Category: Daily Monitor

Parliament has announced that the freshly elected Members of Parliament (MP) will be sworn in between 13th and 15th May, 2026.

The announcement carried on Parliament’s official X account shows that House Speaker Anita Among made the revelation at the tail-end of the Wednesday (January 21, 2026) sitting that had convened to pay tribute to the late Stella Isodo Apolot.

‘Speaker Anita Among has informed the House that the swearing-in ceremony of the Members of the 12th Parliament will take place from 13th to 15th May 2026,’ the message posted the Parliament X handle reads in part.

The Wednesday sitting had convened to pay tribute to former Ngora District Woman MP who passed on January 17, 2026.

As she opened the first plenary sitting in the post 2026 Parliamentary and Presidential elections period, Ms Among rallied colleagues in the House to focus on delivering in their respective capacities regardless of the outcomes of the recently concluded elections.

‘Those who won, we want to congratulate you and even for those who didn’t make it, we are with you,’ Speaker Among said, adding ‘regardless of the outcomes of the elections, continue to work for peace, development and good governance for our motherland Uganda.’

The tenure of the 11th (current) Parliament will run until May 12th before the 12th Parliament commences thereafter.

The 11th Parliament has a total of 556 legislators from seven political parties, special interest groups as well the independents.

The outgoing legislative assembly had a total of 336 MPs belonging to the National Resistance Movement (NRM) while leading opposition party National Unity Platform (NUP) had 57 lawmakers.

On the other hand, the Democratic Party (DP) and Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) has nine MPs each while Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) has 32 MPs.

Both the People’s Progress Party (PPP) and Justice Forum (Jeema) has one member each while independent MPs are 74.

Results from the polls conducted on January 15, 2026 show that NRM will have 354 MPs in the 12th Parliament, 50 will be for NUP, 11 for UPC, eight for FDC while the DP will have only six. The newly formed (PFF) will only have two MPs while the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) will have only one MP.

Once all MPs have taken oath, they will elect Speaker and Deputy Speaker on a date that is yet to be communicated.

Police on Thursday confirmed the arrest of opposition lawmaker Muhammad Muwanga Kivumbi, days after President Museveni openly accused him of backing violent ‘panga-wielding’ attacks that he described as terrorist acts linked to post-election unrest.

‘The Uganda Police Force would like to confirm the arrest of the Butambala County legislator, Muhammad Muwanga Kivumbi. He is currently in police custody and will be arraigned before court in due course,’ Katonga region police spokesperson Lydia Tumushabe said in a brief statement on X.

The arrest of Kivumbi comes amid growing concerns over the treatment of opposition figures during the ongoing election cycle.

Hiding party leader Robert Kyagulanyi, also known as Bobi Wine, has alleged that hundreds of NUP supporters and two senior leaders-Lydia Tukamushaba, the party’s Deputy President for Western Uganda, and Lina Zedriga, the Deputy President for Northern Uganda-have been forcibly disappeared in the last seven days amid a mounting crackdown, allegations the authorities have yet to comment on.

Kivumbi’s arrest follows remarks by Museveni during a victory address on Sunday, in which he accused sections of the opposition, including Kivumbi, of plotting coordinated attacks on polling stations after losing parliamentary races in last week’s General Election.

Speaking at his Rwakitura residence in Kiruhura District, Museveni claimed that after Kivumbi, the NUP Deputy President (Central), was defeated in the Butambala County race, groups armed with pangas attempted to carry out violent attacks.

Museveni said seven people were shot dead by security forces during the incident.

‘What these people were planning is what happened in Butambala with Kivumbi. They were planning to do it all over,’ Museveni said, adding that security agencies had received intelligence warning of similar plots elsewhere.

‘Those who came to [State Lodge] Nakasero on January 13 told me that was the plan. of course we were ready to deal with them decisively,’ he told senior ruling party officials and religious leaders.

Kivumbi was defeated by former journalist-turned-politician Eriasa Mukiibi in one of the most closely watched parliamentary contests.

In a video shared on social media on Saturday, Kivumbi rejected Museveni’s account and accused security forces of excessive force, showing bullet-riddled garage doors and shattered windows at what he described as his premises.

‘Out of panic, they carried away bodies to justify their rhetoric that they had killed them away from here,’ Kivumbi said, claiming that nearly 10 of his supporters were killed.

But Museveni doubled down on his accusations on Sunday, issuing a warning to opposition figures.

‘So, all the traitors. this is free advice from me that stop what you’re doing because we know everything and you will not do it. Either peacefully or unpeacefully, we shall maintain peace in Uganda,’ he said.

He again alleged that some opposition actors were linked to foreign groups seeking to destabilize Uganda, including organizations he described as promoting homosexuality.

Opposition leader Bobi Wine, who has rejected the election results, dismissed Museveni’s accusations earlier this month, saying the president was relying on flawed intelligence.

‘I don’t look at Gen Museveni with anger. I look at him with pity,’ Bobi Wine said in a January 1 New Year address, responding to Museveni’s end-of-2025 speech.

‘By his age, he is being fed fake intelligence,’ he added.

Past similar incidents

In the previous election cycle, former MPs Muhammad Ssegirinya and Allan Ssewanyana were detained for more than 500 days over murder and terrorism charges linked to deadly panga violence in central Uganda.

Ssegirinya later died, and the state dropped charges against him in March 2025. Ssewanyana lost his parliamentary seat in the January 15 election.

Uganda’s Electoral Commission declared Museveni winner of the January 15 presidential vote with 71.65 percent, extending his rule to nearly four decades.

The election was held under an internet blackout and was marred by allegations of irregularities, biometric voter verification failures and heavy security deployments.

Museveni’s new term is due to begin in May 2026 if the results declared on Saturday by EC chairperson Simon Byabakama stand, following a court challenge.

While districts across Uganda on Thursday headed to the polls to elect district chairpersons, municipal mayors and city mayors, Namayingo District did not conduct elections for the LC V chairperson seat after the incumbent, Mr Ronald Sanya, returned unopposed.

Mr Sanya, who has chaired the district since 2016, secured a third term after clinching the National Resistance Movement (NRM) ticket and facing no challengers. He is now awaiting swearing-in.

The development marks Mr Sanya’s first term as an official NRM flag bearer, having previously served two consecutive terms as an Independent aligned to the ruling party.

Speaking to Daily Monitor on Thursday morning, Mr Sanya attributed his unopposed return to what he described as broad acceptance of his leadership record across the district.

‘After acknowledging my work, Peter Patrick Ochieng, who had contested as an Independent after losing in the primaries, decided to withdraw,’ Mr Sanya said.

Mr Ochieng publicly announced his withdrawal during President Museveni’s recent campaign rally in the area.

Mr Sanya said his administration’s focus on accountability and service delivery discouraged potential challengers from both within and outside the NRM.

‘I fought corruption in the district to ensure that funds meant for specific projects were used for their intended purposes, which enabled better service delivery,’ he said.

Local leaders and residents interviewed credited Mr Sanya’s leadership style, community engagement and project supervision for the political outcome.

‘My unopposed victory reflects my record of leadership and service delivery, particularly in education, health and infrastructure,’ Mr Sanya added.

Mr Philip Onyango, a resident of Dolwe Sub-county in the island areas of Namayingo, described Mr Sanya as a results-oriented leader with strong lobbying skills and effective partnerships with both government agencies and private actors.

‘Through partnerships with private stakeholders, teachers’ accommodation, desks and learning materials have improved, especially in hard-to-reach island communities,’ Mr Onyango said.

He noted that the interventions had contributed to improved school attendance and a more conducive learning environment.

Residents in both island and mainland sub-counties also reported improved access to basic health services following renovations of health facilities and tighter supervision of health workers.

Feeder roads connecting farming communities to markets have been opened and rehabilitated, easing transportation challenges and boosting local trade, according to local officials.

The district has also benefited from improved water sources and other community infrastructure projects aimed at raising living standards.

Mr Sanya said the achievements were the result of collective effort involving technical staff, councillors and residents.

‘This has been teamwork. What we have achieved is because people worked together for the good of Namayingo,’ he said.

Elsewhere in the Busoga sub-region, voting for district chairpersons and other local government positions continued, although early reports indicated generally low voter turnout in several districts.

Voting for the Fort Portal City Female Councillor was on Thursday cancelled in several wards across the Northern and Central divisions after some polling stations failed to receive the correct ballot papers, while others received mixed-up ballots.

“The Electoral Commission decided to cancel the City Female Councillor elections in the affected areas due to the errors. A new voting date will be communicated before February 4,” said Isaac Byamugisha, the Fort Portal City Returning Officer.

He explained that polling materials were generally delivered on time across the city, and voting for other non-affected candidates proceeded at different intervals.

“Unfortunately, we had a few incidents in some polling stations where the female councillor ballot papers were not in order. They were not the correct ballots for those polling stations,” he said.

In the Northern Division, voting was cancelled in upper parishes within Karago, Kizingo, Kiguma, Ibonde, Kitarasa, Nyakitojo, Kitaka, and Makondo wards.

In the Central Division, affected areas included Central West wards of Kibimba, Nyabukara, and Rwengoma, as well as Central South wards of Bazaar, Kasusu, and Kijanju.

Josephine Komuhimbo, a female city councillor candidate, expressed disappointment with the Electoral Commission.

“My supporters came early to vote for me, but were disappointed to find that our ballot papers were missing in some polling stations. We have been promised that the voting exercise will be conducted within two weeks,” she said.

Voting for the Fort Portal City Mayor and City Councillors also experienced delays due to low voter turnout. Out of about 190 polling stations, voting in most centers started after 8:00am.

At Jesus Supply Church in the Central Division, which hosts three polling stations, voting at stations AK and KZ had not commenced by 9:30am due to the absence of the required minimum of 10 voters to witness the opening of the ballot boxes.

Three candidates are contesting the City mayoral race; NRM’s Albert Ahebwa, independent candidate Rev. Willy Kintu Muhanda, and Sylvia Kihunde attributed the low turnout to inadequate voter education.

“We are candidates in this race, and we invested heavily in the campaign, but it’s unfortunate that people didn’t turn up to vote. Voter education by the Electoral Commission was not extensive. When we ask people to vote, they ask for transport, yet these are the same people who later demand better services,” Rev Muhanda said.

He urged voters to take the voting exercise seriously, emphasizing that it is the elected leaders who are responsible for delivering services to the people.

At Nyabukara A and B polling stations, turnout remained low by midday, with it taking more than five minutes for a single voter to arrive and cast a ballot.

As voting for the Jinja City mayoral race neared close on Thursday, attention shifted to the city’s top executive seat, coming a week after the National Unity Platform (NUP) swept all parliamentary positions in the city in last Thursday’s polls.

With Parliament already firmly in opposition hands, the mayoral contest has emerged as a decisive test of whether the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) can retain executive influence in the city, or whether NUP will complete a clean political sweep.

The race, which attracted 14 candidates, has effectively narrowed into a three-way contest between NRM’s Abdulhafid Nagaya, NUP’s Mubarak Kirunda, and incumbent Mayor Peter Kasolo Okecho.

Mr Kasolo, Jinja City’s first mayor elected in the 2021 general elections, is seeking a second term as an independent after failing to secure the NUP ticket.

His decision to run outside the party has complicated the race, drawing support from voters who credit him for visible infrastructure projects while fragmenting the opposition vote.

During his tenure, Kasolo oversaw key developments, including the installation of street lights along sections of the Jinja-Iganga-Busia highway and the completion of Obote Way under the Uganda Support to Municipal Infrastructure Development (USMID) programme. Supporters say these projects marked a departure from previous administrations that struggled to translate city status into tangible improvements.

NUP’s flag bearer, Mr Mubarak Kirunda, is a familiar political figure in the city. He rose to prominence in the early 2000s through political talk shows and later served as LC III chairperson for the former Jinja Central Division. A former Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) member, Kirunda lost the party ticket in 2021, ran as an independent, and was defeated before later joining NUP and securing its mayoral flag.

His supporters point to his hands-on leadership record, particularly the construction of Kakindu Stadium, now the city’s only major stadium and a venue for regional sports competitions, including the Masaza Cup. They argue that Kirunda’s visible achievements and direct engagement in service delivery make him best suited to manage the fast-growing city.

NRM’s Abdulhafid Nagaya, though a newcomer to elective city politics, has entered the race backed by influential party figures. Coming from a politically connected family, Nagaya’s supporters believe his ties to the ruling establishment could strengthen Jinja’s ability to lobby for central government funding and national infrastructure projects.

Residents remain divided over who should lead the city, which was elevated from a municipality to a city on July 1, 2020. Many voters say the next mayor must balance political clout with integrity and practical service delivery.

Ms Amiina Mirembe, the NRM publicity secretary for Jinja City, warned that electing leaders entirely from the opposition could weaken the city’s bargaining power with central government.

‘We need a person who can effectively lobby for Jinja. If we elect all leaders from the opposition, the city is likely to fall behind in development, because accessing the national budget becomes more difficult,’ she said.

Former Jinja Mayor Steven Bewayo echoed the call for pragmatic leadership, saying the city needs a service-oriented leader who can work closely with government to reverse years of stalled development.

‘We need a leader who is service-minded and not corrupt. Too often leaders come into office to enrich themselves instead of serving the population,’ Bewayo said.

Residents also highlighted concerns about governance and asset protection. Mr Majid Nsereko, a resident of Masese Ward, said the next mayor must protect public assets and leave a lasting development legacy, noting that many past leaders sold off city resources.

Civil society voices have also weighed in. Mr Peter Ogik, Executive Director of the Source of the Nile Union of Persons with Albinism (SNUPA), called for a unifying mayor who would prioritise accessibility and inclusion for persons with disabilities.

Meanwhile, Mr Moses Mulondo, publicity secretary of the Jinja City Development Forum, said the next mayor must demonstrate integrity and the ability to drive infrastructure development, promote commerce, attract investment, and tackle challenges such as waste management.

Among voters, opinions remained split. Mr Julius Kayiira said Kirunda’s record, especially the construction of Kakindu Stadium, speaks for itself. Mr Sam Kabbinika of Bugembe Town Council praised Kasolo for delivering projects previous leaders failed to implement, though he acknowledged that the mayor’s blunt leadership style has sometimes worked against him politically.

As counting loomed late Thursday, the outcome was expected to determine whether Jinja City would consolidate its shift to the opposition or leave the ruling party with a crucial foothold at City Hall.

As voters head to the polls today, much of the national conversation is understandably dominated by high-profile races of president and Members of Parliament, whose elections has just ended. However, quite often under looked, yet very crucial is the local elections, which bring the leaders that directly affect the livelihoods of the common person at the grassroots.

The choices voters make for local council chairpersons and councillors will determine how services are delivered, how resources are shared, and how communities develop long after the campaigns have ended.

Local leaders are the face of government closest to the people. They make decisions that affect whether roads are graded or left impassable, whether health centres have essential supplies, whether schools are supported, and whether water points function or break down without repair. These leaders influence how local budgets are prioritised and how public funds are monitored.

When local leadership is weak, corrupt, or does not care, communities feel the impact immediately.

Unlike national leaders who often get buried into national duties, foreign trips and international agenda, local officials are accessible. They live among the people they serve. They attend community meetings, respond and resolve local disputes, and are expected to explain how public money is spent. This proximity is a powerful tool for accountability. Electing leaders without scrutinising their track record, integrity, and commitment is a missed opportunity to demand better governance.

Local leaders also shape long-term development.

Decisions on land use, daily, weekly or monthly markets, health facilities, and education infrastructure may seem small in isolation, but together, they determine whether a community prospers or stagnates.

A competent and visionary local council can attract investment, and improve service delivery. A poor one can entrench inequality and deny the people the opportunities or their share of the national cake.

Today’s vote is, therefore, an investment in everyday life. Voters should ask hard questions: Has this candidate served before, and with what results? Do they understand the community’s real needs? Are they accessible, honest, and willing to work for the people? Popularity, party colours and promises should not outweigh competence and character of the leaders we are choosing.

Turning out to vote is important, but voting the best candidate for your community is more important. By taking a keen interest in local leaders today, voters can be sure of better services, accountability, and a more responsive government for the next five years. The ballot cast for a local leader may not look big, but it will shape lives. It will determine whether you benefit from government programmes such as parish development model and many others.

At least three people were seriously injured in election-related violence that erupted in Kaliro District during the local council polls on Thursday.

The trio, including Polling Assistant Mr Michel Ngobi, was attacked at Bukura-Bwire polling station in Namugongo Sub-County by a group of nearly 20 people who stormed the station as voting for the LC5 elections were taking place.

Mr Rogers Kiduma, the Kaliro Assistant Resident District Commissioner, confirmed the incident.

‘We have had a serious incident in Namugongo Sub-County, where supporters invaded a polling station and attacked the officials, including police constables, resulting in three people being injured,’ he said.

According to Mr Kiduma, the unknown individuals seized the ballot papers, marked them in favour of their candidate, before fleeing the scene.

Mr Kiduma suspects that the violence is being fueled by MPs who lost in the district and believe that some LC5 candidates contributed to their defeat.

The defeated MPs include; Mr.Sanon Bwire Nadeba of Bulamogi County and State Minister for Cooperatives, Mr Fredrick Ngobi Gume.

Mr Michael Ngobi, one of the injured, said he lost three teeth during the scuffle.

Four candidates contesting in the Kaliro District chairman race Include; Mr Kagoda Elijah Dhikusooka (NRM), Mr Wyclif Ibanda (Independent), Mr Yokan Naigerya (NUP), and Eng. Raymon Isiko (Independent).

However, the main contest is between the incumbent chairman, Mr. Dhikusooka, and Mr Ibanda, a former district chairman.

If your business made it to 2026 without collapsing, it is tempting to call that success. But survival is a low bar. The harder question is whether the business is better prepared for the year ahead than it was for the one just finished.

When the holidays end and, as is the case this year, elections too, business owners are encouraged to ask familiar questions: What should I change? What should I stop doing? Should I concentrate on one thing, or run several activities? These questions assume that all businesses face the same choices. That is far from the truth.

In our shared reality, there are two common situations. Some owners run one main business that includes several activities, products, or services. Others run several businesses at the same time, each with its own customers, cash flow, and risks. The right question depends on which situation you are in.

When you are running one business with many activities, those activities are usually connected in some way. You may be serving different customers, selling different products, or offering different services, but they sit under one operation.

In this case, doing many things is often a response to uncertainty. Adding activities can help smooth income and keep workers busy. That is not a mistake.

The problem appears when none of those activities gets easier to run over time. The owner must approve everything.

Stock problems repeat. Workers wait for instructions. The business stays busy but fragile. Here, the useful question is whether at least one activity is becoming more predictable and easier to manage. This might show up as better stock planning, clearer roles for workers, fewer emergencies, or more reliable delivery to customers.

The aim is not to drop activities suddenly, but to strengthen one part of the business so that learning builds instead of restarting every year.

Related activities can help this process if they share suppliers, staff, transport, or customers. Unrelated activities can slow it down if they pull attention in too many directions.

When you are running several separate businesses, the logic is different. Each business has its own rhythm and risks, and your time is the main shared resource. In this situation, diversification is often about survival. When one business slows down, another pays the bills.

The risk here is personal overload. If every business depends on you every day, none of them improves much. You stay busy, but nothing becomes stable. Improvement in this case usually means making choices.

Is there one business that has steadier demand, fewer surprises, or more room to grow? If so, you may decide to protect it by giving it more time, better systems, or clearer attention.

Other businesses may still run, but they should not drain too much of your energy. This does not mean shutting things down overnight.

It means being honest about where your effort is going and whether it is reducing repeated problems. What matters in both cases is not the label you give your choices, but the results they produce.

If spreading yourself across many activities reduces shocks and keeps things running, it may be the right move for now. If it leaves you exhausted and solving the same problems every month, it is costing more than it protects.

As the year begins, I encourage you to aim for growth by asking a simple question: Is the way you are working today making the year ahead easier, or are you just staying afloat? After all, survival mode is not a growth strategy.

Experts have previously noted that steady inflows from exports, remittances, and portfolio investments are likely to continue supporting the shilling, despite pre- and post-election jitters.

On the morning of December 30, a burglary at my home revealed more than just the loss of personal property. Five other households in the same neighbourhood suffered similar fate that night. What followed was not merely a search for stolen items, but a sobering encounter with the realities of Uganda’s public institutions, particularly the police. Reporting the crime exposed a system in which unofficial payments have become normalised.

I was required to purchase stationery for police documentation, pay ‘facilitation’ fees to the scene-of-crime officers, contribute towards hiring a police dog, and provide transport facilitation for case files to move between police stations on top of the official bank payment for a police report. The report was only released after 11 days. These demands were made openly and without hesitation, suggesting that corruption has become routine rather than exceptional.

This experience, alongside growing public debate and commentary questioning the ruling National Resistance Movement’s campaign slogan, ‘Protecting the gains,’ invites deeper reflection. What exactly are these gains, and who benefits from their protection?

More importantly, can gains be protected when the institutions tasked with safeguarding the State appear weakened, compromised, or fractured? The Electoral Commission offers a troubling example. The Commission failed to provide the voters’ register to participating political parties within the legally required time frame. Voter education, particularly on the use of biometric voting machines to be introduced for the first time in this election, was limited.

The Commission also remained largely silent on incidents of electoral violence, effectively ceding its mandate to the police and the military. Meanwhile, its most visible activity was the ‘denomination’ of candidates, most of whom belong to the Opposition. This raises serious questions about competence, independence, and possible political influence. The Judiciary, traditionally a refuge for citizens seeking redress, has also shown signs of strain.

In a habeas corpus application concerning two Kenyan nationals abducted after attending an Opposition rally, acting judge SP Kinobe remarked, ‘I find that no one can squeeze blood from a stone. The State can only produce what it has, and it would, therefore, be unrealistic to expect the desired outcome from circumstances that could not, in any case, yield it,’ implying that it could not account for the detainees.

Days later, the President admitted that the same individuals had been held incommunicado by State agencies for 39 days before being released. This contradiction underscores the Judiciary’s limited capacity when confronted with Executive power and secrecy-cue the continual incarceration of Dr Kizza Besigye! Parliament, too, has raised concerns.

The passage of a Shs8 trillion supplementary budget in the second quarter of the financial year, rather than toward its end, shocked many observers. Coupled with increasingly partisan and combative campaign rhetoric from parliamentary leadership, one wonders if it still has a role as a check on the Executive’s authority. The conduct of security agencies during the campaign period was particularly alarming.

Members of the Uganda Police Force and the Uganda People’s Defence Forces were seen openly campaigning for the ruling party, despite legal prohibitions. There were multiple reports of excessive force against Opposition supporters, including beatings and shootings, which were often swiftly downplayed by official spokespersons. In one disturbing incident, soldiers were filmed violently arresting a young man for waving the National Flag, a symbol of unity. Ironically, the flag, even printed on security personnel uniforms, is now a trigger for repression.

Beyond institutions, ordinary citizens and businesses are paying the price. Street vendors have had their merchandise destroyed during security operations, shops in Gulu were vandalised the same day NUP presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine’s supporters, were beaten like cows, and young software developers were intimidated into shutting down a voter-information application. Civil society actors continue to face arrests, while enforced disappearances and post-abduction prosecutions have become disturbingly common.

The cumulative impact of these developments raises a sobering question: When institutions are weakened by corruption, violence, and political interference, will there be any gains left to protect? The pain inflicted during the campaign and election period risks hollowing out the very foundations of governance, rendering the promise of ‘protecting the gains’ not only questionable, but ultimately futile.

The Ministry of Finance projects that domestic revenue in the 2026/27 financial year will amount to Shs40.09 trillion, up from an estimated Shs37.23 trillion in the current financial year.

This represents a nominal increase of Shs2.86 trillion, driven by higher economic growth, a widening tax base, improved tax administration, and reforms in non-tax revenue collection.

The Ministry of Finance says domestic revenue is expected to rise significantly over the medium term, supported by continued economic expansion in line with the Tenfold Growth Strategy, the introduction of new tax policy measures, enhanced tax administration, higher compliance levels and stronger accountability for tax incentives.

The projections also cite the elimination of non-beneficial tax exemptions that do not support the industrialisation agenda, alongside increased revenues from the oil and gas sector as the country moves into production. The Ministry also projects government expenditure and net lending for the 2026/27 financial year are projected at Shs54.01 trillion, slightly lower than the Shs56.54 trillion approved in this financial year. Net external financing is projected to reduce to Shs4.04 trillion in the next financial year, from Shs5.68 trillion, with total loans projected at Shs8.88 trillion, of which Shs2.95 trillion will be secured on concessional terms.

Domestic borrowing is projected to decline to Shs8.95 trillion from Shs11.38 trillion, which seeks to safeguard fiscal discipline and debt sustainability in the medium term.

Ministry of Finance Permanent Secretary Ramathan Ggoobi said external debt repayments (amortisation) are projected at Shs4.83 trillion, compared with Shs4.99 trillion.

‘Over the medium term, external debt payments are expected to increase due to existing debt repayment profile,’ he said, adding: ‘Going forward, government’s financing strategy is to reduce borrowing on commercial terms and rely more on concessional financing.’

Interest payments in the 2026/27 financial year are projected to total Shs12.74 trillion, equivalent to 4.4 percent of gross domestic product. Of this, Shs10.72 trillion will be domestic interest payments, while Shs2.02 trillion will cover foreign interest payments and commitment fees. Mr Ggoobi noted that, over the medium term, interest payments are expected to average about 4.2 percent of gross domestic product.