Category: Daily Monitor

President Museveni has lined up six witnesses to defend his victory in the January 15 presidential election that is being challenged before the Supreme Court.

The disclosure was made before a nine-man panel of judges of the Supreme Court led by Chief Justice Flavian Zeija as they adopted submissions from all parties and framed four key issues for determination in the petition. Mr Museveni’s win is being contested by Mr Robert Kasibante, a former presidential candidate of the National Peasants’ Party (NPP), who was present in court. He is being represented by a team of lawyers led by Mr Julius Galisonga, Mr John Isabirye and Mr Ivan Bwowe.

President Museveni, the first respondent, is represented by Mr Ebert Byenkya and Mr Edwin Karugire. Mr Kiryowa Kiwanuka, the Attorney General, appeared alongside Solicitor General Pius Biribonwoha and Deputy Solicitor General Charles Ouma, while the Electoral Commission (EC) was represented by Mr Mwesigwa Rukutana, Mr Eric Sabiiti, and Mr Edgar Ayebazibwe. EC Commissioner Stephen Tashobya also attended the hearing.

At the beginning of the session, Isabirye briefed the court on the status of filings, informing the justices that all parties had complied with the timelines set earlier.

‘The last time we were in court, we received directions and were directed to file submissions in support of the application by Friday last week, and we did. The respondents filed their responses by February 1, and we filed our rejoinder by yesterday,’ Mr Isabirye said. He told the court that the petitioner had received three sets of submissions from the respondents and prayed that the petitioner’s submissions, together with the rejoinder, be adopted as part of the record. Chief Justice Zeija reminded the parties that the court had earlier directed them to meet and agree on a joint scheduling memorandum. Mr Isabirye confirmed the meeting took place and a joint memorandum dated January 29, had been filed.

‘In that memorandum, we have four sets of agreed facts and proposed four issues for determination, and we pray that the court adopts them,’ he submitted.

Mr Isabirye told the court that Mr Kasibante had lined up eight witnesses. President Museveni, who has listed six witnesses, has the liberty to call additional ones with leave of court, while the EC has listed 12 witnesses. Among President Museveni’s witnesses are senior officials of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party, including Secretary General Richard Todwong, and the Director of Legal Services, Mr Enoch Barata, as well as polling agents from selected polling stations in Kampala.

The EC witnesses include its chairperson Justice Simon Byabakama Mugenyi, its Secretary Richard Baabo Kamugisha, and the Director of Technical Support Services, Mr Solomon Muhumuza. Justice Monica Mugenyi advised the parties to clearly highlight alleged instances of non-compliance with the electoral laws and specific electoral offences to aid the court in writing its judgment. ‘It would be a good idea to highlight the said non-compliance and electoral offences in question,’ she said as she directed the parties to exhibit all agreed documents and clarify which witnesses would tender them.

Mr Isabirye explained that the petitioner’s case on non-compliance largely rests on three areas, with the first concerning elections allegedly conducted at polling stations not duly gazetted. The second relates to the tallying, counting and transmission of results. ‘The specific issue is that the votes that were tallied at polling stations were not the ones ultimately transmitted for tallying,’ he submitted. The third area concerns the use of biometric voter verification kits (BVVKs). Mr Isabirye argued that although regulations governing the adoption and use of the machines had been gazetted, they were not complied with during the election.

Justice Catherine Bamugemereire pressed the petitioner’s lawyers to identify at least one polling station where voting allegedly took place without gazettement.

Mr Bwowe responded that while about 38,000 polling stations were gazetted and displayed on April 5, 2025, an additional 15,000 polling stations were allegedly created and displayed by the EC on April 21, 2025, without gazettement.

‘That is the gist of our application for discovery,’ Mr Galisonga said. ‘Once the order is given, we shall compare and contrast.’

But when asked to name a specific ungazetted polling station, the petitioner’s lawyers said they were unable to do so due to lack of access to EC documents.

Responding for Mr Museveni, Mr Byenkya argued that the allegations relating to tallying were too broad and non-specific. ‘The petitioner does not identify any district or tally centre. No case has been made on tallying,’ he submitted. The EC denied the allegations, with Mr Rukutana stating: ‘To sum it all, the Electoral Commission denies having any ungazetted polling stations.’

The court later framed four issues for determination, including whether there was non-compliance with electoral laws in the conduct of the 2026 presidential election, whether such non-compliance substantially affected the results, whether electoral offences such as bribery and use of derogatory language were committed by President Museveni or his agents, and whether the petitioner is entitled to the remedies sought. Chief Justice Zeija directed that cross-examination, if allowed, would take place on February 9, with the final submissions and rejoinders to follow before court announces the judgment date.

The dust is finally settling on the January 15, 2026, election. The chaos of the violence and the silence of the internet shutdown are slowly fading into the background. Now the hard reality of our perennial problems has arrived with the release of the Primary Leaving Examination (PLE) results.

The story is a familiar one. The data confirms a stubborn inequality in education: excellence remains a narrow privilege of the golden triangle of Kampala, Wakiso and Mukono, which swim in aggregate As, while the rest of the country scrambles for crumbs. The Daily Monitor’s reporting paints a grim picture of this divide. While Kampala and Wakiso shine, a district like Oyam has schools where no pupil scored in Division One. It is just the tip of the mountain, because further in the rural north and east, and the far-flung west, many schools have become factories for Division U (Ungraded), where a candidate failed to meet the minimum requirements to be placed in Divisions

One to Four in PLE, typically due to very low scores across subjects. We usually explain this as the result of a lack of teaching materials, poorly paid teachers, half-collapsed classrooms, corruption and hungry children from poor homes. To find a fix, we could look in many places, including the US state of Mississippi. According to an article in The Week, “How Mississippi Moved from the Bottom to the Top in Student Reading Achievement Scores,” January 14, 2026, for decades Mississippi was the poorest and least educated state in the US.

In national rankings, it was stuck at the bottom, often 49th out of 50. It had the same crushing poverty and low funding we see in most of upcountry Uganda. Yet over the last decade, Mississippi pulled off a literacy miracle, rising to the very top for student progress. The secret? They did not spend more money. They changed how children are taught to read.

Most Ugandan classrooms rely on a look-and-say method. Children are taught to recognise words by their shapes, like pictures. A child sees the word cat and memorises the image. But the human brain can only store so many pictures. When that child encounters an abstract word like planet, they hit a wall and start guessing. This guessing is where academic failure begins.

Mississippi switched to the “Science of Reading”. This method ignores a word’s shape and focuses on decoding its individual sounds. Instead of seeing, for example, “planet” as a single block, the child learns the sounds p, l, a, n, e, and t. Once they blend these six sounds, they are not memorising; they are cracking a code. Once a child has the code, they can read any ordinary word in the world.

This is critical for us because 83 percent of Ugandan children are learning poor. According to UNESCO, they cannot read a simple text by age 10, which is roughly Grade Four. This is our Primary Four gate. From P1 to P3, our children are taught in local languages. In P4, the system suddenly flips to English for every subject. If a child spent three years just memorising word shapes in their mother tongue, they are defenceless when they meet English textbooks. They cannot read the Science or Maths problems, so they fail them.

The urban-rural gap becomes a permanent, deep knowledge divide. Mississippi solved this by creating a Reading Gate at the end of the third year. If a child cannot read fluently by then, they do not move on. In Uganda, we prefer automatic promotion, pushing children forward regardless of whether they have learned anything. Mississippi stopped this.

If you cannot read, you stay at the gate. Crucially, staying at the gate is not a punishment. These weak students get immediate, intensive help in small groups. This is where the Ugandan approach needs to shift. Better results require a massive budget. Mississippi proved that innovation is cheaper than building more walls. In Uganda, an inspector is someone who arrives to find fault, check attendance or bark at teachers.

In Mississippi, the inspector became a coach. The coach sits in the classroom and helps the teacher manage a large group, demonstrating how to teach the Science of Reading. When a poorly paid teacher sees their students actually cracking the code, they find a professional pride that money cannot buy. To keep the system honest, Mississippi introduced a simple A-to-F grading system for schools.

A school’s grade was not based on its facilities, but on how much progress its students made in reading. In Uganda, we judge schools mostly by P7 results. This is like checking a tree’s health only after it has stopped growing. The Mississippi model would enable us to see failure years before PLE. It shows us that poverty is no excuse for illiteracy.

The long-running turmoil at struggling Fufa Big League club Mbale Heroes may have been temporarily paused but the deeper cracks threatening the club’s existence still remain wide unresolved. The club hurriedly patched up an emergency meeting on Saturday at the Mbale City to take stock of their season so far but it came short of providing lasting solutions to their crisis.

The club’s current chaos has been years in the making and is rooted in a prolonged leadership vacuum and mounting financial strain that has steadily eroded stability.

In July 2023, former chairman Counsel Andrew Wambi and his executive committee was elected following an AGM that tasked him with providing strategic direction and organising fresh club elections within six months.

Failed transition

At the time, Wambi was widely viewed as a transitional figure meant to steady the ship as Mbale Heroes pushed for consolidation after promotion ambitions.

However, the promised elections never materialized. Instead, Wambi remained in office well beyond the agreed timeline, presiding over a period characterised by growing internal divisions, governance disputes and a steady decline in fortunes on the pitch.

The instability intensified following Mbale Heroes’ ill-fated 2024/25 StarTimes Uganda Premier League campaign which ended in relegation. Results worsened, resources thinned and fractures within the club’s hierarchy became increasingly public. By the time Wambi resigned on June 30, 2025, citing personal and professional pressures, the damage had already been done. His exit left behind an organisation struggling to define ownership, leadership structures and a clear path forward.

Mwebaze’s gridlock

Interim management was handed to Vice Chairman Counsel Geoffrey Ojok alongside Jessica Muduwa but the challenges deepened. Financial obligations, most notably outstanding payments owed to former head coach Asaph Mwebaze has pushed the club into a legal standoff with Fufa.

The Dispute Resolution Chamber ruled that Heroes must pay Shs11.4m in salary arrears, a directive the club failed to honour within the stipulated timelines.

That failure prompted decisive action from the Fufa Ethics and Disciplinary Committee, which imposed an immediate ban on Heroes from registering new players. The ban came at the worst possible moment, with Heroes rooted to the bottom of the Big League table and already struggling to field a full starting eleven.Heavy defeats, including a humiliating 6-1 loss to Kiyinda Boys, have only highlighted the fragility of the situation. The team is rooted at the bottom of the table with 14 points from 15 first-round games.

Saturday’s crisis meeting was convened against this backdrop. According to interim chairman Counsel Ojok, members were briefed on the club’s precarious status, with urgent focus placed on clearing the Mwebaze debt to unlock squad rebuilding.

Reconciliations

‘The first crucial issue was how to revamp the squad so that it can be competitive but to do that we have to solve coach Asaph’s issue first,’ Ojok told Daily Monitor adding that reconciliation talks are underway to heal internal rifts including returning former chief executive officer Badru ‘Bado’ Chemisto.

Initial reports pointed at the club closing this process to return Bado, previously a key funder and mobiliser but the former administrator, in a short chat with this reporter ruled out any chances of him returning to the club.

Before Bado left, a gang of goons had been trailing him including destroying some property at his mother’s residence in Mbale.

Ojok also appealed to members to renew membership and support the cub financially as they seek to make up numbers to hold an elective general assembly to fil the gaps in the executive and secretariat.

The Saturday meeting may have frozen the chaos in the interim but without swift financial resolution and credible leadership reforms, the club’s uncertainty threatens to deepen on the pitch and beyon

Platinum Credit Heathens has been one of the busiest teams in the transfer market ahead of the new Rugby Premiership season.

David Wako, Emma Odoi, Yusuf Waiswa, Joab Oluoch, Jason Nuwamanya, Aaron Atoke, Jude Jjuuko and Keith Mugisha are some of the new faces that have come through the door at Kyadondo as the club looks to get back to winning ways.

And if the club needed any more encouragement, it has arrived in form of a renewed contract by lead sponsor Platinum Credit.

In a press conference held Friday morning at Kyadondo, a three-year extension was revealed, growing the figure from what was previously Shs330m to Shs350m.

The partnership, which is all cash, aims to strengthen community outreach initiatives, youth development programs, and support the continued growth of rugby across the country.

Through the collaboration, Platinum Credit aims to support talent development while fostering positive social outcomes within the communities it serves.

‘Our partnership with Platinum Credit started at the worst possible time for Ugandan economics, during the Covid_19 lockdown. When companies were pulling out, Platinum Credit chose to come and support us,’ newly elected Kyadondo Rugby Football Club chairman Desire Derekford Mugumisa said.

At the start Platinum Credit were simply appearing on the club shirt sleeve until the partnership was renewed in 2023 and they became the lead sponsor.

‘It’s a privilege on our side to be associated with Heathens and I commit that we will stay committed to your cause,’ Albert Abaasa, Platinum Credit’s Managing Director revealed.

With the partnership and player recruitment done, Heathens will now have all their focus on the new season, which tips off on Saturday.

The Yellow Machine will open the season against Kakira Rugby Club at Kyadondo on Saturday.

Heathens fell to the Stanbic Black Pirates in the league semifinals last season and will now be looking to make amends when the new campaign kicks off.

Last week, the release of the 2025 Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE) results kick-started a busy period for the public media when the frictionless movement of vast quantities of data typically attracts many eyeballs.

With the release of O-Level and A-Level results also in the pipeline, media houses find themselves at a juncture where the aggregation and refinement of data is primed to give them huge new value. But with all this comes one concomitant obligation if not responsibility-being mindful of the fact that the interests of an individual in data and privacy have to be brought into balance.

During the release of the 2025 PLE results, last Friday, Ms Janet Museveni was at pains to stress that, in the aforesaid fundamental asymmetry between the individual and the public media, the State has every intention to ensure that no one is disadvantaged by having their data processed without their consent.

The First Lady, who also doubles as the Education and Sports minister, correctly pointed out that the Data Protection and Privacy Act, 2019 provides a handy shield against undue harm. Which is just as well. As players in the information economy, we hold ourselves to standards that demand the collection and analysis of huge quantities of anonymised data as well as collection of personal vignettes produces the greatest good for the greatest number.

We do not take the issue of informed consent lightly. Our editorial policies are explicit about being intentional when it comes to minimising pain. At the heart of this is the need to safeguard the wellbeing if not mental health of the voiceless. This explains why, in our reportage, we intentionally set out to comfort the afflicted and afflict the comfortable.

We, therefore, welcome the First Lady’s keen interest in the mental health of the voiceless. The interest should, however, be broadened. Telcos, big data harvesting companies, and even the State have approached their obligations to Ugandans who supply their personal data in a manner that leaves a lot to be desired. Unsolicited messages severally appear on the gadgets of many Ugandans, causing undue distress in the process.

Personal data should only be used for purposes for which informed consent has been given by the owners. As such, an unsolicited message from Yoweri Museveni’s campaign team, making a case for his re-election, should be treated with the contempt that publication of a pupil’s PLE results without their consent merits.

In the same vein, the conceptual tools that the State uses to determine breaches of privacy rights must make the rubicon clear enough. The manner in which State actors have not just accessed but also callously shared personal phone conversations of journalists and rights activists, for one, is deeply disturbing.

It goes without saying that these missteps, if they merit being called such, have to be condemned in the strongest terms possible. They continue to inflict lasting mental anguish on many, and have a chilling effect on others more not caught in the crosshairs but are in the business of holding the government accountable.

All told, it would be counterproductive to be selective in the application of privacy laws on our books. The issue of data that is collected by public bodies but exploited to the point of being abused-either by State intelligence officials or indeed private monopolies-should be the clearest indication yet that something of the gravest nature has occurred. That something, we strongly believe, has to be decisively addressed to birth a Uganda that works for all.

As the first term of the year approaches, many households are thrown back into a familiar cycle of panic.

It begins with taking stock of uniforms, shoes, and bags, then quickly escalates to budgeting for school fees, shuttle fees, and a whirlwind of other expenses. The sheer volume of items to buy and bills to pay is overwhelming, enough to spike anxiety in the most laid-back individual. So, how does one navigate this annual financial tide without letting it wash a hole in one’s pocket?

Shop early

For some parents, easing back-to-school pressure begins with planning well before the rush sets in. Judith Nabachwa, a mother of two and guardian to three nephews in day and boarding schools, finds that shopping early makes a significant difference to her usual costs. She focuses on purchasing non-perishable items like shoes and stockings long before demand peaks. ‘At the moment, a pair of stockings can cost about Shs10,000. But earlier, when demand was still low, they were selling for around Shs3,000,’ she explains.

Buying ahead of time, she adds, not only keeps her spending within budget but also spares her the congestion and stress that characterise Kampala as parents scramble to prepare for the term. With prices already hiked in many shops, early planning helps her avoid both inflated costs and last-minute pressure. Similarly, Brenda Kemigisha, a mother of four and a teacher, believes in gradually acquiring school requirements to avoid feeling a sharp financial pinch and high pressure.

‘I normally get a shop and start depositing money for the requirements. When the amount is sufficient, I go and collect the items just before school starts,’ Kemigisha says.

Do it yourself

Beyond uniforms and supplies, the ongoing cost of daily school requirements can steadily drain a household budget. For parents like Judith Nabachwa, food is a key area for significant savings. Rather than purchasing ready-made snacks for her children and nephews, she chooses to prepare them at home. With food prices rising, she finds that homemade alternatives allow her to cut costs dramatically without compromising on quality or quantity.

‘What would have cost me Shs20,000 to buy ready-made, I managed to make for just Shs10,000, and in larger amounts,’ she explains. ‘For example, instead of buying a tin of processed snacks [‘daddies’], I bought the raw ingredients and made them myself. I did the same with hard corn, especially for the child in boarding school. As a mother, I want to give my children the best, but I also have to be mindful of costs.’

Edith Kyomukama, a mother of six, shares this practical approach. ‘When you have more than three children heading to boarding school at once, making snacks at home makes a huge financial difference. They get to take larger quantities, and it’s an added advantage that they genuinely enjoy what I prepare, especially the hard corn.’

These experiences reflect a broader trend among parents who are adopting creative, hands-on strategies to manage both large and small school-related expenses. From reusing uniforms and investing in durable items to sharing resources within their communities, families are increasingly turning to practical, self-reliant solutions to make their incomes go further.

Early financial literacy

Beyond tangible items, parents are also finding value in involving their children in conversations about money and responsibility. Jacob Mulera, founder of the Future Youth Foundation, believes that teaching financial literacy from an early age is critical, especially in a world driven by economics. He argues that it equips children with practical, lifelong skills for spending, saving, and making informed decisions.

‘In many parts of the world, children are introduced to financial literacy very early through structured school syllabuses on saving, budgeting, and money management,’ he says. ‘These societies understand that children are the future of their economies.’

Mulera emphasises that this education must also begin at home. Simple, everyday experiences, like giving a child Shs500, can become powerful learning moments with proper guidance.

‘If a child understands saving early, they learn that Shs500 can be kept until another Shs1,000 comes along, and it adds up. Even before formal schooling, they can grasp how to manage the money they have.’

This early exposure, he explains, helps children manage school-related finances like pocket money more responsibly. ‘When children understand money before they return to school, they are better prepared to make wise choices. They learn not to waste, to save, and to plan.’

Parents and guardians play the central role in shaping this understanding. Just as children are taught to identify everyday objects, Mulera believes financial concepts should be introduced in the same simple, practical way at home.

Kemigisha echoes this principle, stating that teaching children to live within their means helps them distinguish between wants and needs.

‘I do not see why a child should carry the whole supermarket to school,’ she says. ‘Let the child get used to what is necessary so that, if a time comes when you cannot provide a great variety, it does not create an issue.’

Reusing and buying smart

It is time to check what can be reused from the previous term.

Kyomukama says this is the time she asks every child to bring out their books, to see if they can work another term before buying new books.

‘This curbs wastage of resources and reduces costs. If uniforms, shoes, and school bags are still in good shape, we just clean it and get it ready for school or repair and adjust where possible,’ she says.

For Patricia Birungi, when buying new items, she compares prices across markets, shops, and tailors.

‘I also prioritise durable items over trendy but short-lived ones. It may be costly in the beginning but boy does it last!’ Birungi says.

Nabachwa, on the other hand, uses some of home items to compensate for school items.

‘My nephew is just starting boarding school. Instead of buying a new mattress, he will just take the one he uses at home. He still has a mattress, and I am still saving for other equally important things,’ she says.

Managing daily school costs

After buying small juices in bulk which saves costs in comparison to one buying a bottle at a time, Birungi says she can control how much the child takes without incurring more money, especially during dry periods where there is no money.

‘I make sure to pack snacks and send my child with water and juice from home instead of sending him with money to buy from the school canteen. I have an advantage that school is near home so instead of an Uber, I can take him on a boda boda to cut recurring transport costs,’ she says.

The All Africa Pool Championships got under way on Wednesday at Suncoast Casino in Durban, South Africa, without a full Ugandan team on parade.

Organised by the South African Pool Union (SAPU), the continental showpiece runs until February 8, 2026 and features competitions in heyball, blackball and 10-ball. Teams from hosts South Africa, Nigeria, Mozambique, Kenya, Zambia, Namibia, Tanzania and Eswatini are taking part, alongside a handful of individual players.

Uganda is represented only by individuals, Caesar Chandiga, Rashid ‘Dog City’ Wagaba and Rashida Mutesi, after the national team failed to travel in time.

The late arrival proved costly for Chandiga, one of the country’s most decorated players, who forfeited his slot in the 10-ball singles event but remains eligible for heyball and blackball.

Chandiga shrugs off setback

Despite the disruption, Chandiga insists his focus remains firmly on the medals.

‘Missing the 10-ball was disappointing, but championships are about mental strength. I’m here to compete and to win. Heyball and blackball still give me a real chance to put Uganda on the podium, and that’s where my focus is,’ Chandiga said.

The championships return to South Africa for the first time since 2023, reinforcing the country’s central role in African pool administration, but Uganda’s absence as a team contrasts sharply with its recent continental performances.

Uganda salvaged pride at the inaugural Hawley Cup, a prestigious international blackball event held in honour of the late Peter Hawley, a founder of the All Africa Pool Association and former SAPU president. Despite arriving late and missing the main event in the last event in 2023, Ugandan players collected several medals, led by Ian Kazibwe and Rashida Mutesi, who finished second in the U23 doubles.

Mutesi later paired with her sister Rukia Naiga to win the women’s doubles, while youngster Kenneth Odong claimed the men’s U23 singles title after edging South Africa’s Kumeshen Nadasen in a decider. Joseph Kasozi and Chandiga won silver in the men’s doubles, losing the final to South Africa’s father-and-son pairing of Abduragham and Ifraan Williams.

Naiga also secured bronze in the women’s singles as Uganda finished runners-up in the women’s team event.

Pool Association of Uganda (PAU) chairman Bob Trubish attributed the failure to field a full team in Durban to financial constraints.

‘It’s painful because the players deserved to compete. But without adequate funding, we couldn’t facilitate timely travel. That’s a gap we must close if Uganda is to compete consistently at this level,’ Trubish said.

The disappointment comes despite Uganda’s encouraging showing last year at the non-sanctioned All Africa Ultimate Pool Championship in Mpumalanga, South Africa, where the men won silver and the women clinched gold.

Uganda at a glance

Event: All Africa Pool Championships

Venue: Suncoast Casino, Durban, South Africa

Dates: February 5-8, 2026

Disciplines: Heyball, Blackball, 10-ball

Uganda representatives (individuals):

Caesar Chandiga

Rashid ‘Dog City’ Wagaba

Rashida Mutesi

There are moments when a nation must confront itself honestly and ask. At what point does silence become complicity?

The ill treatment of Barbie Kyagulanyi, a woman, a mother, a wife and a citizen by state security forces should have triggered a national condemnation. Not because she is the wife of the National Unity Platform (NUP) president Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, but because no state that respects its people should use security forces including the use of Chief of Defence Forces’ position to humiliate, intimidate, or brutalise a woman or any law-abiding citizen.

The most disturbing response, however, has not been outrage but quiet acceptance. This silence stretches across different segments. Most of Women in leadership, religious authorities, cultural figures, and Ugandans with large platforms have largely kept mute. The issue is no longer whether abuse occurred, it is why those best positioned to speak have chosen not to.

Condemning barbarity is not a political act. It is a moral obligation. Even where political contestation exists, decency must remain non-negotiable. Politics does not excuse cruelty, and power does not suspend humanity. A state that normalises humiliation, especially of women signals a deeper moral collapse.

We must confront an uncomfortable truth, citizens also bear responsibility. When torture is dismissed as ‘politics,’ when intimidation is justified as ‘security,’ silence becomes participation.

We are responsible for the trauma suffered by families and children who watch their parents persecuted. Nations are judged not only by the actions of leaders, but by what citizens tolerate. This is not a call to violence. It is a call to stand with those facing persecution. Standing up is not rebellion; it is patriotism.

History shows that when injustice goes unchallenged, accountability does not disappear it is deferred. If not to this generation, then to the next, which will inherit a country shaped by fear and indifference.

Uganda today is experiencing the normalisation of national embarrassment. The erosion of respect for institutions has become routine, beginning at the very top. When a national address is delivered casually while seated and taking porridge, it may appear minor or humorous. Yet symbolism matters. Such acts quietly communicate that national platforms and the nation itself do not deserve solemn respect.

Similarly, when swearing-in ceremonies for powerful public offices are conducted on farmland, stripped of institutional gravity, the message is clear, the state is subordinate to the individual wielding power. These are not isolated gestures. They are lessons. From the presidency to the village chairperson, authority is being redefined as dominance without restraint.

This is how lawlessness is institutionalised. When leaders disregard procedure and dignity, citizens learn to do the same. Tomorrow, we will lament indiscipline and disrespect for the law, forgetting that examples were set from the top.

The undermining of women and the routine disrespect of citizens are especially dangerous. Silence allows these practices to grow. What is tolerated today becomes normalised tomorrow and weaponised the next day. The government once claimed it had uplifted women. That claim rings hollow when women in influential positions cannot speak against abuse. Empowerment that collapses in moments of injustice is symbolic, not substantive.

If certain actions such as finding Bobi Wine are inspired by theatrics or intimidation, those responsible must remember: real life is not a movie. Security positions demand restraint and professionalism. Women and civilians are not tools for political messaging.

Ugandans with platforms, women leaders, clerics, artists, academics, and public figures, this is your moment. Leadership is measured not in comfort but in courage. We do not need political alignment to recognise wrong. We need moral clarity to confront it, before it is too late.

Widely remembered as a firm, principled prisons officer, who was also a disciplinarian, Nelson Lukwiya Okwera, died after a courageous battle with prostate cancer.

He died on January 2 after undergoing treatment at St Mary’s Hospital Lacor, Gulu Regional Referral Hospital, and later at the Gulu Cancer Institute, where he spent his final days under specialised medical care. Okwera began his distinguished service with the Uganda Prisons Service in Fort Portal Town, Kabarole District, where his career was shaped by a deep sense of duty, integrity, and commitment to institutional order. Through years of unwavering service, he steadily rose through the ranks, earning the trust of his superiors and the respect of both colleagues and inmates alike. His tenure in the Uganda Prisons Service was marked by a relentless commitment to order, accountability, and service to the nation.

Beyond his official duties, Okwera is remembered as a steadfast leader whose influence extended beyond the prison walls, shaping the conduct and careers of many junior officers under his command. His death leaves a void in the service and in the lives of those who knew and served with him diligently.

Born on June 27,1939, to the late Binayo Okwera of the Alero Punyono clan and his wife, the late Margaret Abwoyo, he was raised within a cultural setting that prized discipline, respect for authority, and perseverance. Okwera was born in a family of one sister, and three other brothers. One of his brothers had already died. These early influences shaped his character, instilling in him values that would later define both his personal life and professional conduct. From a young age, Okwera exhibited a strong desire to rise beyond the limitations of circumstance, guided by an inner resolve to pursue a life marked by purpose, dignity, and achievement.

His turning point came during his early and acting service within the Uganda Prisons Service, an institution whose rigid structure and demanding environment proved to be a crucible for personal transformation.

What began as routine duty gradually evolved into a profound awakening of ambition and self-belief. Exposure to responsibility, order, and leadership sharpened his outlook on life, compelling him to embrace discipline not merely as a requirement of service, but as a personal creed.

It was during this period that Okwera’s mindset fundamentally shifted. He developed a heightened sense of accountability, an appreciation for hierarchy, and an unwavering commitment to self-improvement. These formative experiences propelled him toward a clearer vision of success, one rooted in service, integrity, and steady advancement. Colleagues would later observe that his strictness and principled approach were not born of severity, but of a deeply held belief in structure as the foundation for progress.

The lessons drawn from his early service years remained with him throughout his career, shaping his leadership style and defining his interactions with both superiors and subordinates. His journey from humble beginnings to positions of responsibility within the Uganda Prisons Service stands as a testament to the transformative power of discipline, determination, and a resolute mind committed to betterment. In every stage of his life, Okwera embodied the belief that success is earned through consistency, sacrifice, and an unyielding dedication to duty.

Family

In 1957, he was united in holy matrimony to Martha Auma; a union that became the cornerstone of a lifelong partnership built on love, resilience, and shared purpose. Together, they raised a large and close-knit family through years marked by sacrifice, discipline, and unwavering commitment to one another. God blessed their marriage with 16 children, 12 of whom are alive, while four preceded him in death. The legacy of this union extended far beyond the immediate household. Okwera is survived by 55 grandchildren. His lineage continues to flourish through 10 great-grandchildren, proudly carrying forward the banner of his name, values, and enduring legacy. Through his family, Okwera’s life finds its most lasting testimony, one written not only in service and discipline, but in generations shaped by his guidance, principles, and quiet strength.

Education

Okwera began his formal education at Nwoya Church of Uganda Primary School in 1956. Driven by a desire to acquire practical skills, he later joined hands-on education at St Joe Technical College in Gulu, where he undertook Junior One studies and was introduced to technical training that emphasised discipline, craftsmanship, and applied knowledge.

In 1959, he advanced his technical education by enrolling at Rukungiri Technical School, further sharpening his skills and broadening his understanding of vocational practice. His pursuit of knowledge later extended into agriculture, a field deeply connected to community livelihood and sustainability. From 1960 to 1961, Okwera pursued a Certificate in Agriculture at Bukalasa Agricultural College, equipping him with practical expertise that complemented his professional life and reinforced his appreciation for productivity, land stewardship, and self-reliance.

Career

In 1963, Okwera’s employment path began taking shape at Alero Primary School from where he went on to become a prisons officer with Uganda Prisons Service in Fort Portal. He served in several other key prison facilities, including Dokolo Prison, Mbarara Prison, and later Lugore Prison Farm in Gulu. In each of these assignments, Okwera consistently demonstrated an uncompromising commitment to discipline, firm and decisive leadership, and strict observance of established prison regulations.

Sam Aliker, one of the deceased’s brothers, says these qualities not only ensured order and professionalism within the institutions under his charge, but also earned him widespread respect among colleagues, subordinates, and inmates alike, firmly cementing his professional legacy within the Uganda Prisons Service.

Okwera was laid to rest on Saturday, January 24, at his ancestral home in Layibi, Koro, Gulu City, where family, friends, and colleagues gathered to pay their final respects.

The outcome of the January 15 presidential election in the two island districts of Kalangala and Buvuma has revealed a notable shift in voting patterns, with incumbent Museveni reclaiming ground he lost in the 2021 polls.

On January 16, the Kalangala District Returning Officer, Mr Ronald Agaba, declared Mr Museveni of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party winner of the presidential vote in the district after securing 9,823 votes (50.63 percent) out of 20,003 total ballots cast.

His closest challenger, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine of the National Unity Platform (NUP), garnered 9,278 votes (47.82 percent). In the neighbouring Buvuma island district, Mr Museveni got 12,668 votes (55.02 percent), while Mr Kyagulanyi garnered 9,889 votes (42.95 percent). The results marked a sharp turnaround from the 2021 election, when Mr Kyagulanyi dominated the island district with 13,121 votes (70 percent) against Mr Museveni’s 5,275 votes (28.15 percent) from more than 30,000 voters.

In Buvuma, it was the same pattern, NRM performed poorly with its candidate garnering 6,814 votes (32.36 percent)

against Mr Kyagulanyi’s 13,572 votes (64.45 percent). Mr Sunday Gerald Kayita, the Kalangala District NRM chairperson, said Mr Museveni’s improved performance is a result of renewed grassroots mobilisation and reconciliation within the ruling party. ‘Winning came after we managed to reach every NRM member in all the 97 villages in Kalangala District, reviving their hopes and hearts to continue fighting for the glory of NRM and President Museveni,’ Mr Kayita said.

He added that party leaders focused on reminding residents of government interventions and addressing their long-standing grievances. ‘We clearly explained what the NRM government has done for Kalangala and answered most of the pressing questions residents had, like dwindling fish stocks and harassment meted out by soldiers on the lake. That helped to restore the trust they had lost,’ he said.Mr Kayita also revealed that the party avoided divisive primaries by encouraging internal negotiations among aspirants, resulting in consensus candidates for most positions.

‘Most critical positions emerged unopposed, which created harmony within the party. Candidates spent more time mobilising instead of resolving internal conflicts,’ he said. He further noted that the NRM’s strong showing in youth elections – where the party reportedly secured 82 percent of the positions – energised young voters in the district. ‘That victory restored our confidence that NRM is still loved in Kalangala. We then empowered the youth to mobilise their fellow youth to support President Museveni,’ he said.

The chairperson of NRM Buganda Caucus and Buvuma Member of Parliament, Mr Hon Robert Migadde, said the party undertook a deliberate review of why it had lost in most of the districts in Buganda Sub-region during the 2021 General Election. ‘As a party, we kept asking ourselves why NRM was not liked in Buganda despite the many government programmes we have rolled out. Before starting our campaign trail, we decided to first go to Mengo, the seat of Buganda Kingdom, to seek blessings, and I think this helped us a lot,’ he stated.

After visiting Mengo, Mr Migadde said NRM leaders focused on understanding community-specific challenges across the sub-region, particularly land wrangles and service delivery gaps. ‘In every area, we discovered unique problems. For example, in Mubende District, there was an issue of a hospital gate that was closed during Covid-19 period and, five years later, it was still closed,’ he said, explaining that when NRM leaders visited the area, locals complained that they were being inconvenienced because the hospital gate was closed and as result, experience unnecessary traffic.

Mr Migadde said the NRM leaders later talked to the hospital administration and the gate was reopened. Other complaints the locals raised were related to the NRM internal elections held last year. ‘In some areas, we had challenges deciding who to work with between flag bearers and MPs who had lost in the primaries. Some of those we sidelined accused us of fighting them, but we clearly explained to them that we are not their enemies, but we are supporting only official flag bearers,’ Mr Migadde stated.

He also explained that in their campaign messages, NRM leaders deliberately avoided confrontational politics and never attacked National Unity Platform (NUP) supporters, because the party enjoys strong support in Buganda. ‘We even welcomed NUP supporters at our rallies, which was not the case at their rallies. I think this gave confidence to the voters that NRM is better than the rest for continuity’ Mr Migadde noted. Kalangala NRM District spokesperson Elly Ntegge Wasajja said the party’s campaign strategy emphasised service delivery and also called for popularising government projects.

‘Government has done a lot – from oil palm projects to improved water transport, electricity, clean water supply and better roads,’ Mr Ntegge said. He added: ‘Once islanders were reminded of these achievements, their trust in NRM to deliver more grew.’ He added that the party established 30-member mobilisation committees in all 95 villages, 17 parishes and seven sub-counties, each tasked with recruiting at least 10 new supporters in the district. In the run-up to the elections, the office of the Resident District Commissioner (RDC) in both districts also engaged fishing communities at various landing sites.

Mr Fred Badda, the Kalangala RDC, said the government’s leniency towards fishermen influenced their decision to back Mr Museveni. ‘We know those involved in illegal fishing, but the government has been soft, allowing time for fishermen to raise money to buy recommended fishing gear,’ Mr Badda said. The NRM also benefited from defections and cooperation from some Opposition figures, including Kalangala District speaker Richard Katumba and Mugoye Sub-county councillor Herman Gilibe, who openly campaigned alongside the ruling party candidates.

NRM leaders said they also avoided repeating mistakes from 2021, when Mr Kyagulanyi was blocked from campaigning in parts of Kalangala – a move they believe annoyed voters. Mr Meddi Kayondo, an observer in Kalangala, said Mr Museveni appeared to have reflected on his poor showing in the district during the previous election. ‘He [Museveni] went back and reflected on why he did poorly in 2021 and corrected those mistakes, including revisiting promises that had not been fulfilled,’ Mr Kayondo explained.

He cited renewed assurances on key infrastructure projects such as the Kyamuswa ferry and the Bugoma-Mulabana roadworks, which he said had revived hope among islanders.

‘Mobilisation in landing sites was relatively easy due to population concentration. People here are usually in one place, which makes mobilisation easier for the ruling party,’ Mr Kayondo said.

What voters say

Ms Sylvia Namono, a farmer from Mweena Village, said the Parish Development Model (PDM) poverty alleviation programme has transformed her livelihood. She cited this as reason for support for NRM. ‘I voted for Museveni because he has helped us women come out of poverty through PDM…From the Shs1 million I received, I started farming, which now sustains my family. My future is brighter,’ she said. Mr Fred Tushabomwe, a boda boda rider, cited peace and infrastructure development as the two factors that influenced him to vote for Mr Museveni.

‘Today, many homes here have electricity, something we never had before. We used to have only one ferry, but now there are several of them. Roads are better, and movement has improved,’ he said.The dissolution of all landing site committees and restructuring the Fisheries Protection Unit (FPU) comprising soldiers under the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF), seems to have worked to Mr Museveni’s advantage. In a December 26, 2025 letter, the acting Director of Defence Public Information, Col Chris Magezi, announced that the dissolved committees will be replaced by new ones composed of representatives of indigenous fishermen and investors.