Category: Daily Monitor

The annual January fast is done. You can tell by the higher noise level in the workplace. A few weeks back, there were only barely audible monosyllabic responses from the faithful. Now, it is a Sino truck of words when all you need is a yes or no. It was headphones with gospel music all day long, with the occasional raising of a hand off the keyboard in agreement with the lyrics of a worship song; now it is TikTok videos on the loudspeaker. That is how you know that the year is now in session. People are done with fasting, and now it is back to business as usual.

Let me explain. Every beginning of the year, many churches usually make a call to their faithful to engage in a period of fasting and prayer. It usually ranges anywhere between 20 and 40 days. During this time, the fasting faithful skip meals and can be seen acting demurely, spirit-filled. And because fasting can be difficult, there is usually not enough energy or strength to engage in unnecessary arguments, talk loudly, walk up and down the workplace showing off new clothes, among others. It is a high-level energy conservation project. So, the fasting lot sit tight, wait, and pray.

The praying is usually in preparation for the New Year. Ask for God’s guidance, direction, favour, protection, and general welfare for the year ahead. For some, it was that they or their relatives would make it in the just-concluded polls. And for other people, it is that even this year, the employer will not notice that they are not really qualified for the job they have been doing for the past three years.

It is good practice. And to everyone who made it through that, we, the council of elders who do not quite know how to mind their own business, congratulate you. We hope that you keep up the practice throughout the year by having at least one fast and prayer day every week. If not for spiritual reasons, at least for dietary benefits. But also, how can you eat every single day of the year? What are you? A breastfeeding baby or an air fryer?

Anyway, now that the year’s spiritual preamble is out of the way, what is the plan for 2026? What risks are you taking this year? Or did last year do you in so much that you are planning to spend the better part of this year licking your wounds?

The other day, a friend took me to show me a new property she wants to rent for her business. It is much bigger, much fancier, and more attractive to clients than what she has at the moment. It is also five times more expensive. She wrestles with staying at the old, cheaper, basic place of almost no growth or risking it all by going for the new location. Question is to risk or not risk? What if it fails, but again, what if it does not fail?

At this juncture, allow me to share some famous quotes on risk.

‘The person who risks nothing, does nothing, has nothing, is nothing, and becomes nothing. He may avoid suffering and sorrow, but he simply cannot learn, feel, change, grow, or love. Chained by his certitude, he is a slave; he has forfeited his freedom. Only the person who risks is truly free.’- Leo Buscaglia

‘So we shall let the reader answer this question for himself: who is the happier man, he who has braved the storm of life and lived or he who has stayed securely on shore and merely existed?’ Hunter S. Thompson

‘You cannot swim for new horizons until you dare to lose sight of the shore.’ William Faulkner

And finally, ‘Did I die?’-Unknown

I hope that this year, you will be inspired to risk something. Have an ‘If I die, I die’ project, no matter how small in significance. Live a little. (Nalumansi, I am not talking about your drinking and spending sprees.)

Note to self: There is a thin line between risk and foolishness. As you spread your wings, be wary of the boundaries, some call them values. They are there for a reason. To paraphrase a certain verse in the Bible book of Ecclesiastes. Do not ignore ancient boundary lines; a snake might bite you.

Every start of the year rolls in with the usual sparkle, vision boards, gym subscriptions, business plans, ambitious applications and beautifully typed goals pinned on bedroom/ office walls. The energy is always electric, but somewhere between January 3 and December 31, reality walks in uninvited. Social media has since made a sport out of mocking ‘failed goals,’ especially posts suggesting people will start 2026 by reposting the same goals they never achieved in 2025. It’s funny until it isn’t. Because behind every unmet target is a human who dared to hope, plan, and try. And that deserves applause, not ridicule. The world celebrates outcomes but rarely honours process.

We post the body transformation photo but not the 5am mornings we lost to exhaustion. We celebrate funded businesses but not the grant proposals that were rejected 17 times. We clap for job appointments but ignore the 30 unanswered emails that preceded them. But here’s the truth, failing is not the opposite of success. Quitting is. Take Jack Ma, the Chinese business magnate and co-founder of Alibaba. Before his empire reshaped global e-commerce, he was rejected by Harvard 10 times. He once said, ‘If you don’t give up, you still have a chance. Giving up is the greatest failure.’ If Ma had stopped at rejection, there would be no Alibaba.

And then there is the everyday hustler, the market vendor who restocks tomatoes after every loss, the student who retakes exams, the mother who starts a business between school drop-offs, the executive who plans workouts but ends up answering emails at midnight. Their stories may not trend, but they are real. They are powerful. And they are the backbone of resilience. Goals fail for many reasons: a changing economy, shifting personal responsibilities, unpredictable work schedules, caregiving, health challenges, or simply underestimating the demands of a dream. But none of these reasons cancel the courage it took to start. A whole year of ‘failing’ at a goal doesn’t make you defeated.

It makes you educated. When something doesn’t work, you gain data, real lived experience. You learn why the business plan stalled. You discover the exercise routine that clashed with your calendar. You meet the version of yourself that needed rest before it needed reinvention. And that knowledge becomes your competitive edge for the next attempt. There is no shame in a restart. There is strength in it. 2026 is not the year to repost your ‘failed goals’ in embarrassment. It is the year to repost them with intention. With insight. With strategy. With maturity. Pick up those body goals again, not because the world demands it, but because you deserve to feel strong in your own skin.

Fill those application forms again; this time informed, focused, and refined. Enroll for school again. Start that business again. Ask again. Try again. Plan again. Life is not a one-shot race. It is a series of laps. As author CS Lewis once wrote, ‘Failures are finger posts on the road to achievement.’ They point out; they don’t punish. They guide; they don’t gatekeep. So, if 2025 taught you anything, let it be this: persistence outlives setbacks, lessons birth strategy, wisdom fuels resilience, and courage is never wasted. 2026 is proof that you can begin again, and win, not by never falling, but by always rising.

The Supreme Court on January 12, commenced hearing an appeal by the Attorney General (AG) challenging orders of the Constitutional Court that halted several corruption prosecutions against Kazinda. However, through his lawyers, Kazinda argues that the appeal was lodged beyond the mandatory 60-day period provided under the Constitution, rendering it incompetent.

Kazinda contends that he remains in prison based on what he describes as an invalid appeal incapable of producing any legal consequences. He has urged the court to strike it out and order his immediate release. Proceedings took a dramatic turn when the Supreme Court, chaired by Justice Lillian Tibatemwa Ekirikubinza, revealed a critical omission in the Constitutional Court judgment that forms the basis of the appeal. Nearly six years after the judgment was delivered, the Supreme Court noted that one of the five justices who heard and determined Kazinda’s constitutional petition did not sign the decision. Justice Tibatemwa explained that the omission related to Justice Ezekiel Muhanguzi, who had by then been elevated to the Supreme Court and did not append his signature to the judgment.

The court directed lawyers for both Kazinda and the Attorney General to address a key legal question: whether the failure by one judge to sign a judgment renders that decision invalid in law. The Supreme Court is expected to receive submissions from both sides and determine the legal effect of the omission, and the fate of the Attorney General’s appeal by February 12. Kazinda is currently serving a 25-year prison sentence for corruption-related offences. He maintains that both his conviction and sentence are unlawful, arguing that the Constitutional Court had barred any prosecutions arising from the same investigations that led to his conviction.

Kazinda’s favour

In August 2020, the Constitutional Court, by a majority decision in Constitutional Petition No 30 of 2014 (Geoffrey Kazinda Vs Attorney General), ruled in his favour. The court ordered a permanent stay of proceedings in several pending criminal cases and barred the State from initiating or continuing any future prosecutions founded on the same facts arising from his tenure at the Office of the Prime Minister. Following the decision, the Anti-Corruption Court discontinued Criminal Case No 047 of 2013 and permanently stayed Criminal Case No 056 of 2018 after the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) failed to justify continued prosecution.

However, Kazinda says the situation changed when the Attorney General filed Constitutional Application No 27 of 2020 in the Supreme Court seeking a stay of execution of the Constitutional Court judgment pending appeal. He claims the application was supported by affidavits that misrepresented his discontinued cases as merely ‘stalled.’ Although he raised a preliminary objection challenging the competence of the intended appeal, the Supreme Court, on February 12, 2021, granted a stay of execution and directed the Attorney General to file the appeal without delay. Kazinda now argues that the DPP relied on that stay to resume prosecutions in cases that had already been lawfully discontinued, a move he says violated the Constitutional Court’s orders.

In an affidavit supporting his application, Kazinda recounts a legal battle spanning more than a decade. He states that before his interdiction in August 2012, he served for 18 years as a civil servant under the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, and later spent five years as principal accountant in the Office of the Prime Minister. He says he faced multiple prosecutions before the Anti-Corruption Court between 2012 and 2018, resulting in convictions in some cases, while others remained pending.

During the World Economic Forum meetings in Davos, Switzerland, last week, I livestreamed several events on YouTube, but one caught my attention. It was about renewed push for Africa’s self economic determination. The room was overcrowded, security was a nightmare, and several dignitaries stood freezing outside for 20 minutes waiting to get in. This tells you everything you need to know about how seriously people took what was happening inside. I have sat through enough development conferences to know the difference between performance and intention. What unfolded at the convening of the Accra Reset Initiative in Davos was not another well-meaning declaration destined for a filing cabinet in Geneva.

It was, to use a now famous term, a ‘rupture’. A clean break. The moment African leaders stopped pretending the current system can be reformed and started building its replacement. And if you are sitting in a cushy office at WFP, the World Bank, or any of the alphabet soup of development agencies that have made careers managing African poverty, you should be deeply unsettled right now. I don’t think the message is that Africa is rejecting partnership. In my view, it is more like this: the partnership you have been selling has expired, the customers know it, and they are no longer willing to be polite about things. There was something like a gasp across the room when the boss of an African multilateral announced that the continent has $4 trillion in domestic capital pools.

Actual money, sitting right now in pension funds, insurance companies, sovereign wealth funds, and development banks across the continent. For context, that is more than 50 times the total annual development assistance flowing into Africa from all sources combined. Meanwhile, African pension funds alone are sitting on half a trillion dollars, much of it invested in US Treasury bonds instead of African infrastructure. Simply because a lie has been allowed to take deep root. The lie that Africa cannot be trusted to manage its own money. That fiction died in that conference room. What made this one different from every other grand initiative was the specificity.

Nigerian pension reforms already require a portion of managed funds to go into infrastructure, private equity, and venture capital. It is working. It is generating domestic financing at scale. The regulatory frameworks exist. The capital exists. What has been missing is permission. And what happened at Davos is that African leaders stopped asking for it. Private sector participants seemed to have the most impatience. One pointed out that everyone in the room knows exactly what needs to be done. Skills development, continental integration, domestic investment, and regulatory clarity. Africa is not where it is because of lack of knowledge. Far from it.

Even more exasperating is the fact that the money haemorrhaging out of the continent already exceeds the money trickling in. According to a report published in collaboration with The Rockefeller Foundation this week, Africa is now paying China $22.1b (Shs78.3 trillion) on a net basis over the last five years. Between 1980 and 2009, Africa lost an estimated $597b to $1.4 trillion in net resource transfers. So the entire premise of the aid relationship is backwards. Africa does not have a resource problem. It has a governance problem, a negotiation problem, and a political will problem. And you know what? Some African countries are already doing some of this stuff.

Ghana, Nigeria, and Zimbabwe are implementing sin taxes on alcohol and tobacco while building social health insurance systems. They are governing. Present tense. Active voice. You cannot ask the aid industry to reform itself out of business. It will not happen. Which is why the Accra Reset matters. It is not trying to fix the old system. It is building around it. The Accra Reset is the alternative. Imperfect, ambitious, risky, but necessary. It is Africans telling the development industry: We are done being your project. If you want to be partners, come as equals, ready to respect our priorities. If not, step aside.

For many people affected by cancer, eating and drinking can become unexpectedly challenging. Once enjoyable foods may taste bland, metallic, overly sweet, or even unpleasant. These changes can occur before treatment starts, during therapy, or after treatment ends. Understanding the reasons behind these changes and how to manage them is essential for maintaining nutrition, strength, and quality of life throughout cancer care.

Understanding flavour

Flavour is more than just taste; it results from the combined effects of taste, smell, and touch. Taste is detected by the taste buds on the tongue, which recognise five basic flavours: sweet, salty, sour, bitter, and umami (savoury).

Smell, sensed by olfactory receptors in the nose, works in conjunction with taste to provide the full perception of flavour. Touch, encompassing the texture, temperature, and mouthfeel of food, also influences how enjoyable eating can be. When you eat, signals from your mouth and nose travel to the brain, which combines them to create the complete flavour experience. If any part of this system is affected, food may taste different, feel unusual, or seem less appealing.

How cancer can affect taste and smell

In some cases, cancer itself can alter taste and smell even before treatment begins. Tumours may disrupt nerve pathways or interfere with normal metabolic processes, leading to subtle changes in appetite or flavour perception. Emotional factors such as stress, anxiety, and fatigue can also affect how food tastes.

However, most changes in taste and smell are caused by cancer treatments. Chemotherapy, which targets fast-growing cancer cells, can also impact healthy cells, including taste buds.

Common effects include a metallic or bitter taste, a reduced ability to taste food, heightened sensitivity to certain flavours, and changes in how hot or cold foods feel. These effects may vary daily and are often more noticeable in the first week after treatment.

Radiation therapy to the head or neck can damage taste buds and salivary glands. Saliva is essential for dissolving food so taste buds can detect flavour. A reduced saliva production can lead to a dry mouth, altered food smells, and changes in sensation in the mouth and throat. Some patients may experience long-lasting taste changes due to radiation.

Surgery involving the mouth, nose, or throat can also impact the tongue, nasal passages, or salivary glands, resulting in altered taste, smell, and texture perception. Nerve damage from surgery can affect flavour perception for weeks or even months after recovery.

Dry mouth and mouth sores

Many treatments reduce saliva production, leading to dry mouth (xerostomia). Without enough saliva, food may taste bland or unpleasant, chewing and swallowing can become difficult, and sensitivity to spicy, acidic, or salty foods may increase. Some patients also develop painful sores in the mouth, known as mucositis, which further reduces appetite.

Maintaining oral hygiene is vital during this time. Gentle brushing with a soft toothbrush, rinsing with warm salt water or a dentist-recommended mouthwash, staying hydrated, and visiting the dentist regularly can help preserve oral health and improve taste perception.

Flavour perception is influenced not only by the senses but also by context and emotions. Eating in a hospital, associating certain foods with treatment, or feeling anxious can reduce enjoyment of meals. Even familiar foods may taste unpleasant during or immediately after chemotherapy due to nausea or stress.

How long changes last

The duration of taste and smell changes varies depending on treatment type, cancer location, and individual factors. Taste often changes during chemotherapy cycles, but many patients regain normal taste within two months after the final cycle. Changes from radiation to the head or neck may persist longer, especially if saliva production is reduced. Recovery from surgery depends on the procedure’s extent and nerve involvement, sometimes taking weeks or months. Patients should discuss specific expectations with their healthcare provider.

Coping strategies

Understanding that taste and smell changes are common and usually temporary can provide reassurance. Keeping a food diary to track what tastes good or bad, experimenting with different foods, textures, and flavours, eating small, frequent meals, including high-protein foods such as eggs, dairy, beans, lentils, nuts, or fish, maintaining oral hygiene, and using straws for liquids to bypass sensitive taste buds can make a significant difference.

Consulting a dietitian may also help provide individualised advice and meal plans to ensure adequate nutrition.

Over the past decade, Uganda has placed agricultural transformation at the centre of its development agenda. Through the Third and Fourth National Development Plan (NDP) and the Parish Development Model (PDM), the government has emphasised the need to move agriculture beyond subsistence production and towards commercially viable, market-oriented systems. Agriculture continues to be Uganda’s largest source of employment and a primary supplier of inputs to agro-processing, trade, and manufacturing. The sector employs about 70 percent of the working population but contributes only about 25 percent of the national output, measured as Gross Domestic Product (GDP). According to the 2024 National Population and Housing Census, about 33.1 percent of the households in Uganda remain in the subsistence economy.

Such households remain vulnerable to shocks and largely disconnected from broader economic growth. Moving towards commercial agriculture requires creating conditions that allow smallholder farmers to sell more consistently and to plan production with markets in mind. When farming becomes a source of regular income rather than a coping mechanism, its role in the economy changes. Households begin to invest, productivity improves, and links with agro processing strengthen. Agro processing requires steady supplies of raw materials that meet basic standards of volume and quality. Where production remains fragmented and unpredictable, processors struggle to operate at scale. But, where farmers are organised, facilitated to access quality inputs, and connected to buyers, supply stabilises and investment follows.

This explains the emphasis placed on agro-industrialisation and private-sector-led growth in NDP IV. Industrial parks, processing facilities and export strategies depend on a steady flow of market-ready produce. Without that foundation, industrial capacity remains underused and opportunities for job creation are lost. When farming generates cash, families are able to pay school fees, meet health costs and reinvest in production. Over time, this is how agriculture will contribute to lasting poverty reduction. However, the shift from subsistence to commercial agriculture will not happen automatically. It will depend on how productivity, markets and institutions interact. Stakeholders must enhance the cost efficiency and effectiveness of services provided to smallholder farmers. Understanding the farmers you serve enables better alignment with their needs, increasing the likelihood of sustained adoption and long term business viability.

Governments, private sector and NGOs can also use farmer segmentation to target investments more effectively. Although numerous agricultural and financial services exist-including technology enabled solutions-most delivery models struggle to achieve scale or meaningful impact. This is often due to poor alignment with individual farmers’ needs or the constraints of local infrastructure and resources. Treating smallholder farmers as a homogeneous group leads to ‘one size fits all’ services that many farmers find irrelevant or unusable. As a result, these services have limited impact on livelihoods and generate low levels of referral or uptake.

One of the most persistent constraints has been the gap between policy intent and delivery at local level. Agricultural extension services remain thinly spread, and many farming households make production decisions with limited technical support. Market access is uneven, and post-harvest losses continue to erode incomes. Addressing these constraints requires approaches that complement public systems and operate sustainably at scale. In practice, commercialisation is a gradual process shaped by land size, commodity choice, climate and access to markets. Progress is best seen in small but cumulative shifts, which include farmers producing surplus more consistently, selling through more structured channels, and reinvesting in their enterprises.

Dear Lorita,

A urinary tract infection (UTI) is an infection that affects the urinary system, which includes the kidneys, ureters, bladder, and urethra. UTIs are very common, especially in females.

The most frequent cause of UTIs is bacteria, primarily Escherichia coli (E. coli), which are typically found in the intestines and around the anus. Anyone can get a UTI, but females are more susceptible due to their shorter urethra, which is closer to the anus, where E. coli bacteria are present. The infection occurs when bacteria move up from the urethra through the bladder and ureters to the kidneys.

Although UTIs are often thought to be transmitted sexually, sometimes leading to misunderstandings and broken relationships, they are not strictly a sexually transmitted infection. However, sexual activity can increase the risk of infection because it brings bacteria closer to a woman’s urethral opening.

Doctors frequently advise sexually active individuals to urinate copiously within 30 minutes (or sooner) after sexual activity to help reduce the risk of infection. To do so, it is essential to stay well-hydrated, and drinking plenty of fluids before engaging in sexual activity can be helpful. Interestingly, dirty toilets carry a lower risk for causing a UTI than not urinating when needed.

In Uganda, many women fail to provide a clean midstream urine sample for testing, often submitting contaminated samples that can lead to incorrect diagnoses of UTIs.

If you suspect you have a UTI, it is important to consult your doctor for further testing, which may include culturing the bacteria to identify the most effective treatment. Your doctor can also provide additional advice on preventing UTIs, such as drinking plenty of fluids, avoiding holding urine, and wiping from front to back after using the bathroom.

The High Court Family Division has dissolved a 33-year Christian marriage, finding that the union had irretrievably broken down after years of violence, humiliation, and the forced expulsion of one spouse from the matrimonial home.

In her Monday judgment, Justice Celia Nagawa granted a decree nisi dissolving the marriage between Hope Kyomugisha and Friday Herbert Mugisha, which was solemnized on May 2, 1992 at St James Cathedral, Ruharo, Mbarara, and ordered the division of several high-value properties in Kampala, while declining to award alimony.

Ms Kyomugisha told court that what began as a Christian marriage blessed with four children gradually descended into years of fear and instability.

She alleged that soon after the wedding, Mr Mugisha became violent, developed a habit of drunkenness, and repeatedly abused her both at home and in public.

Among the most serious incidents cited was a May 2005 assault at Gabiro, where Mr Mugisha allegedly pushed her out of a vehicle and beat her in a roadside trench, causing injuries that damaged her kidney and required multiple surgeries in Uganda, Kenya, and India.

In assessing the claim of cruelty, Justice Nagawa relied on established matrimonial law principles.

‘No conduct can amount to cruelty unless it has the effect of producing actual or apprehended injury to the petitioner’s physical or mental health,’ the judge stated.

Mr Mugisha denied the allegations and maintained that he was a loving husband.

He told court that his Christian faith did not permit divorce and claimed it was the petitioner (Ms Kyomugisha) who deserted the matrimonial home.

However, the court found the petitioner’s account consistent and detailed, noting that she had lived separately for 14 years and had previously filed a divorce petition in 2012.

‘The petitioner’s account presents a consistent narrative of violence, humiliation and eventual expulsion from the matrimonial home. The defence consisted largely of bare denials without coherent alternative explanation,’ Justice Nagawa ruled.

On the allegation of adultery, the court found the evidence insufficient. Applying the standard set in Ayiko Mawa Solomon Vs Lekuru Annet Ayiko, the judge held that adultery must be proved to a level producing near moral certainty.

‘Mere allegations without supporting evidence cannot suffice,’ the court held.

Nevertheless, the judge found that cruelty alone was sufficient to dissolve the marriage under section 4(1)(e) of the Divorce Act.

She also held that the respondent’s conduct amounted to constructive desertion, having made it impossible for the petitioner to continue living in the matrimonial home.

‘Where one spouse’s behaviour is so unreasonable that it forces the other spouse to leave, the law deems the spouse whose conduct caused the departure to have deserted,’ the judge stated.

Property distribution

On property distribution, the court relied on Article 31(1) of the Constitution and the Court of Appeal decision in Kabuye Robert Vs Nanyonga Teopista, which recognizes both financial and non-financial contributions to a marriage.

The court noted that the petitioner single-handedly raised the children after separation and contributed through homemaking and running a family restaurant.

‘No property was bought before 1992,’ the respondent admitted under cross-examination, placing most of the disputed assets within the marriage period.

Justice Nagawa awarded the petitioner the residential house in Kirombe, Luzira, and a commercial and residential property in Kitintale, Luzira, while the respondent retained the Mbuya residence, the Bugolobi flat, and a farm in Kazo District, whose ownership was contested and therefore left undistributed.

The court declined to grant alimony, finding no evidence that the petitioner lacked the capacity for self-support.

Alimony refers to financial support that a court orders one spouse to pay to the other during separation or after divorce.

‘The evidence before court does not demonstrate that the petitioner lacks the capacity for self-support,’ the judge ruled.

Each party was ordered to bear their own costs, with the court observing that the case arose from a long and painful marriage in which both parties have undoubtedly suffered.’

The marriage will be formally dissolved after six months, following the issuance of a decree nisi under Section 36 of the Divorce Act.

Every January 26, Uganda marks Liberation Day to commemorate a decisive historical moment. The symbolism matters. Nations need memory, and they need to honour sacrifice. But memory does not operate outside time. When and how a society remembers can either bind it together or quietly strain it. For much of Uganda’s post-1986 history, Liberation Day has fallen soon after national elections, often following intense campaigns and contested outcomes. In such moments, the country is rarely emotionally settled. Winners are relieved and celebratory; losers are processing disappointment, grievance, or exclusion. It is into this fragile national space that a victory ritual is inserted.

The intention is understandable: to reaffirm continuity, stability, and national origin. But intention does not cancel effect. When liberation celebrations follow closely after elections, memory risks being heard not as shared inheritance but as validation of present power. Over time, liberation rhetoric can slip into something else: the celebration of conquest itself, look at me, I am the victor; I control the state. At that point, the focus quietly shifts from collective sacrifice to personality power. The unanswered question becomes: victory at whose cost, and remembrance for whom? Uganda’s own history offers sobering lessons about victory-based memory.

On January 25, 1971, the military takeover that brought Idi Amin to power was initially welcomed by many Ugandans as a liberation from the excesses of Milton Obote. For a brief period, that date functioned as a moment of relief and hope. Yet it did not endure. As Amin’s rule descended into mass violence, fear, and economic collapse, the ‘liberation’ narrative collapsed with it. Today, no one argues that January 25 should be celebrated. The ritual could not survive moral scrutiny. The same pattern appears elsewhere in Uganda’s history. Moments tied closely to regime consolidation, such as the Republic milestone of 1963 or the constitutional rupture of 1966, never settled into durable national rituals.

By contrast, Independence Day, rooted in a people-centred transition rather than a personal victory, endured. History is clear: rituals tied to power expire; rituals tied to shared experience last. This is why many societies, over time, adjust how they remember. Britain, once an imperial power, offers a useful comparison, not because it is innocent, but because it learned to separate memory from domination. In 1902, Britain introduced Empire Day to celebrate imperial conquest and loyalty. As the empire receded and Britain became a more diverse, multipolar society, the celebration grew increasingly uncomfortable. It was gradually abandoned and later reframed as Commonwealth Day, reflecting partnership rather than conquest.

More enduring still is ‘Remembrance Day,’ defined by silence, restraint, and honouring the fallen. Governments change, parties rotate, but remembrance is institution-centred rather than leader-centred. This was not moral purity; it was political wisdom. Celebrating domination indefinitely fractures cohesion, especially in plural societies. Uganda’s history is different, but the lesson travels. As calls grow for a national dialogue, about a forged national marriage whose partners have taken different trajectories, it may be time to ask whether our rituals still serve unity in their current form. This is not an argument to abolish Liberation Day.

It is an invitation to interrogate its effect, especially when it follows elections. It is also a case for imagining a national remembrance day, one that honours all Ugandans who have fallen for this country across regimes, regions, and generations without validating any single political moment. Liberation secures the State. Remembrance secures the nation. A country that only celebrates victories risks repeating them. A country that remembers its dead learns restraint. If Uganda is to build a future that belongs to all its citizens, our memory practices must evolve alongside our politics. That conversation, perhaps, is where genuine national dialogue should begin.

A conflict has erupted between two key government regulatory bodies, the National Drug Authority (NDA) and the Allied Health Professionals Council (AHPC), over which institution has the legal authority to license and regulate drug shops in Uganda.

Speaking in an interview on Friday, NDA spokesperson Abiaz Rwamwiri described the AHPC’s recent decision to begin licensing drug shops as a clear overreach. Mr Rwamwiri warned that persons planning to open drug shops should not be misled into seeking licences from the AHPC, adding that any such premises would be closed. The warning comes in direct response to a public notice issued by the AHPC.

On January 8, the Council informed District Health Officers, Divisional Medical Officers (DMOs), and Principal Medical Officers (PMOs) that it had begun the registration and licensing of drug shops operated by dispensers. The notice, signed by AHPC Registrar Peter Nyamutale, explained the legal basis for the move.

‘The Allied Health Professionals Council (AHPC) is a statutory body established under Section 2 of the Allied Health Professionals (AHP) Act, Cap. 296 to provide for the regulation, supervision and control of the allied health professionals and to provide for the establishment of a council to register and licence the allied health professionals and related matters,’ it reads.

‘The AHP Act. Cap. 296 Section 28 (a) specifically provides for dispensers as cadres who can engage in private practice by managing drug shops, compounding and preparation of mixtures,’ it reads further. Mr Nyamutale stated that the Council was now implementing this provision in line with Section 30 of the Act.

‘Specifically, the Certificate of Registration for an Allied Drug Shop was published in the Uganda Gazette on 26th September 2025 (attached), and the tool for assessment of allied health units has been revised to accommodate drug shops,’ he stated. The NDA swiftly countered. Mr Rwamwiri revealed that the Authority had written to the AHPC, demanding an immediate halt to the licensing exercise.

In the letter, Dr Nahamya warned: ‘Your (AHPC) correspondences raise serious issues that are likely to create a risk of contravening public law and the established policy as it relates to the statutory role of NDA to licence entities involved in the retail sale of drugs to the public.’

Dr Nahamya pointed out that while Section 28 (a) of the Allied Health Professionals Act, Cap 296, recognises dispensers as professionals who may manage drug shops and compound or prepare mixtures, this activity must be approved by NDA.

He cited a binding precedent: ‘This legal provision was interpreted by the Court of Appeal in the case of Cise Dispensers (U) Ltd versus NDA, Civil Appeal No. 20 of 2009, where the Court ruled that much as the Allied Health Professionals Council may licence an allied health professional to operate a drug shop in Uganda, the quality and regulation of the use of the drugs has to be approved by the National Drug Authority.’

‘Court further ruled that the purpose of the Allied Health Professionals Act is purely to regulate, supervise and control the allied [health] professionals,’ he added. Efforts to obtain a response from AHPC Registrar Peter Nyamutale were unsuccessful, as he did not answer repeated phone calls.