Category: Daily Monitor

The transition from holiday liberty to school discipline is rarely smooth. As the term approaches, a wave of anxiety hits many children at the prospect of swapping open-ended days for the bell-ringed routine of the classroom.

Teacher Miriam Kako, who witnesses this yearly, says this transition is often underestimated by adults. “Parents need to understand that many of their children tend to experience anxiety, stress, or lack of focus,” she notes. Our role isn’t just logistical, it is emotional. We are guides and steady anchors, providing “guidance, direction and emotional support.” The path to a smooth start is found in tuning several instruments in the family orchestra, ensuring harmony.

The foundation

Effective preparation begins with a clear-eyed, compassionate review. Before climbing the next mountain, we must understand the terrain just crossed. This is an academic and emotional check-up. Set aside a quiet hour to look over last term’s artifacts; report cards, teacher comments, forgotten projects. The goal is not to shame, but to observe patterns with curiosity.

Sit with your child. Ask: “What are you most proud of from last term?” Celebrate that strength first. Then, gently, “Which subject felt like a puzzle you couldn’t solve?” Perhaps math concepts tangled, or reading comprehension felt foreign. This conversation transforms a report card from a verdict into a map. It highlights weak bridges needing reinforcement before new term traffic arrives. Identifying knowledge gaps early is a gift, allowing a targeted, stress-free plan before school workload kicks in.

That plan might be thirty peaceful weekend minutes reviewing foundational concepts. It might involve creating a dedicated “study haven” at home, a corner with good light and minimal distraction. For some, a short series of tutor sessions can rebuild confidence in a safe setting.

However, as Kako reminds us, “academic performance is closely linked to a child’s mental and emotional wellbeing.” The academic review must be paired with an emotional one. As you talk schoolwork, tune your antennae to other frequencies. Is there hesitation at a teacher’s name? A shadow discussing the playground? Gently probe. “How did you feel about your friendships?” or “Was there ever a time at school you felt really worried?” Opening these lines before Day One establishes you as a trusted ally. It tells your child they do not face school’s social landscape alone.

Plan to prevent panic

Chaos is the enemy of calm transition. The last-minute scramble for supplies, unforeseen expenses, and outgrown shoes at dawn can tip a family into panic. Smooth transition is built on boring, practical, proactive planning.

Finance manager Catherine Namutebi advocates a term budget. Look beyond the daunting fees invoice. Think through the entire school ecosystem; sports kit, project materials, weekly pocket money. Writing it all down transforms financial stress into a manageable list, preventing mid-term surprises that strain wallets and a child’s security.

This budget is also a golden chance for financial literacy. Instead of random cash, use this moment to teach planning. “Let us agree on clear limits,” Namutebi suggests. Discuss what the money should cover, snacks, savings for a goal? This collaborative approach fosters responsibility.

Next, conduct the uniform and gear audit. Have your child try everything on. That blazer may now pull tightly; trousers may be short. Physical discomfort is a relentless distraction. Dr Kenneth Keza offers a vital warning: “Poorly fitted or low-quality shoes can cause discomfort, posture problems, and long-term foot issues.” A child battling pinching shoes cannot concentrate. Ensuring physical comfort is a non-negotiable foundation for cognitive readiness.

Reintroducing structure

A holiday dissolves routine. Bedtimes expand, screen time multiplies, and “schedule” vanishes. Expecting an instant switch to disciplined early mornings is unfair, a direct path to resistance and a miserable first week. The answer is gentle, gradual recalibration. Begin a week before school. Nudge bedtime earlier by 15-30 minutes nightly, and wake-up time correspondingly. This slowly resets their internal clock without shock. Simultaneously, reintroduce the mental “muscles” of term time. Replace evening screen time with family reading or a board game. Re-establish a daily chore. This is not punishment; it is rebuilding neural pathways of routine.

Crucially, enact a Digital Detox. Screen glow disrupts sleep and focus. Have a family meeting to set clear, kind rules. Perhaps all devices charge in a common room overnight. This single policy protects sleep, the bedrock of emotional regulation and learning. Frame it as a collective family effort for better rest.

This reset period is also prime for value-based conversation. Discuss the “why” behind the “what.” What does it mean to be responsible for one’s preparedness? How do we show respect? What are their hopes for the coming term? These discussions build an internal compass of discipline, more reliable than external rules.

Care for body, mind and spirit

We pack the book bag but must also prepare the human carrying it. A holistic approach covers physical health, nutrition, and emotional security. Dr Keza advises a pre-term medical check-up. This is not just for the ill. A vision test can reveal if the board is blurry. A dental check averts a distracting toothache. Addressing small things proactively removes physical barriers to learning.

In the kitchen, consciously reset the food menu. Nutritionist Dr Daniel Kamara advises moving from holiday treats to “school-appropriate meals that are balanced and sustainable.” Prioritise slow-release energy, proteins, whole grains, fruits and vegetables. Plan simple, repeatable breakfasts and packable lunches. A well-fed brain is focused and resilient. Hydration is key; a water bottle is as essential as a pencil case.

Finally, carefully open the dialogue on safety. Educator Godfrey Kalembe stresses children must “clearly understand personal boundaries.”

Have straightforward, age-appropriate conversations. Who are safe adults at school? What if a journey home feels wrong, or someone’s actions make them uncomfortable? Extend this to online safety and digital peer pressure. The goal is not fear, but empowerment through knowledge and a clear action plan. It builds the confidence of being equipped.

But more importantly, we provide the steady, compassionate encouragement that allows them to build their own resilience. This is not about perfection, but about partnership, nurturing their confidence as they rediscover their footing, celebrating small recoveries, and gently guiding them toward the independence and calm they are relearning day by day.

Layered process

Creating a smooth return is not a flawless military operation; it is a patient, layered process. It is the sum of thoughtful, gradual adjustments and the careful art of blending practical preparation with emotional readiness.

We must recognise that our children are not simply «going back» to school, they are relearning how to be students and organised individuals, rebuilding routines, attentiveness, and a sense of structure in a way that feels sustainable.

Our role is not to direct from above but to walk this evolving path beside them, providing a supportive presence. We offer the map; clear expectations, visual schedules, and consistent check-ins.

Candidates from Uganda’s ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) won most positions in elections for councillors representing the elderly, youths and persons with disabilities (PWDs) in Makindye and Central divisions, according to declaration forms released by electoral officials.

At Makindye Division offices, voting for division councillors for PWDs and the elderly began around 10:00 am.

By 8:00 am, fewer than 30 voters, mostly elderly, had turned up, but numbers increased later in the morning, with at least one mini-bus ferrying voters to the polling station. It was not immediately clear who organised the transport.

Makindye, one of Kampala’s largest divisions with more than 15 parishes, uses an electoral college system in which parish councillors elect division-level representatives by secret ballot. Voting was conducted using a voter register, with no use of Biometric Voter Verification machines following their failure during the January 15 presidential election.

According to results, NRM’s Felistas Nassaka won the Makindye Division Female Councillor for the Elderly seat with 57 votes, defeating independent candidate Margaret Mwesigwa Sanyu, who received 51 votes.

‘I will do everything the elderly ask me to do for them. I have been a woman Councillor and now I have gone to the elderly league,’ Ms Nassaka said after receiving the declaration forms.

For the PWDs category, NRM’s Fridah Nashuha Lizpa secured 88 votes, defeating independent candidate Joyce Ibanda Mukyala, who garnered 22 votes.

‘I will make sure everyone joins programs that make people access government funds and I will make sure the people are empowered. We are tired of people begging,’ Nashuha said.

In the youth race, NRM’s Doreen Nyaketeho won with 665 votes, defeating National Unity Platform (NUP) candidate Martha Namukwaya, who received 213 votes. Nyaketeho attributed her victory to extensive mobilization across Makindye.

For the male youth position, Allan Sebatoma Serimu was unopposed and pledged to empower young people, especially those in slum communities.

‘Growing up in the ghetto is only a mentality. I want to use myself and show them that it is possible,’ he said, adding, ‘Most of these people have talent which I will help boost so that they live in better conditions.’

In Central Division, elections were held at Nakasero II parish due to limited space at division offices.

Returning officer Margret Nabatanzi said voter turnout among the elderly was higher than last year.

‘By 7 am most of them were here. the majority have already cast their votes,’ she said.

NRM candidates also dominated youth and female councillor races in Central Division, with Gloria Chebet pledging to promote youth access to government programmes, including the Parish Development Model.

The Ministry of Finance projects that domestic revenue in the 2026/27 financial year will amount to Shs40.09 trillion, up from an estimated Shs37.23 trillion in the current financial year.

This represents a nominal increase of Shs2.86 trillion, driven by higher economic growth, a widening tax base, improved tax administration, and reforms in non-tax revenue collection.

The Ministry of Finance says domestic revenue is expected to rise significantly over the medium term, supported by continued economic expansion in line with the Tenfold Growth Strategy, the introduction of new tax policy measures, enhanced tax administration, higher compliance levels and stronger accountability for tax incentives.

The projections also cite the elimination of non-beneficial tax exemptions that do not support the industrialisation agenda, alongside increased revenues from the oil and gas sector as the country moves into production. The Ministry also projects government expenditure and net lending for the 2026/27 financial year are projected at Shs54.01 trillion, slightly lower than the Shs56.54 trillion approved in this financial year. Net external financing is projected to reduce to Shs4.04 trillion in the next financial year, from Shs5.68 trillion, with total loans projected at Shs8.88 trillion, of which Shs2.95 trillion will be secured on concessional terms.

Domestic borrowing is projected to decline to Shs8.95 trillion from Shs11.38 trillion, which seeks to safeguard fiscal discipline and debt sustainability in the medium term.

Ministry of Finance Permanent Secretary Ramathan Ggoobi said external debt repayments (amortisation) are projected at Shs4.83 trillion, compared with Shs4.99 trillion.

‘Over the medium term, external debt payments are expected to increase due to existing debt repayment profile,’ he said, adding: ‘Going forward, government’s financing strategy is to reduce borrowing on commercial terms and rely more on concessional financing.’

Interest payments in the 2026/27 financial year are projected to total Shs12.74 trillion, equivalent to 4.4 percent of gross domestic product. Of this, Shs10.72 trillion will be domestic interest payments, while Shs2.02 trillion will cover foreign interest payments and commitment fees. Mr Ggoobi noted that, over the medium term, interest payments are expected to average about 4.2 percent of gross domestic product.

At least 66 Rwandan manufacturers, ranging from producers of paper and sanitary goods to assemblers of motorcycles, garments, electronics, food products, and construction materials, are set to benefit from cheaper industrial inputs approved by the East African Community (EAC) through June 30, 2026.

Legal notices published in the EAC Gazette of December 15, 2025, grant duty remission to Rwanda-based manufacturers and assemblers under the EAC Duty Remission Scheme.

The approvals allow specified raw materials and industrial inputs to be imported at zero percent duty across multiple value chains, and at 10 percent duty for selected assembly activities. In effect, the bloc is temporarily lowering the tax cost of importing key production inputs to support local manufacturing, while structuring the incentives to keep most of the gains within Rwanda’s borders.

Taken together, the approvals clearly signal Rwanda’s industrial priorities. They target household essentials such as tissue, diapers, and sanitary towels; labour-intensive light manufacturing, including garments and footwear; construction-linked processing industries; and assembly activities ranging from motorcycles to speakers and televisions.

Time-bound relief

The policy tool is grounded in the EAC Duty Remission framework of the EAC Customs Management Act and the 2008 Duty Remission Regulations, which allow the Council of Ministers to grant time-bound relief through Gazette notices. In practice, duty remission has long been EAC’s response to a structural challenge: weak local supply of industrial inputs alongside rising demand for finished goods. The approach lowers taxes on inputs rather than on imported finished products. Kenya has used similar approvals in the past, including for paper products such as exercise books, while other partner states, including Burundi, have followed the same model. What sets the current Rwanda package apart is not the idea of duty remission itself, but its scale, level of detail and continuity.

Rwanda has received similar approvals before.

An April 2025 Gazette extended duty remissions to June 30, 2025, and included a 12-month window for diapers, signalling sustained support for fast-moving consumer goods. These measures function as targeted pricing interventions in sectors where imported inputs account for a large share of production costs.

Zero-duty inputs reduce landed costs, ease cash-flow pressure and give firms room to protect margins or compete more aggressively with imports. Inputs cleared at a reduced 10 percent duty, mainly for assembly, still offer relief while preserving tariff revenue.

However, most approvals expire on June 30, 2026, giving manufacturers a defined window for procurement, production planning and inventory build-up. Diapers and sanitary towels are the exception, reflecting their importance as fast-moving consumer goods where local production can quickly displace imports if costs remain low. Importantly, the Gazette does not grant remission to Rwanda as a whole. It names specific companies, specifies HS codes and allocates quantities, making the support selective rather than economy-wide.

This concentrates benefits among approved firms, gives them planning certainty and cost advantages, and places compliance at the centre of who gains. It also raises wider questions about how targeted incentives shape competition and investment across the region. Economically, the policy shifts relative prices. Duties on finished imports remain in place while local producers benefit from cheaper inputs, making imports relatively more expensive. This gives domestic firms a cost advantage, allowing them to redirect demand toward locally produced goods. However, lower input costs do not automatically translate into lower consumer prices. Where competition is weak, firms may retain the savings as higher margins.

Beyond Rwanda, temporary input exemptions can distort competition in neighboring markets if products cross borders.

‘Our industries have to be protected,’ says Owen Mugambwa, a trade researcher at Seatin Uganda. If products that benefited from duty exemptions on raw materials are allowed to enter other EAC states, it can distort regional trade and undermine the Common External Tariff. The Common External Tariff, established in 2005, is the backbone of the EAC trade regime.

Built around four tariff bands, it is designed to support regional industry and value addition. While the Gazette seeks to protect this framework by barring exports of remission-backed products to other EAC markets, enforcement remains the weakest link. Without effective tracking, these restrictions risk becoming theoretical, testing customs union.

Digital skilling remains one of the most critical requirements for unlocking the digital economy, which offers vast opportunities and holds the promise for the future.

Uganda, compared to other countries in the East African region, has been slow to fully adopt digital technologies due to infrastructure challenges.

Michael Niyitegeka, the chief executive officer of the Refactory Uganda Chapter, says that while the country has made some gains, much more needs to be done to fully harness the digital potential.

How would you define what Refactory Uganda is doing in the digital space?

We have been doing extensive skilling, particularly in the digital space. However, we have carved out a niche in software engineering, offering programmes that range from basic software development to advanced programming.

We also provide training in artificial intelligence, blockchain, and data science, to improve young people’s skills and support Uganda’s job creation agenda.

Can you share insights on digital skilling and the opportunities it presents?

The digital space is a vast ecosystem that requires serious focus as a driver of economic development. As Refactory Uganda, we have trained more than 1,000 young people over the years. While this is a significant number, opportunities in the digital space are far greater, meaning we are far from exhausting them.

If you look at opportunities around remote work alone, there are more than five million roles globally. This is massive.

However, the there is a new kid on the block: the advent of artificial intelligence (AI) has both created new opportunities and displaced others. The opportunities exist, but they need to be deliberately unlocked.

Given the rapid advancements in ICT and AI, what trends do you see shaping Uganda’s job market?

The foundation of work may not change significantly, but what will change is the speed at which tasks are completed efficiently. To be efficient, one needs the right knowledge, skills, and tools.

Simply having a computer connected to AI systems does not make someone an AI specialist. A level of domain knowledge is required to use AI effectively and to improve turnaround time.

I am personally excited about AI, but we must ensure that we use its efficiency to transform the way we work and the economy at large.

What are the main challenges in providing digital skills?

The key challenges are largely infrastructure-related. While there is increasing discussion around improved digital access, much of it is limited to mobile internet.

Yet, for learning purposes, mobile internet is often inadequate because training requires large volumes of data, which are quickly exhausted and relatively expensive.

Whereas infrastructure remains critical, access to devices, stable power, and reliable internet connectivity are essential. We need to invest in resources that are accessible and relevant to communities.

Uganda Communications Commission has made efforts to expand ICT programmes and infrastructure in schools, which is commendable, but more needs to be done.

How important is collaboration between the tech industry and academia in delivering relevant digital skills?

Collaboration is essential. The industry’s success largely depends on its ability to work closely with academia. Through collaboration, we gain shared insights and identify skill gaps that need to be addressed.

It is very important to build forward-looking partnerships that enable academic institutions to establish linkages that benefit young people and future generations.

Some companies have been slow to adopt digital technology, while others have taken the bull by the horns. Is digitisation finally taking root?

Where we are headed, the demand for digitisation will only continue to grow. Several sectors, including banking, taxation, and business registration, have already been digitised. As digitisation becomes the norm, organisations must align their processes accordingly.

We are seeing private sector organisations pushing for more efficient digital systems. Commodity-heavy sectors such as coffee and agribusiness are also adopting digital tools, particularly in traceability.

Efficiency can only be achieved through technology. Organisations without a digital footprint will struggle to compete in global markets. There is also growing interest in data as a strategic asset, with businesses investing in knowledge management and data acquisition.

Overall, the AI space will continue to expand, requiring greater skills that go beyond basic tools such as Microsoft Office.

How do you ensure digital skills training is inclusive and accessible?

It is an ongoing journey, and we are not there yet. While we have conducted several training programmes, they represent only a small fraction of what is needed.

However, this process has helped us learn, particularly about the ecosystem support structures required to scale inclusion.

How do you sustainably finance digital skilling initiatives?

You can never have enough resources for the kind of work required in digital skilling. Both technical and financial support are critical.

For example, one of our programmes runs for about three months. In Kenya, a similar programme costs around $1,500 on the open market. We offer the same programme over three months at about Shs1.5m ($416).

If we charged rates similar to Kenya or higher, participation would be very low.

Kenya has a more mature digital market, with many companies operating globally, which drives higher investment in skills.

In Uganda, the appetite for such investment is still developing. There are times when we struggle to enrol even 30 trainees in a cohort.

Despite this, our focus remains on skilling and linking people to employment. Over time, they can demonstrate impact rather than just aspiration.

We are also actively partnering with several institutions, which have provided strong corporate endorsement.

The Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) chairperson, Ms Mariam Wangadya, has urged candidates dissatisfied with the January 15 general elections to seek legal redress through the courts, saying the technical and procedural shortcomings observed on polling day did not fundamentally undermine the overall fairness of the vote.

Releasing the Commission’s preliminary election observation report on Sunday in Kampala, Ms Wangadya acknowledged delays and challenges but said they were not severe enough to invalidate the elections.

‘If anyone feels aggrieved by the results, the law provides a clear avenue-the court. Recommendations are not orders, but the Constitution provides remedies where a person feels their rights were affected,’ Ms Wangadya said.

She emphasised that the Commission would question the integrity of elections only if voters were deliberately denied the right to vote.

‘Had we seen voters being denied their right to vote, I would have said this affected the election’s fairness. But every registered voter who turned up was able to vote. Failures of biometric kits were technical, and procedural issues do not go to the fundamental issue of the freeness or fairness of an election,’ she said.

Ms Wangadya noted that delays in voting in some areas-particularly Kampala, Wakiso, and Mukono, where polling materials arrived as late as 10am-were addressed by extending polling hours, although some presiding officers did not receive the directive in time.

According to the report, biometric voter verification kits functioned effectively in a limited number of polling stations, including parts of Kyankwanzi, Buliisa, Napak, Bunyangabu, Karenga, Kaabong, Nakapiripirit, Moroto, and Rwentojo Ward in Mbarara District.

In areas such as Yumbe and Wakiso, the kits were not delivered at all, forcing election officials to revert to the manual voters’ register. Ms Wangadya said the UHRC deployed 121 observers drawn from its staff to 990 polling stations across 78 districts, operating through 12 regional offices, including Kampala, Gulu, Arua, Hoima, Jinja, Masaka, and Mbarara.

Voter apathy is clearly growing. With every election, the percentage of adult Ugandans who choose to go to the voting booth in the general elections is declining.

Last week’s presidential and parliamentary election saw a very low turnout, 52.5 percent, according to results announced by the Electoral Commission. It presents a formidable challenge for our democratic processes, marked by a pervasive lack of interest and motivation to participate in elections.

This phenomenon stems from various causes, including disillusionment with candidates and a perceived ineffectiveness of voting. Understanding these underlying issues is crucial for leadership.

Furthermore, it is essential to implement targeted engagement strategies that can effectively revitalise participation. Every Ugandan election cycle has been marked by a certain level of violence, intimidation, ballot stuffing, bribery, blatant rigging, and all kinds of detriments to the process.

The lack of civic education is a chronic indictment of the process, whereas the lack of civic competence among the populace is often highlighted too. Vital steps must be taken to strengthen political advocacy and encourage active involvement.

By addressing voter apathy head-on, the country can foster a more engaged electorate and ensure that their voices are heard in the democratic process.

It is crucial to inform people about the significance of voting and its direct impact on their living conditions. There is a direct correlation between civic education programmes and electoral participation, with informed individuals being more likely to engage in elections.

Stakeholders must collaborate with other organisations, and advocacy groups can amplify efforts and reach a broader audience. Voter apathy stands as a formidable barrier to democratic participation, marked by a pervasive lack of interest and motivation among eligible voters.

This disengagement significantly impacts not just individual electoral outcomes but also undermines the collective voice of the people who depend on active involvement to advocate effectively for their members.

To tackle this pressing challenge, fostering a culture of engagement and implementing targeted strategies that encourage participation in the electoral process is essential.

Voter turnout is a crucial part of any successful election as it determines which voices are heard and the urgency of the population’s concerns. A higher voter turnout promotes a more representative democracy in which the government reflects the varied perspectives and needs of the people. Increased voter turnout enhances the legitimacy of election results, directly contributing to the overall health and trust in democratic institutions.

When citizens actively participate in local elections, the democratic process is strengthened, and the principle of governance by the people is reinforced to maintain confidence and public support of local government.

China’s approach to India today is neither contradictory nor improvised. By permitting meetings with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its ideological parent, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Beijing is deploying its united front strategy; a Leninist tactic of co-opting elites and shaping narratives. At the same time, it is salami slicing territory along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and supporting Pakistan’s strategic posture against India. Taken together, these moves form a coherent design: weaken India internally, erode its sovereignty externally, and box it in regionally.

United Front: Political Engagement as Influence Leninist roots: The CCP’s united front strategy is designed to cultivate interlocutors abroad who normalize China’s rise and mute criticism of its authoritarianism. Engagement with BJP and RSS: By allowing meetings with India’s ruling party and its ideological anchor, Beijing signals openness to dialogue while probing for influence. This is not traditional diplomacy but political infiltration dressed as engagement.

Strategic intent: To soften resistance, exploit India’s pluralism, and create channels that temper India’s responses to Chinese assertiveness. This tactic mirrors Beijing’s outreach elsewhere, from cultivating business elites in Australia to engaging political parties in Nepal.

Salami Slicing: Incremental Encroachment at the Borders. Definition: Salami slicing refers to incremental territorial encroachment-small steps that accumulate into significant strategic gains. Application along the LAC: Road-building in disputed areas, patrols in Ladakh, and encroachments in Arunachal Pradesh alter facts on the ground without triggering outright war.

Legal precedent: International law recognizes territorial integrity as inviolable, yet Beijing’s tactics exploit the absence of binding arbitration mechanisms in the Himalayas. This mirrors China’s South China Sea playbook, where artificial islands and incremental militarization have shifted realities without formal treaty change.

Pakistan: The Proxy Dimension. Military and economic support: China has consistently armed and financed Pakistan, from nuclear assistance in the 1980s to Belt and Roadinvestments today. Strategic purpose: To keep India distracted on two fronts-western and northern borders. To divide India’s military and diplomatic bandwidth. To cultivate a long-term partner aligned with Beijing’s interests in South Asia. By bolstering Pakistan, Beijing ensures India faces permanent pressure, complicating any attempt to focus solely on the China challenge. Why All Three Strategies Are Deployed Together.

Complementary pressure: Internal influence (united front), external coercion (salami slicing), and regional proxy (Pakistan) reinforce each other. Psychological warfare: Meetings with BJP and RSS cultivate the impression of dialogue, even as border realities shift and Pakistan’s hostility is emboldened.

Strategic timing: After the 2020 Galwan clash, India hardened its military posture and diversified economically. Beijing’s three-pronged strategy seeks to counterbalance these moves. Regional signaling: China demonstrates to other Asian nations that resistance will be met with multidimensional pressure-political, military, and proxy.

Implications for Policy for India: The erosion of sovereignty and regional encirclement demand multidimensional resilience-military vigilance, political awareness, and narrative counter-strategies. For the international community: Beijing’s tactics highlight the limits of existing legal frameworks. The absence of binding dispute resolution mechanisms in the Himalayas mirrors the vacuum exploited in maritime Asia.

For U.S. and allies: Supporting India’s border infrastructure, enhancing intelligence cooperation, and reinforcing democratic resilience are critical to balancing China’s regional ambitions. Beijing’s united front engagement with India’s ruling political forces, salami slicing at the borders, and support for Pakistan are not disparate tactics but parts of a coherent grand strategy. India’s response must be equally multidimensional-combining military vigilance, political awareness, and regional partnerships.

For the wider world, this is a test case: whether international law and collective action can counter a power that advances through infiltration, incrementalism, and proxy leverage.

Elevated to Municipality status in 2015 and becoming operational in the 2016-2017 financial year, Kamuli Municipality has undergone a steady yet transformative shift, largely driven by a surge in infrastructure development, particularly in its road network, as it transitioned from a town council and expanded its administrative area.

Kamuli Municipality has so far received 15.7km of roads under the Presidential Pledge and another 6km through USMID, all fitted with solar street lights to improve safety and support night-time work.

Under USMID, more projects are underway, including a modern slaughterhouse with completed designs and secured land at Busanga Cell.

Designs for an additional 17km of urban roads are also ready, awaiting funding. The municipality is further lobbying for a modern market under Markets and Agricultural Trade Improvement III (MATIIP) to boost jobs, revenue, and urban order.

All developments follow the 2022 Municipal Physical Development Plan, which guides land use and orderly growth.

Kamuli’s population has grown sharply from 58,000 in 2015 to more than 100,000 people in the 2024 census, a surge attributed to expanding services and improving livelihoods.

Since attaining Municipal status, Kamuli has experienced mixed leadership transitions, with the Mayoral seat shifting between independents and NRM-leaning candidates.

The municipality’s first mayor was Mr David Musasizi Iswaya, who led during the formative years of the Municipality before stepping aside.

He was later succeeded by Mr Azizi Luwano, 2021-2025, under whose tenure the municipality continued pushing for infrastructure expansion and urban planning.

These leadership shifts reflect a Municipality that is politically flexible and increasingly demanding, often judging leaders based on service delivery rather than party loyalty.

Politically, however, the municipality faces persistent governance gaps: weak revenue collection, leadership conflicts between political and technical wings, land-use disputes, and rising pressure on public services.

With parties vying for influence ahead of the 2026 elections, Kamuli remains a competitive and unpredictable political space, often swinging between independents, opposition voices and NRM-leaning contenders.

Kamuli operates at Local Council IV level, led by a Mayor and Town Clerk, but residents say the next leader must confront both the unfinished infrastructure works and widening political differences, which they argue has slowed decision-making and stalled key urban projects.

The race has attracted six contenders: Mr Fred Balinango (NRM), Mr Denis Kagabo (Independent), Mr David Musasizi Iswaya (Independent), Mr Twahiri Waiswa (NUP), Mr Peter Kaluuba (FDC), and Mr Michael Kiboome (Independent).

The candidates are promising to steer the fast-growing Municipality into its next phase of development while grappling with a complex political landscape marked by rising expectations, youth pressure, and demands for cleaner, more accountable leadership.

Fred Balinango (NRM)

Mr Balinango is currently a District councillor representing the Southern Division and sitting on the Finance Committee.

An Entrepreneur and social worker, he has set his eyes on ridding the municipality of street kids by improving education access and social amenities.

To the business community he plans to harmonise taxation aspects, work on land and property rights and have the public embrace and willingly pay taxes as revenue for better service delivery through accounting for every penny paid, received and planned.

Denis Kagabo (Independent)

Mr Kagabo is the Deputy Mayor coming to replace his boss Mr Azizi Luwano who is now contesting for Kamuli Municipality seat.

An Information Technology Graduate from Makerere, Mr Kagabo says he is coming in for continuity, sustainability and protection of the gains they have made so far since he has been under mentorship as Deputy.

‘I come for continuity having been in the system set up, ready to protect the gains, partnerships and leadership investments here. We know where we came from, where we are and where we are going as per the development plans so we shall be running in already engaged gears,’ he says.

His manifesto focus is on greening the Municipality, motivation of technical staff, harmonizing the community, political and technical teams to appreciate and work with each other.

David Musasizi Iswaya (Independent)

The first mayor for Kamuli Municipality between 2016-2021 is making a comeback to steer the Municipality to greater heights and protect his initial progress.

A graduate secondary teacher with administrative law, which is an added advantage,Mr Musasizi promises transparent and accountable leadership based on collective responsibility, demand-driven initiatives.

‘Let us rise, shine, and fall together. It is our Municipality, our leadership, our initiatives and our direction,’ he said.

His symbol is a Radio for mobilisation, information and education as an independent candidate but NRM leaning

Twahiri Waiswa (NUP)

The NUP candidate has been in active youth politics and is an astute mobiliser. He holds a degree in law from Kampala International University, where he was the chairman of the University Electoral Commission and coordinator of opposition Youth Kamuli district.

His manifesto is based on skilling, increasing productivity and a clean Municipality.

We want to actualise youth involvement and productivity, and turn garbage into wealth and organic fertiliser, a new hope, a new era for Kamuli Municipality.

Peter Kaluuba(FDC)

A Professional teacher and administrator, Mr Kaluuba is currently the Kamuli District Secretary for Education and Community Development.

Despite being an opposition FDC candidate, he embraces harmony and pushes forward the Municipality.

‘We should not just have a Municipality in name, but take pride in it, let it visibly improve our lives, and work together to make it a true vehicle for progress.’

His manifesto is to improve drainage and create a good working environment between civil servants and politicians.

Bringing a wealth of experience in community and local leadership, he promises accountable leadership consultation and priority planning.

According to the Electoral Commission schedule, elections for district and city mayors and councillors will take place on January 22, 2026, while municipality and city division chairpersons and councillors will be elected on January 27, 2026. Earlier, on January 15, 2026, Uganda elected its president and members of Parliament.

President Museveni has accorded an official burial ceremony to the former Minister of Education and Sports, Geraldine Namirembe Bitamazire, recognising her long and distinguished service to the country.

The Minister for Presidency, Ms Milly Babirye Babalanda on Tuesday said the deceased educationist would be laid to rest on Wednesday at her ancestral home in Kibuga Parish, Masakwa Village, Butambala District.

‘Accordingly, H.E. Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, in line with Article 99 of the 1995 Constitution of the Republic of Uganda as amended, which vests executive authority of Uganda in the President, has directed that the late Hon Namirembe Bitamazire be accorded an official burial,’ Ms Babalanda said in part.

She added that the government has constituted a hybrid National Organising Committee, chaired by herself, to coordinate burial arrangements in collaboration with the family.

An official burial means that the government will meet all funeral and burial expenses.

Bitamazire died on January 14, 2026 at the International Hospital in Kampala at about 9 pm. Details surrounding her illness were not immediately disclosed.

Distinguished career

Born on July 17, 1941, to the late Ssalongo Dezdelio Ssajabi and Nnalongo Rose Nasozi in Kibuga-Masakwa Village, in the present-day Butambala District, Bitamazire was married to Mr Alfonse Bitamazire, with whom she had seven children.

She received her secondary education at Trinity College Nabbingo before joining Makerere University, where she earned a Diploma in Education in 1964, a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1967 and later a Master of Arts degree in 1987.

Bitamazire had an illustrious career as an educationist, women’s rights activist, counsellor, diplomat, and politician.

Between 1971 and 1973, she served as a director at the East African Harbours Corporation before becoming head teacher of Tororo Girls School, a position she held until 1974.

From 1974 to 1979, she worked as a Senior Education Officer in the Ministry of Education. In 1979, she was appointed Minister of Education and Sports during the Iddi Amin administration, a role she served in until 1980.

Between 1980 and 1996, she was Deputy Chairperson of the Education Service Commission. She later returned to Cabinet as State Minister for Education and Sports from 1999 to 2005, before being elevated to full Minister of Education and Sports in 2005, a position she held until 2011.

She concurrently served as a Woman Member of Parliament for Mpigi District between 2001 and 2011.

Education legacy

Bitamazire is widely regarded as one of the architects of major education reforms in Uganda, including the introduction of Universal Primary Education (UPE).

She played a key role in revising the primary school curriculum, improving national enrolment levels, enhancing performance in national examinations – including PLE and UCE – strengthening teacher training and professional development, and expanding and rehabilitating school infrastructure across the country.

Her service also extended beyond Uganda. She was a member of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women from 1998 to 2001, a founding member of the Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE), and a member of the Kajubi Commission, which reviewed Uganda’s education policy.

In her later years, Bitamazire served as Chancellor of the Uganda Management Institute.

In its message of condolence, the government described the late Ms Bitamazire as a leader of high integrity, a unifier within the Buganda community, and a public servant whose contribution to Uganda’s education sector will endure.

‘The Government of Uganda sincerely commiserates with the family, the Buganda community and the entire nation on the passing of Hon Namirembe Bitamazire,’ the statement read.