NRM candidates dominate Special Interest Group elections in Kampala

Candidates from Uganda’s ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) won most positions in elections for councillors representing the elderly, youths and persons with disabilities (PWDs) in Makindye and Central divisions, according to declaration forms released by electoral officials.

At Makindye Division offices, voting for division councillors for PWDs and the elderly began around 10:00 am.

By 8:00 am, fewer than 30 voters, mostly elderly, had turned up, but numbers increased later in the morning, with at least one mini-bus ferrying voters to the polling station. It was not immediately clear who organised the transport.

Makindye, one of Kampala’s largest divisions with more than 15 parishes, uses an electoral college system in which parish councillors elect division-level representatives by secret ballot. Voting was conducted using a voter register, with no use of Biometric Voter Verification machines following their failure during the January 15 presidential election.

According to results, NRM’s Felistas Nassaka won the Makindye Division Female Councillor for the Elderly seat with 57 votes, defeating independent candidate Margaret Mwesigwa Sanyu, who received 51 votes.

‘I will do everything the elderly ask me to do for them. I have been a woman Councillor and now I have gone to the elderly league,’ Ms Nassaka said after receiving the declaration forms.

For the PWDs category, NRM’s Fridah Nashuha Lizpa secured 88 votes, defeating independent candidate Joyce Ibanda Mukyala, who garnered 22 votes.

‘I will make sure everyone joins programs that make people access government funds and I will make sure the people are empowered. We are tired of people begging,’ Nashuha said.

In the youth race, NRM’s Doreen Nyaketeho won with 665 votes, defeating National Unity Platform (NUP) candidate Martha Namukwaya, who received 213 votes. Nyaketeho attributed her victory to extensive mobilization across Makindye.

For the male youth position, Allan Sebatoma Serimu was unopposed and pledged to empower young people, especially those in slum communities.

‘Growing up in the ghetto is only a mentality. I want to use myself and show them that it is possible,’ he said, adding, ‘Most of these people have talent which I will help boost so that they live in better conditions.’

In Central Division, elections were held at Nakasero II parish due to limited space at division offices.

Returning officer Margret Nabatanzi said voter turnout among the elderly was higher than last year.

‘By 7 am most of them were here. the majority have already cast their votes,’ she said.

NRM candidates also dominated youth and female councillor races in Central Division, with Gloria Chebet pledging to promote youth access to government programmes, including the Parish Development Model.

Govt projects domestic revenues to rise to Shs40 trillion

The Ministry of Finance projects that domestic revenue in the 2026/27 financial year will amount to Shs40.09 trillion, up from an estimated Shs37.23 trillion in the current financial year.

This represents a nominal increase of Shs2.86 trillion, driven by higher economic growth, a widening tax base, improved tax administration, and reforms in non-tax revenue collection.

The Ministry of Finance says domestic revenue is expected to rise significantly over the medium term, supported by continued economic expansion in line with the Tenfold Growth Strategy, the introduction of new tax policy measures, enhanced tax administration, higher compliance levels and stronger accountability for tax incentives.

The projections also cite the elimination of non-beneficial tax exemptions that do not support the industrialisation agenda, alongside increased revenues from the oil and gas sector as the country moves into production. The Ministry also projects government expenditure and net lending for the 2026/27 financial year are projected at Shs54.01 trillion, slightly lower than the Shs56.54 trillion approved in this financial year. Net external financing is projected to reduce to Shs4.04 trillion in the next financial year, from Shs5.68 trillion, with total loans projected at Shs8.88 trillion, of which Shs2.95 trillion will be secured on concessional terms.

Domestic borrowing is projected to decline to Shs8.95 trillion from Shs11.38 trillion, which seeks to safeguard fiscal discipline and debt sustainability in the medium term.

Ministry of Finance Permanent Secretary Ramathan Ggoobi said external debt repayments (amortisation) are projected at Shs4.83 trillion, compared with Shs4.99 trillion.

‘Over the medium term, external debt payments are expected to increase due to existing debt repayment profile,’ he said, adding: ‘Going forward, government’s financing strategy is to reduce borrowing on commercial terms and rely more on concessional financing.’

Interest payments in the 2026/27 financial year are projected to total Shs12.74 trillion, equivalent to 4.4 percent of gross domestic product. Of this, Shs10.72 trillion will be domestic interest payments, while Shs2.02 trillion will cover foreign interest payments and commitment fees. Mr Ggoobi noted that, over the medium term, interest payments are expected to average about 4.2 percent of gross domestic product.

Rwanda’s factory incentives put EAC tariff rules under pressure

At least 66 Rwandan manufacturers, ranging from producers of paper and sanitary goods to assemblers of motorcycles, garments, electronics, food products, and construction materials, are set to benefit from cheaper industrial inputs approved by the East African Community (EAC) through June 30, 2026.

Legal notices published in the EAC Gazette of December 15, 2025, grant duty remission to Rwanda-based manufacturers and assemblers under the EAC Duty Remission Scheme.

The approvals allow specified raw materials and industrial inputs to be imported at zero percent duty across multiple value chains, and at 10 percent duty for selected assembly activities. In effect, the bloc is temporarily lowering the tax cost of importing key production inputs to support local manufacturing, while structuring the incentives to keep most of the gains within Rwanda’s borders.

Taken together, the approvals clearly signal Rwanda’s industrial priorities. They target household essentials such as tissue, diapers, and sanitary towels; labour-intensive light manufacturing, including garments and footwear; construction-linked processing industries; and assembly activities ranging from motorcycles to speakers and televisions.

Time-bound relief

The policy tool is grounded in the EAC Duty Remission framework of the EAC Customs Management Act and the 2008 Duty Remission Regulations, which allow the Council of Ministers to grant time-bound relief through Gazette notices. In practice, duty remission has long been EAC’s response to a structural challenge: weak local supply of industrial inputs alongside rising demand for finished goods. The approach lowers taxes on inputs rather than on imported finished products. Kenya has used similar approvals in the past, including for paper products such as exercise books, while other partner states, including Burundi, have followed the same model. What sets the current Rwanda package apart is not the idea of duty remission itself, but its scale, level of detail and continuity.

Rwanda has received similar approvals before.

An April 2025 Gazette extended duty remissions to June 30, 2025, and included a 12-month window for diapers, signalling sustained support for fast-moving consumer goods. These measures function as targeted pricing interventions in sectors where imported inputs account for a large share of production costs.

Zero-duty inputs reduce landed costs, ease cash-flow pressure and give firms room to protect margins or compete more aggressively with imports. Inputs cleared at a reduced 10 percent duty, mainly for assembly, still offer relief while preserving tariff revenue.

However, most approvals expire on June 30, 2026, giving manufacturers a defined window for procurement, production planning and inventory build-up. Diapers and sanitary towels are the exception, reflecting their importance as fast-moving consumer goods where local production can quickly displace imports if costs remain low. Importantly, the Gazette does not grant remission to Rwanda as a whole. It names specific companies, specifies HS codes and allocates quantities, making the support selective rather than economy-wide.

This concentrates benefits among approved firms, gives them planning certainty and cost advantages, and places compliance at the centre of who gains. It also raises wider questions about how targeted incentives shape competition and investment across the region. Economically, the policy shifts relative prices. Duties on finished imports remain in place while local producers benefit from cheaper inputs, making imports relatively more expensive. This gives domestic firms a cost advantage, allowing them to redirect demand toward locally produced goods. However, lower input costs do not automatically translate into lower consumer prices. Where competition is weak, firms may retain the savings as higher margins.

Beyond Rwanda, temporary input exemptions can distort competition in neighboring markets if products cross borders.

‘Our industries have to be protected,’ says Owen Mugambwa, a trade researcher at Seatin Uganda. If products that benefited from duty exemptions on raw materials are allowed to enter other EAC states, it can distort regional trade and undermine the Common External Tariff. The Common External Tariff, established in 2005, is the backbone of the EAC trade regime.

Built around four tariff bands, it is designed to support regional industry and value addition. While the Gazette seeks to protect this framework by barring exports of remission-backed products to other EAC markets, enforcement remains the weakest link. Without effective tracking, these restrictions risk becoming theoretical, testing customs union.

Dear Ugandan politicians, Please eat your ‘munyago’ in peace – you won’t hear a quibble from us

Scrolling through Ugandan social media in the aftermath of the 2026 Presidential and Parliamentary elections-and now that the internet has been restored-brings to mind the famous opening of Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities:

“It was the best of times, it was the worst of times,

it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness,

it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity,: It was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness,

It was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair.”

To the victors, this is truly the best of times. To the vanquished, the worst.

To the victors, an age of wisdom; to the vanquished, one of foolishness.

To the victors, an epoch of belief; to the vanquished, one of incredulity.

It is a season of light for the winners and a season of darkness for the losers.

For those seeking to ‘protect the gains,’ this is the spring of hope. Yet for those who see Uganda bleeding, it remains the winter of despair.

To some, we have everything (so many gains to protect). To others, we have nothing (this government has done nothing worth crediting).

Ask Pastor Bujingo, and this government is heading straight to heaven. Ask Sheikh Kityo, and ‘Omutoonzi w’affe’ is dragging these ‘mwana damu’ straight the other way.

In short, Uganda’s current political moment resembles the era leading to the 1789 French Revolution. Most of the current noisiest authorities on social media-on both sides-insist that it be received, for good or for evil, only in the superlative degree of comparison. No nuance allowed.

This government has never been more popular.

This government is clutching at straws and entering its twilight years. The regime are murderers. The opposition are terrorists.

Regime leaders are corrupt to the core.

Opposition leaders are the very picture of angels-they would never, for instance, fraudulently award themselves ‘service awards.’ Not them. Certainly not our ‘bateketeke’ opposition leaders.

If you ask me, the truth lies somewhere in the middle.

In the end, it is the ordinary, often gullible Ugandan who bears the brunt of all this stupid and selfish political rhetoric. For most of us, Uganda is our only home. We live and die here.

To our dear Ugandan politicians-on both sides-please eat your ‘munyago’ in peace. You won’t hear a quibble from us.

But please extend the rest of us the simple courtesy of not lying to our faces as if we’re a bunch of dimwits. Dial down the hateful, divisive rhetoric. It almost always leads to one place-and for the avoidance of doubt, that place is never good.

Happy 2026, dear Ugandans. To God be all the glory and honor-through his son, our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.

DP secures five seats in Acholi MP elections

The Democratic Party (DP) has emerged as the strongest Opposition party in the Acholi Sub-region after winning five parliamentary seats in an area that had long been seen as a stronghold of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). The DP winners include party president general and Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs Norbert Mao, who won the Laroo-Pece Division seat in Gulu City; Peter Okot for Tochi County in Omoro District; Patrick Okello Onguti for Aswa County in Gulu District; Geoffrey Charles Okello for Nwoya East in Nwoya District; and Geoffrey Opiyo for Nwoya County in Nwoya District.

Mao defeated the incumbent, Rev Fr Charles Onen, after polling 7,359 votes against Fr Onen’s 5,562 votes. Other candidates in the race included Tonny Kitara of the NRM, who got 2,867 votes; Simon Opoka of UPC with 381 votes; Geoffrey Komakech of FDC with 236 votes; Wilfred Opobo, an Independent, with 207 votes; Charles Odokonyero, also an Independent, who got 77 votes; and Samuel Okello of the DF, who came last with 65 votes. In Aswa County, Onguti defeated Simon Peter Wokorach of the ruling party. Onguti secured 13,889 votes, while Wokorach received 9,781 votes.

Other contenders were Johnson Olwa Agara, an Independent, who got 707 votes; Walter Okot, also an Independent, with 174 votes; and James Oringa of FDC, who polled 202 votes. In Nwoya District, Peter Okot was declared winner of a closely contested race after defeating NRM’s Lilly Adong. Okot polled 4,249 votes against Adong’s 3,624 votes. Other candidates included Patrick Akena Candano, an Independent, with 3,057 votes; Nelson Ojok Oyet, also an Independent, who got 121 votes; Moses Cankara Mwaka of FDC with 96 votes; and Brian Rwotomiyo of PFF with 52 votes. In the Nwoya County race, Geoffrey Opiyo won with 5,044 votes, narrowly beating the incumbent MP, Tony Awany of the NRM, who polled 5,022 votes.

Emmanuel Orach, who ran as an Independent, got 2,029 votes. Others were Emmanuel Ocitti Onyai of UPC with 372 votes; Kennedy Okello with 259 votes; Okello Otti Alfred, an Independent, with 84 votes; and Samuel of the FDC, who came last with 74 votes. Meanwhile, two junior ministers are among the 11 Members of Parliament who lost their seats in last week’s general elections in the Acholi Sub-region. State Minister for the Environment Beatrice Anywar failed to retain the Kitgum Municipality seat after losing to Denis Onekalit Amere. Amere polled 6,176 votes, while Anywar received 5,013 votes. This marks the second time Anywar has lost to Amere.

Anywar, a former strong supporter of the FDC, previously represented Kitgum Municipality in the eighth Parliament before crossing to the ruling party. Similarly, State Minister for Foreign Affairs Henry Oryem Okello lost the Chua East County seat. He was defeated by newcomer John Calvin Okoya, who ran as an Independent. Okoya won by a margin of 2,391 votes after securing 14,688 votes against Oryem’s 12,297 votes.

Mulungi’s guide to embracing stardom without losing yourself

By the time he unlocks the doors of the Fashion Clinic each morning, Achi has already lived several lives in his head. There was once the life of J.K. Mulungi, one half of the pop duo Undercover Brothers, riding the brief, intoxicating wave of radio play and stage lights, a life where fame arrived conspicuously faster than money. Today, he answers simply to Achi. The name is shorter, sharper, and ruthlessly efficient. It fits the man he has willed himself to become; a musician turned fashion stylist, entrepreneur, actor, content creator, and, by his own unflinching admission, ‘whatever pays, as long as it is legal.’

Survival is not shameful

‘I am an all-rounder,’ he says, without apology. ‘And anyone hiring, I am always applying.’ That is the skeleton key to his entire philosophy. In Achi’s Kampala, survival is not shameful; pretense is.

He attests that for many Ugandan artists; public recognition is a currency that rarely converts to rent. He learnt this early, chasing the high of Tusker Project Fame while hunger followed him home.

‘People think fame equals soft life,’ he reflects. ‘But the brokenness that bites you when you are famous is worse than when you are unknown.’ There were days of carefully calculated single meals. Days when a hotel buffet felt like a crisis, not of greed, but of primal fear. ‘You do not know when you’ll eat again. So, you are thinking, ‘how do I create space for some chicken?”

It is a haunting image; the recognised artiste, stepping away from the crowd to make room in his stomach, not his pride.

That reality, raw, undramatic, and rarely spoken of in curated feeds, is what ultimately pushed him toward fashion.

The Fashion Clinic

The Fashion Clinic was never a glamorous business idea; it was a survival plan. Music was too unpredictable to stand alone. Passionate, yes, but unforgiving. So, he leaned into something tangible. His family had roots in clothing; as a musician, appearance was armour.

‘Men have serious fashion issues,’ he says, a laugh breaking through. ‘They do not care, not because they cannot afford it, but because they think they have more important things to worry about.’ A decade ago, long before online selling was fashionable in Uganda, he was posting shirts on social media, moving small margins that painstakingly added up.

When customers demanded a physical space, he opened a tiny shop at LDC. That shop was the seed. Five years ago, after a good December season, he saved what he calls ‘car money.’ The next step seemed obvious. Then a lawyer friend asked a simple, devastating question: Why buy a car when your shop is too small? The question changed his trajectory. Instead of a vehicle, Achi chose space, a bigger shop with rent nearly ten times his previous rate. ‘I saw this place and felt butterflies,’ he recalls. ‘I do not think I would’ve felt that if I bought a car.’ He paid the rent, borrowed to furnish it, and lost the money to a disappearing interior designer. He returned to zero. ‘And then you just breathe, because life happens. But if you believe God knows what He is doing, fear reduces.’

Stripped of all glamour

Stepping into the Fashion Clinic today is to enter a sanctuary deliberately carved from chaos. Achi, drawing from travels in Asia, has built an oasis of wood, stone, and greenery. Buttons are crafted from horn and leather; the palette is all earth tones. ‘I want people to walk in and feel calm. Like therapy,’ he says. It is a stark, beautiful contrast to the hustle that built it. For years, the clinic operated without his face attached. That changed when business became hard, really hard. Marketing shifted, foot traffic dropped, and ads grew impossibly expensive. ‘No help is coming,’ he states plainly. ‘That is the day you wake up.’ ‘If I cannot afford an influencer,’ he shrugs, ‘then I influence myself.’ Comedy became his hook. ‘Everyone is stressed,’ he explains. ‘If I make you laugh, you stay. If you stay, you might buy.’ It is survival marketing stripped of all glamour.

If he could speak to his younger self, or to any wide-eyed entrepreneur, his advice would bypass capital. ‘Capital is the last thing,’ he insists. ‘Research is everything.’ He has watched people lose millions in months by entering businesses they did not understand. ‘You would rather start with Shs3m and knowledge than Shs20m and ignorance.’ Marketing, he adds, is non-negotiable. If global giants still advertise, small businesses have no excuse not to.

For all his public movement, Achi is fiercely private, guarding his personal life not for mystery, but for protection. ‘I fear character assassination,’ he confesses. ‘I have seen how information is used.’ The one relationship he speaks of freely is with his mother. ‘She never judged me,’ he says, a rare softness in his eyes. ‘Dreads, music, choices, she never changed how she saw me. If I tell you one person who would walk with me anywhere, it is my mother.’

The unfinished song

Peace, for Achi, remains a rare currency. He finds it in one place, on stage, guitar in hand, singing to a live audience. ‘I literally leave this world,’ he divulges. ‘That’s heaven for me.’ Music, despite everything, remains his refuge, not for money or fame, but for pure, unadulterated release.

Achi does not romanticise the hustle. He derives no pleasure from the struggle and makes no claim to having it all figured out. But he works, honestly, relentlessly, and without shortcuts. ‘I am not a scammer,’ he says, his gaze steady. ‘I want people to trust this place.’

And perhaps that is the truest, most compelling thing about him; in an economy and an era built on flawless appearances, Achi survives by refusing to fake a single one.

The pocket money predicament: How much is enough?

Every parent has a story about their own childhood. We dust off these memories like old photographs; some faded with struggle, others sharp with lessons learned the hard way. Maybe you walked miles to school without shoes. Maybe you spent holidays working just to afford a new uniform. We tell these stories to remind our children how much easier life is for them today. But when it comes to pocket money, that gentle reminder often turns into a tangled, emotional problem. How much is enough? And what are we really trying to say when we hand over that cash?

The great divide

Marvin Kyambadde, a father of three teenagers, feels this tension deeply. He watches his children’s faces fall when he offers what seems to him like a generous sum.

‘My children sulk if I give them Shs100,000,’ he says.

To him, this amount represents a fortune, a sign of his care and hard work. To them, it might feel like less than their friends receive, or not enough for the things they see and want. Then there are parents like Hassan Kasozi, whose childhood was built on a different kind of effort. For him, going to school was almost a selfish choice.

‘My parents were disappointed when I went to school because I deprived them of extra free labour for the farm,’ he recalls. Earning his own school fees was a necessity for survival. Parents like him often wonder if today’s children are missing out on that gritty drive that comes from having no other option.

This divide shows that how we give pocket money says more about our own past than about our children’s present. Some parents give freely and generously because the memory of their own need still stings. They are building a protective wall between their children and any kind of want. Others hold back purposefully, believing that a little struggle builds strong character, just as it did for them. They see pocket money not as a gift, but as a tool for teaching grit.

Educationists weigh in

Schools are caught right in the middle of this debate, and they cannot seem to agree on the answer either. Teacher Johns Lameck has watched this play out in different institutions. He says, ‘the approach to pocket money provision varies across schools.’ Some schools decide on one standard amount for every student. The goal is to create a level field, to avoid jealousy and comparison in the dormitories. Other schools leave it completely up to parents. They trust families to know what is best for their own children. But this well-meaning trust can lead to new problems. Children are observant. They notice who can buy what, and quiet hierarchies form based on spending power. Many educators believe the solution isn’t about the amount, but about control.

Education expert Dan Kidega stresses that learning requires focus, and money can shatter that focus. He warns that ‘some school requirements, if not properly regulated, can distract students.’ An unlimited budget can turn a schoolbag into a toy store, pulling a child’s attention away from their books.

Head teacher Joel Kato takes this idea and puts it into practice. He strongly advises parents not to give all the money at once. Instead, he suggests letting the class teacher or school bursar hold the funds and give them out in smaller pieces over time.

‘Providing pocket money in a lump sum may encourage children to purchase unnecessary items,’ he explains. In his school, the rule is strict: ‘no learner is permitted to carry pocket money exceeding Shs100,000.’

The logic is straightforward, if you do not have it burning a hole in your pocket, you can’t impulsively spend it.

Money is a distraction

But walk into a different kind of school, and you will find a different reality. In some private international schools, the numbers are on another scale. Teacher Samson Okello observes that it is common for students to bring around Shs2m. The school’s policy is not to limit the amount, but to manage it. They have a specific teacher who acts like a bank teller, holding the money and doling it out when needed. Yet, even with this system, the core problem remains.

‘Some students have been creating excuses to leave school,’ Okello says. They invent reasons to go off campus, not for essentials, but to buy trendy snacks and treats. The money, no matter how it is stored, becomes a central distraction.

What is the right answer?

So with schools divided and parents guided by ghosts, what is the real answer? Economist Julius Tweheyo offers a shift in perspective. He says we are asking the wrong question. The issue is not ‘how much?’ but ‘what for?’ Pocket money should not be seen as just cash for snacks. It should be treated as a child’s first practical lesson in life.

He suggests a clear, hands-on method; ‘give a set amount for a set time, such as Shs45,000 for the month. Then, step back and observe. Watch how your child budgets, chooses, and prioritizes. The most important part comes when the money runs out. ‘If the money is exhausted within two or three weeks, avoid topping it up,’ Tweheyo advises. Let them feel the result of poor planning. Let a week without extra treats teach them what a lecture cannot.

For younger children, the approach needs to be gentler and more protective. Child development specialist Lydia Nakato focuses on Primary One to Primary Three. She says children this young ‘lack financial awareness’ to handle cash wisely. They are also ‘prone to misplacing or losing it.’ Her recommendation is for parents to work with the school canteen.

‘Deposit a fixed sum, say, Shs100,000, with the canteen attendant. The attendant then helps the child make purchases and keeps a record. On visitation day, parents get a simple report of what their child bought,’ Nakato suggest.

This system, she says provides safety and gentle guidance without overwhelming a small child.

But waiting too long to start these lessons might be a mistake, argues banker Sarah Naluyima. She believes the seed of financial wisdom should be planted very early.

‘Financial literacy should be introduced as early as Primary One,’ she contends. At this age, children are starting to understand counting, value, and exchange.

‘This is the perfect time for simple, concrete lessons. Teach them the difference between a ‘need’ (a pencil) and a ‘want’ (a fancy glitter pen). Give them a transparent piggy bank so they can watch their savings grow. When they buy something at the canteen, help them subtract the cost from their total. It makes the abstract idea of money feel real and manageable,’ she notes.

In the end, after all the debates about limits and lump sums, the ‘right’ amount of pocket money is not really the point. The point is the conversation that happens around it. The point is the lesson hidden inside the transaction.

Are we teaching our children that money is endless, that Dad’s wallet is a bottomless pit? Or are we carefully showing them that money is a tool, something you earn, plan with, and use wisely?

Woman faces five men in Busia mayoral race

The race for the Busia mayoral seat has attracted six candidates, setting the stage for a closely contested election shaped by debates on accountability, infrastructure development, and service delivery in the busy border town. One of the contenders is Ms Aisha Kalombo, the Eastern Division chairperson, who is contesting as an Independent candidate. She is the only woman in the race. Looking back at her time in leadership, Ms Kalombo says she is proud of her role in lobbying for the construction of Sofia Health Centre III.

‘The area where Sofia Health Centre III stands was previously a fruit market, but when the government requested land for the construction of a health facility, I took a bold step and worked with the municipal authorities to allocate the market land,’ she says. Ms Kalombo says that if elected mayor, she will prioritise accountability in the use of all funds allocated to development projects in the border town. ‘We plan to work on improving the road network, tarmacking more roads, and ensuring access to clean water across all the 24 villages,’ she said.

Another contender is Mr Iddi Ouma, who is also running as an Independent candidate. He previously served as the national youth chairman of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) before falling out with the party leadership. Mr Ouma argues that Busia Municipality needs a leader who is educated and capable of critically examining all programmes being implemented. ‘Our current mayor does not attend meetings and cannot read, and that is why the town has not had any new development projects in the last five years,’ Mr Ouma claims.

He adds that although Busia Municipality was among the towns that received the highest funding under the USMID programme, amounting to Shs27 billion, it was ranked the poorest in the country in terms of implementation. ‘We want to promote accountability for all the funds we receive from the central government so that our people can enjoy quality services,’ he says. Mr Ali Mande, the former chairperson of the Uganda Clearing and Forwarding Association for Busia, is the ruling party’s flag bearer in the mayoral race. Mr Mande says as a major entry point into the country, Busia deserves first-class infrastructure, including well-maintained roads and improved public services.

He says Busia is one of the dirtiest towns due to poor waste management, a challenge he says he will prioritise if elected. ‘We should be able to lobby for more funds to keep our town clean and ensure that our road trenches are free from blockages,’ Mr Mande says. Mr Mande also criticised the incumbent mayor, Mr Sadik Amin, claiming that apart from attending and making speeches at burials, he rarely attends council or public meetings where key issues affecting the municipality are discussed. Mr Iddi Kibaki, the current chairman of Western Division, is the National Unity Platform (NUP) flag bearer in the Busia mayoral race.

He was first elected in 2021 on the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) ticket before crossing to NUP.

Mr Kibaki is credited with overseeing some of the best roadworks and implementing effective waste management policies in the division. Mr Kibaki says that despite Western Division collecting the lowest local revenue compared to Eastern Division, they have prioritised roadworks and waste management. He adds that much of the money sent to the municipality by the central government is not properly utilised, and he intends to enforce a zero-tolerance policy on corruption.

He also accused Mr Amin of presiding over the failed Busia Market project.

‘The central government constructed the Busia Market at a cost of Shs24.5 billion, but the facility is turning into a white elephant. We need a policy that will ensure the market becomes fully functional,’ Mr Kibaki says. Meanwhile, Mr Amin, the FDC flag bearer, has dismissed criticism from his rivals, saying they are insensitive to the real challenges facing the town. Mr Amin argues that the funds sent to the municipality are not enough to implement all planned activities.

He says the money allocated for roadworks is particularly inadequate and that he needs more time to lobby for additional funding.

Mr Amin, a grandson of former Ugandan president Idi Amin Dada, says he revived the construction of the municipal offices, a project that had stalled for more than five years. ‘I have built the offices and partially completed a sizable portion of the premises, and I am seeking another term to complete the construction,’ Mr Amin says. Mr Siraji Omunyu, the former Eastern Division chairperson, is the flag bearer for the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF). Mr Omunyu says that despite Busia being the main entry point from Kenya into Uganda, the town remains disorganised and poorly planned. Like the other candidates, he says he will prioritise roadworks within the municipality, improve street lighting, and ensure that residents have easy access to affordable and clean water.

Why NRM has dominated Kamuli, Buyende for two decades

For the past two decades, no opposition parliamentary candidate has won an electoral seat in Kamuli and Buyende districts, highlighting the NRM’s strong and enduring control in the area.

The party has consistently swept parliamentary elections, leaving the opposition with minimal influence. In the 2026 elections, NRM flag bearers once again secured all parliamentary seats in Kamuli and Buyende.

Central to this success was First Deputy Prime Minister Rebecca Kadaga, who served as the de facto commander-in-chief of the campaign, mobilising voters through radio talkshows, public engagements, and grassroots outreach.

She emphasised party discipline, loyalty, and commitment above personal interests, while championing major development projects such as upgrading Kimaka to an international airport and founding the Namasagali Marine and Nuclear University.

“Let us stop dwelling on past disappointments and move forward, because we cannot stand alone when there is unfinished business that we must advance, defend, and secure,” Ms Kadaga urged, rallying her support.

In Buyende, Budiope East MP Moses Hashim Magogo was elected unopposed, as was his wife, Speaker of Parliament Anita Among in Bukedea District.

Ms Sarah Hassan Namulondo won the District Woman MP seat for Buyende, while Minister for Presidency Milly Babirye Babalanda defeated six male contenders to claim the Budiope West seat. In Kamuli, Kadaga herself secured her seventh term as Woman MP, defeating six younger contenders.

The constituencies of Buzaaya and Bugabula North were retained by incumbents Martin Muzaale and John Teira, both NRM candidates, while Mastula Namatovu won Kamuli Municipality, and Matthew Bazanya claimed victory in Bugabula South.

The Coordinator of Busoga District NRM Chairpersons, Abubaker Walubi, attributed the party’s success to the fact that the districts remain largely rural, while the government has actively addressed key challenges, including education, healthcare, infrastructure, and security.

“People in the villages care about having schools for their children, health facilities to treat them, markets to sell their produce, good roads, and security. A villager doesn’t ask for much else. That is why NRM continues to win here, and why voters remain loyal to NRM candidates,” Mr Walubi explained.

Opposition figures acknowledged the weak presence in Greater Kamuli.

“The opposition only emerges during elections and will continue living in the shadows of the ruling party as long as Kadaga maintains her grassroots base, nurtures voters, and delivers on their critical needs,” said Gonza Bukenya, FDC Electoral Commissioner for Kamuli.

The NUP Busoga Regional Coordinator, Mr Moses Bizitu, said the party fielded candidates in both Kamuli and Buyende, but some were disqualified after being offered money, weakening the opposition’s chances in the districts.

‘We had a candidate in Budiope West in Buyende, but our candidate was sidelined, and Mr Moses Magogo went unopposed,’ he said.

DashTickets introduces ADR service to protect New Zealand gamblers

Starting as an online casino review magazine in 2009, DashTickets has become one of the most trusted niche websites in New Zealand, with its signature DashScore becoming a benchmark for casinos that operate in the country. This success led editor-in-chief Mark Dash to work towards expanding the website’s offerings, and now DashTickets also provides an Alternative Dispute Resolution Service for casinos mentioned on the website.

How ADR works

Mark Dash provides some context: online casinos are largely unregulated to this day, and thousands of New Zealanders rely on reviews to make their choice. When players encounter some extreme situations in casinos that the team personally vetted, it becomes its responsibility to help with resolving them.

Currently, the team offers assistance from a dedicated resolution specialist to any New Zealander who has been treated unfairly by a casino that appears on the DashTickets NZ online casino rating. The expert will gather all the necessary information and contact the casino to reach a solution. The team specifies that a player can apply for ADR in cases of unpaid or held withdrawals, impossible security checks, uncredited deposits, unjustified closure of a player account, or unlawfully forfeited bonus winnings.

‘We work with situations of high importance – the ones that mostly revolve around casinos presumably acting in an illegitimate or otherwise highly inappropriate way. When this happens, we have to interfere to ensure New Zealand players are treated fairly. If the casino won’t interact with us as well, we suggest contacting a lawyer and maybe even going to court. Luckily, we never had to get things this far in our practice yet – most conflicts can be solved in simpler ways,’ says Mark Dash.

How DashTickets’ ADR services work

Any New Zealand player who used one of the DashTickets’ links to register a casino account and then encounter unfair treatment can apply for ADR using a special form on the website. The player has to provide the name of the casino, the disputed amount of money (if any), a thorough example). explanation of the problem, and documentation that supports their claims (a screenshot, for

An ADR service page on DashTickets’ website

DashTickets specifies that the team won’t accept complaints that aren’t related to serious issues like unpaid withdrawals or uncredited deposits. Game glitches, slow loading games, awkward graphics, login issues, long losing streaks, and unresponsive live chat are signs of a low-quality casino experience provided by the website, but none of them should be addressed by the ADR service. However, these complaints may still be helpful for the team when they update the casino reviews, like GameBurnWorld casino magazine doing it on a regular basis.

‘We value feedback from fellow New Zealanders either way. Our goal is to be the most comprehensive database of New Zealand’s offshore casinos, and we are already a go-to place for any player who wants to check a certain website before depositing any money. With the launch ofour ADR service, we will leave an even bigger positive impact on the local gambling industry,’ says Mark Dash.

What makes ADR services so crucial for New Zealand players

New Zealand is particularly interesting when it comes to gambling regulation. On the one hand, the local government provides solid protection to players when it comes to local casinos, whether land-based or online. On the other hand, offshore online casinos fly under the radar most of the time – and these are some of the most popular casinos among players.

An example of a casino review page from DashTickets

‘The situation has been like this for years. While we do hope that something will change in the future, for now, we as journalists have to act as a shield between New Zealand players and various casino malpractices,’ says Sophia Novakivska, author at DashTickets.

As Novakivska explains, DashTickets’ initial idea was to protect New Zealanders from bad casino experiences by publishing extremely detailed reviews from the player’s perspective:

DashTickets relies on the mystery shopper approach to ensure no bias

The team checks the casino’s background

The reviewer plays games using real NZ dollars and attempts to withdraw winnings

The team contacts the customer support service

The reviewer contacts other players to get a full picture

All of this combined leads to a comprehensive review that paints the whole picture and helps locals make informed choices. For the rare cases when the reviews turned out not to be enough, DashTickets now has ADR.