRJ.

It hoped that the CRJs after sales support network would also improve sales prospects for its own in developing MRJ. Bombardier retreated to its business jet division where its Bombardier Global Express continues to set speed records.

Ultimately, Mitsubishi abandoned its own MRJ SPACE JET programme in 2023 because growth in travel demand means the major airlines and potential customers in big markets such as the US have opted for bigger jets even on regional routes.

American and Delta have opted for the C-series, renamed the A220 by Airbus. Brazil’s Embraer is now unchallenged in the regional jet market, but even it has had to develop bigger jets. The CRJs Uganda Airlines bought are some of the youngest on the market because they were among the last 50 off the CRJ assembly line.

At the time of ordering, because Bombardier was eager for new orders and the programme had matured, they gave Uganda huge price concessions, much to the annoyance of bureaucrats in the Works and Finance ministries.

There’s simmering tension in Kamuli Municipality after the High Court in Jinja recalled a case file from Kamuli Magistrates’ Court where an application for a vote for the parliamentary race was filed.

The incumbent Kamuli Municipality MP, Baroda Kayanga Watongola, who contested as an Independent candidate, sought a vote recount, citing discrepancies in the declared results following the January 15, 2026, parliamentary polls in which she lost the ruling NRM flagbearer.

Ms Watongola, who received 3,353 votes, was defeated by National Resistance (NRM)’s Mastula Namatovu, who polled 8, 582 ballots.

Ms Watongola, who finished third, argues that ‘errors and discrepancies in the election results affected the outcome’ of the exercise, prompting her to request that the Electoral Commission (EC) avail all the ballot boxes to the court for a recount.

Chief Magistrate Owino Abdonson initially ruled in favour of the recount and ordered that the ballot boxes be brought to court on February 3, 2026.

The ruling sparked jubilation among Watongola’s supporters while Mastula’s camp protested, forcing Kamuli District Police Commander, Mr Henry Mugarura to deploy more policemen.

‘In a highly charged political situation like this, where it is public versus the law, we can’t take security for granted. We are more than prepared with deployment up to the municipality, in case it spills over,” Mr Mugarura said.

However, a standoff between the magistrate and the Returning Officer over how to transport election materials led the Jinja High Court Circuit to recall the file for review.

‘You are directed to immediately forward the said file with the matter for disposal before the High Court Judge,” a letter signed by Deputy Registrar Robert Mukanza reads in part.

After the High Court ordered the recount, Ms Watongola affirmed her commitment to transparency, saying she would accept the outcome and not allow fraudulent victories or hate campaigns to tarnish her image.

Ms Namatovu, on the other hand, blamed external forces and senior NRM leaders for fueling the application seeking to overturn her victory.

‘We respect the popular vote. Baroda previously rigged and defeated me by 345 votes and went to parliament, where she neglected the constituents. I remained with them, and they showed her the exit with a difference of 5,000 ballots, yet she came to antagonise the will and choice of the voters,” she said.

Ms Watongola replaced her late mother, Rehema Watongola, who succumbed to Covid-19 in November 2020.

However, she finished third in the January 2026 polls.

Other candidates in the race were: Azizi Luwano, another Independent candidate who finished second with 3,389 votes, Mr Moses Bigirwa of the Common Man’s Party (CMP) who polled 1,059 votes, National Unity Platform (NUP)’s Godfrey Mugoya who garnered 671 votes, Joshua Farouk Tezikuba who got 143 votes and Mubi Azalwa who trailed with 59 votes.

Ms Jenifer Bamuturaki and Uganda Airlines have parted ways.

But Ms Bamuturaki’s journey out of the national carrier’s top managerial seat was expected like a delayed flight. Why? Because it began the day she was appointed amid queries of the appointment criteria and a mongrel of issues bringing down the airlines since inception. Ms Bamuturaki, who on July 5, 2022, was confirmed as the Chief Executive Officer of Uganda Airlines after serving in an acting capacity for several months, on Monday this week threw in the towel in a leaked internal email, in which she encouraged her colleagues to apply and replace her upon seeing an advert.

She said: ‘The Board will advertise the position of Chief Executive Officer shortly, and you are all encouraged to apply if you meet the required qualifications. The job description and application form will be published on the website.’

Curiously, the email could be interpreted that she fired herself. It wasn’t from the board or any higher hierarchy in the airlines.

Mr Waisswa Bageya, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Works and Transport, under which the airline directly falls, said: ‘That was not part of her role (sending a notification about the position).’ He said Ms Bamuturaki’s contract, which was last year granted a one-year extension, was bound to expire this July. Mr Bageya said the ministry’s stance on the recruitment process for the chief executive officer’s replacement is clear and that the process should be handled by a contracted recruitment company, which will be tasked with identifying the most suitable candidate for the position.

The Board chairperson of Uganda Airlines, Ms Priscilla Sseruka, yesterday told this publication that the process of replacing Ms Bamuturaki had already begun, with the job advertisement being posted on the authority’s website and has appeared in the dailies. (See Page 7). ‘This proactive approach is aimed at ensuring a smooth transition and having a suitable candidate in place by July,’ she said.

She added: ‘The search for such a position needed to start early to enable sufficient search and a person in place by July.’ Her statement underscores the importance of a thorough and timely recruitment process to identify the best candidate for the role.

Genesis of the trouble

The turbulence which Ms Bamuturaki found herself in during her time at the helm had a history to it. And to understand it, it is useful to look at the events preceding her appointment in which she was accused of wrongdoing. While Ms Bamuturaki is partly responsible for her own downfall because some of the actions and decisions she allegedly took while still the airline’s commercial director between 2019 and March 2020, which came back to haunt her after assuming the CEO role, a cocktail of other factors are to blame for her exit.

During the Cornwell Muleya’s time as CEO, the airline was undergoing various challenges orchestrated by internal fights between board and managerial officials and their line ministry counterparts. These challenges included inflated costs, fights over money and jobs, and multi-million-dollar procurement contracts for jet fuel, uniforms, and control of agencies outside Uganda to manage ticket sales for the corporation.

The Sunday Monitor on May 30, 2021, reported that the fights began even before August 2019, when the Airline launched operations with flights from Entebbe to Nairobi, Mombasa, Mogadishu, Juba, Bujumbura, Dar-es-Salaam, and Kilimanjaro.

Those fights culminated in the suspension on April 28 of the top management team, including Mr Muleya, the Finance Director, Mr Paul Turacayisenga; the Director of Marketing, Mr Rogers Wamala; the Human Resource Manager, Mr Joseph Sebbowa, and the Director of Safety, Mr Bruno Oringi.

A week later, the seven-member Board of Directors, led by former Minister of State for Local Government and former MP for Rubanda East, Mr Perez Ahabwe, alongside Mr Benon Kajuna, Mr Godfrey Ssemugooma, Ms Catherine Asinde Poran, Ms Rehema Mutazindwa, Mr Charles Hamya, and Mr Stephen Aziku Zua, were also sent packing. This newspaper further reported that these suspensions had resulted from multiple reports written and sent to President Museveni by all interested parties. The then State Minister of Transport, Ms Joy Kabatsi, under whose supervision the airline fell, was also shockingly fired by her boss.

The Transport and Works Minister, Gen Edward Katumba Wamala, a few days later, said the group had been forced to take accumulated leave. But President Museveni, while speaking at the election of the Speaker and the Deputy in Kololo, revealed that it was on his instructions that the management team and the Board were sent packing. ‘The airline was infiltrated immediately (it was revived) by some corrupt elements – employing their relatives, over budgeting, inflating procurement costs, terrible! Terrible things! When I got the information, I dispersed the whole group,’ Mr Museveni said.

At this time, Ms Bamuturaki was out of the airline, having been forced out in March 2020 after it was discovered that she reportedly used her position as commercial director to handpick a media and communications agency, Abbavater Group, which was contracted to run publicity campaigns around the receipt of the first two CRJ900 aircraft in April 2019 and the launch of commercial flights on August 28, 2019. After the storm, the board of the airlines recalled Ms Bamuturaki and appointed her acting CEO until her appointment on July 5, 2022, by the President.

Cosase exposes Bamuturaki

However, getting the job was one thing. The other was sweeping under the carpet the dirt at the national carrier. Important in this matrix is that her appointment by the President, without going through the recruitment process that was being conducted by PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), added salt to the wound. Barely one year into the role, scandals piled up around her, one after another, and the open August-September 2022 probe into the financial and operational irregularities of Uganda Airlines by the Parliament Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities, and State Enterprises (Cosase) laid bare Ms Bamuturaki’s underbelly.

The probe, which also attracted the attention of the Parliament Public Accounts Committee (PAC), delved into the airline’s management in detail, following the FY2020/2021 Auditor General’s annual audit that had unearthed glaring losses and mismanagement. Ms Bamuturaki, whom the probe touched directly due to her participation in some of the issues while serving as director commercial at the time, faced a rough ride in the Committee.

Although Speaker of Parliament Anita Among blocked the Cosase report from being discussed on the floor, citing that it had been leaked to the media, its findings left an egg on Ms Bamuturaki’s face. Cosase spent two months probing the operations of Uganda Airlines, basing its inquiry on the findings of the FY2020/2021 Auditor General John Muwanga’s report, which had unearthed gross mismanagement. Mr Muwanga, who was the AG at the time, discovered that the airline, trading as Uganda National Airlines Company Ltd (UNACL), had made losses worth Shs164.5 billion between FY2019/2020 and FY2020/2021.

The audit further revealed that the airline collected only Shs48.6 billion out of the budgeted Shs304.6 billion. The AG also found that UNACL implemented 25 procurements outside the approved procurement plan for FY2020/2021, amounting to pound 1,150,854.06, Kshs61,879.2, $65,441.36, Tzshs7,752,600, and Shs346,738,939. It also uncovered that the company made payments to service providers without following due process, along with other irregularities. During the proceedings, the Committee uncovered further mismanagement and a leadership crisis at the airline, including revelations that Ms Bamuturaki was incompetent and lacked the required qualifications for the job.

On August 18, 2021, Ms Bamuturaki told legislators that she had presented a degree in Social Works and Social Administration (SWASA), which she attained from Makerere University in 1994. This was contrary to the job requirement, which demanded a degree in any field plus postgraduate training in administration or another business-related course. Legislators were also taken aback to learn that Ms Bamuturaki had not collected her academic transcript from Makerere University since 1994, when she completed her degree.

In her defence, Ms Bamuturaki told reporters: ‘In aviation, IATA [International Air Transport Association] does not give you degrees. It gives diplomas or certificates. The certificates I have from IATA, if I put them together, they will come to a diploma but I have a degree. It does not matter whether I went to the moon or whether I did MDD [Music, Dance and Drama], what matters is do I have the skill, and I do.’ She was additionally accused of acting without the authority of the Board to steer company decisions, a move that observers said showed she had bitten off more than she could chew.

For instance, she was accused of using her powers, in December 2021, to make the airline enter into an agreement with the Independent Journalists Associate of Uganda (Indoja-U), an organisation that brought together 23 online publications and two individual journalists, to clean up the image of the airline. Cosase also recommended that Ms Bamuturaki be held responsible for an irregular contract with these online bloggers to improve the airline’s image, costing taxpayers Shs156 million, because the public relations manager was kept in the dark about the said contract, and payments were made upfront.

It was discovered that the airline was making losses, with Shs500 billion going down the drain in three years with no sign of recovery. Cosase also discovered an internal racket involving more than 900 passengers whose tickets, valued at approximately Shs982 million, were not reflected in the reported revenue. The probe found that there were too many cooks spoiling the broth after the airline relied on middlemen for fuel supply, resulting in higher costs compared to direct sourcing from suppliers such as Shell and Total.

The CEO was found to be earning a monthly salary of Shs87 million, with other top officials receiving high salaries without clear, approved, or standardized structures. It was also concluded in the report that the management’s left hand didn’t know what the right hand was doing after they failed to maintain proper records for engineering and general stores, leading to a lack of accountability for assets.

Speaking to the Daily Monitor yesterday, Mr Joel Ssenyonyi, who is now the Leader of the Opposition in Parliament (LoP), said: ‘Bamuturaki’s sacking was overdue. If what we raised was addressed in time, we would be in a better place now, but we hope her successor will be recruited in a clear process and do a good job.’

The Muleya report to Salim Saleh

Issues raised by Cosase had partly been pointed out by Mr Muleya in the January 27, 2021, report, which he handed to Mr Museveni’s younger brother and coordinator for operation wealth creation, Gen Salim Saleh, for onward transmission to the President. Mr Muleya, in the report that this publication covered, accused some members of the Board of feathering their own nests because by pushing ‘for the promotion of self-interest’ and, in other cases, colluded with some managers to make a quick buck.

The report read in part: ‘.In procurement specifically, management has witnessed cases where Board members have met with some members of the management team with a view to finding ways of invoice loading and other money-making schemes.This attempted collusion… has tended to divide the management team and has brought inefficiency…’ he wrote. Mr Muleya further pointed out that procurement managers had been robbing Peter to pay Paul by colluding with people in government to steal from the airline.

The Board discovered that some of the agencies that had been recruited were guilty of selling tickets at inflated prices and pocketing the difference. Between August 2019 and February 2021, for example, the Board’s report indicated that the airline lost $26,991 (about Shs96m). Another major cause of trouble for Ms. Bamuturaki was the management of the lucrative media and publicity docket, which falls under the Commercial Director’s office.

Mr Muleya reported that the directorate blew up Shs778.7 million for hosting 600 people when the airline received the first CRJ900 Bombardier, implying that the airline spent Shs1.3 million on maintaining a single guest. The fights also surrounded nepotism and favouritism in issuing employment and the fuel deal. Mr Muleya reported that one of the ministers had initially struck a deal with a local firm to supply the airline with fuel, but the Board shot the deal down because the terms were not favourable, as the local firm was demanding advance payments every two weeks-trying to kill the goose that lays the golden egg.

The Board also questioned the rationale behind the procurement of Mixed Jet, which they claimed was supplying fuel at a higher cost. Parliament, in December last year, passed Shs25.166 billion as part of the Shs8.1 trillion Supplementary to enable Uganda National Airlines Company Limited to settle contractual obligations with Mlxjet FZE for fuel supply and Rolls-Royce for aircraft engine maintenance.

Fresh probe

Ms Bamuturaki’s sacking came barely a month after the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID), working jointly with the State House Anti-Corruption Unit (SHACU), formally launched a probe into the operations of the airline. In the January 7 letter addressed to Ms Bamuturaki, the CID, working jointly with SHACU, requested extensive financial and procurement records from Uganda Airlines, centering on alleged abuse of office, embezzlement of funds, and false accounting linked to the airline’s financial transactions.

Investigators, according to the letter, were seeking board-approved business plans, budgets for the 2024/2025 Financial Year, contracts linked to the acquisition of Boeing aircraft, and procurement files covering key suppliers, including fuel, ground handling, travel, and aircraft leasing services. The airline, in late December last year, came under criticism for flight delays and cancellations, as customers experienced repeated disruptions. The SHACU spokesperson, Ms Mariam Natasha, yesterday said the ongoing probe has nothing to do with Ms Bamuturaki’s sacking.

‘Our investigations are still in the initial stages, so we can’t really say that maybe our investigations are part of anything. The unit is still gathering information and has not yet reached a conclusive stage.’ Ms Natasha, who declined to provide a specific timeline for the investigation, added: ‘We just literally started, and so right now there’s nothing we can cover because the investigations are still in initial stages. The updates will be provided as the investigation progresses, as they go along, you people will get to know.’

What they said…

Via his X-platform, Mr Mike Mukula, an aviation businessman, said Uganda Airlines will only succeed if it is run as a commercial airline, not a political project. He wrote: ‘.Uganda Airlines needs a CEO with extensive international airline experience, backed by a clear mandate and real authority to run the business commercially. The management team should consist of proven experts in marketing, flight operations, maintenance engineering, and financial control.

If governance is right, people are right, and politics stay out, Uganda Airlines can become competitive, credible, and profitable.’ Captain Francis Babu, a renowned expert in the aviation industry, said the ongoing leadership struggles at Uganda Airlines were bound to come to a head, noting that ‘it was just a matter of time before the hide and seek came to an end.’ Babu called for a taskforce, composed of experts, possibly from outside the country, to be appointed to revamp the airline. ‘Get a taskforce, not a CEO, to revamp the airline,’ he said.

Mr Amos Wekesa, the CEO of Great Lakes Safaris and a tourism enthusiast, emphasised the importance of a reliable national airline for Uganda’s economic growth. ‘We need to appreciate the fact that Uganda is a landlocked country and, therefore, cannot be airlocked,’he said, highlighting the challenges faced by landlocked countries, citing the example of thriving businesses in neighbouring cities like Arusha, which have better connectivity and infrastructure.

Wekesa attributes Uganda’s struggles to its inadequate airline carrier, citing issues with management, planning, and marketing. ‘A landlocked country needs a proper airline carrier, and that requires proper management, proper planning, and proper marketing,’ he said. The current challenges facing Uganda Airlines have been discouraging, making it tough for the national carrier to build a good reputation-truly a case of trying to make bricks without straw.

The most prominent son of late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, has been killed, sources close to the family, his lawyer Khaled el-Zaydi and Libyan media said on Tuesday.

The office of Libya’s attorney general on Wednesday said investigators and forensic doctors examined the body of Saif al-Islam Gaddafi on Tuesday and determined that he died from gunshot wounds.

The office added in a statement that it was working to identify suspects and take the steps needed to bring a criminal case.

While Saif al-Islam is well-known in the north African country, especially for his role in shaping policy before 2011, his public profile has receded in recent years.

In 2015, a Libyan court passed a death sentence in absentia on Saif al-Islam for suppressing peaceful protests during the country’s 2011 revolution that ended his father’s rule.

He has also been provisionally charged by the International Criminal Court for alleged crimes against humanity, a case his lawyers failed to dismiss.

In 2021, Saif al-Islam registered as a presidential candidate for a December vote that eventually collapsed amid a political deadlock.

The NRM party secretariat grass root coordinator for Kigezi region, Mr Moses Ntahobari Turyomurugyendo, has urged voters to elect NRM party flag bearers in today’s sub county chairperson and councilor elections, citing effective service delivery as a key reason.

“Failure to elect NRM party flag bearers at sub county level will be a grave mistake in the Kigezi sub region and the country in general because sub counties are the centers of service delivery to the people,” Mr Turyomurugyendo said while addressing the press on Tuesday.

He added that voting for NRM party flag bearers is a way of protecting the party’s gains from national to village levels.

“Since Ugandans elected the NRM party flag bearer as the president of Uganda, the same should be done at all leadership levels to avoid discord,” he said.

The call comes after independent candidates won mayoral seats in Kabale and Kisoro districts, defeating NRM party flag bearers.

In Kabale municipal Council, Emmanuel Byamugisha Sentaro (Ind) retained the mayoral seat after polling 8,270 votes, while in Kisoro municipality, Mbonigaba John, also known as John King, won with 4,189 votes.

Mr Turyomurugyendo attributed the losses to misunderstandings during the NRM party primary elections in Kisoro, but noted that the winners are NRM party members.

“For Kabale, I think people chose to vote for the independent candidate because they trusted his leadership since he has been serving them for the last 10 years. We have no problem with the winner in Kabale municipality because he supports the NRM party although he chose to contest as an independent candidate,” he said.

In Rukungiri district, Mr Boaz Matiita Kansiime (NRM) won the mayoral seat, polling 5,759 votes. Mr. Turyomurugyendo congratulated the people of Rukungiri municipality for voting for the NRM party flag bearer.

The Kisoro district NRM party chairman, Dr. Philemon Mateke, congratulated the winner of the Kisoro mayoral seat, Mr. John Mbonigaba, and urged the people to keep united and strengthen NRM party support.

Some local residents, including Mr. Sillas Tukundane and Mr. Nicholas Kazaniro, attributed the loss of NRM party flag bearers in Kabale and Kisoro to poorly organized party primary elections marred by irregularities, including voting rigging and manipulation of the electoral process.