Category: Daily Monitor

By the time he unlocks the doors of the Fashion Clinic each morning, Achi has already lived several lives in his head. There was once the life of J.K. Mulungi, one half of the pop duo Undercover Brothers, riding the brief, intoxicating wave of radio play and stage lights, a life where fame arrived conspicuously faster than money. Today, he answers simply to Achi. The name is shorter, sharper, and ruthlessly efficient. It fits the man he has willed himself to become; a musician turned fashion stylist, entrepreneur, actor, content creator, and, by his own unflinching admission, ‘whatever pays, as long as it is legal.’

Survival is not shameful

‘I am an all-rounder,’ he says, without apology. ‘And anyone hiring, I am always applying.’ That is the skeleton key to his entire philosophy. In Achi’s Kampala, survival is not shameful; pretense is.

He attests that for many Ugandan artists; public recognition is a currency that rarely converts to rent. He learnt this early, chasing the high of Tusker Project Fame while hunger followed him home.

‘People think fame equals soft life,’ he reflects. ‘But the brokenness that bites you when you are famous is worse than when you are unknown.’ There were days of carefully calculated single meals. Days when a hotel buffet felt like a crisis, not of greed, but of primal fear. ‘You do not know when you’ll eat again. So, you are thinking, ‘how do I create space for some chicken?”

It is a haunting image; the recognised artiste, stepping away from the crowd to make room in his stomach, not his pride.

That reality, raw, undramatic, and rarely spoken of in curated feeds, is what ultimately pushed him toward fashion.

The Fashion Clinic

The Fashion Clinic was never a glamorous business idea; it was a survival plan. Music was too unpredictable to stand alone. Passionate, yes, but unforgiving. So, he leaned into something tangible. His family had roots in clothing; as a musician, appearance was armour.

‘Men have serious fashion issues,’ he says, a laugh breaking through. ‘They do not care, not because they cannot afford it, but because they think they have more important things to worry about.’ A decade ago, long before online selling was fashionable in Uganda, he was posting shirts on social media, moving small margins that painstakingly added up.

When customers demanded a physical space, he opened a tiny shop at LDC. That shop was the seed. Five years ago, after a good December season, he saved what he calls ‘car money.’ The next step seemed obvious. Then a lawyer friend asked a simple, devastating question: Why buy a car when your shop is too small? The question changed his trajectory. Instead of a vehicle, Achi chose space, a bigger shop with rent nearly ten times his previous rate. ‘I saw this place and felt butterflies,’ he recalls. ‘I do not think I would’ve felt that if I bought a car.’ He paid the rent, borrowed to furnish it, and lost the money to a disappearing interior designer. He returned to zero. ‘And then you just breathe, because life happens. But if you believe God knows what He is doing, fear reduces.’

Stripped of all glamour

Stepping into the Fashion Clinic today is to enter a sanctuary deliberately carved from chaos. Achi, drawing from travels in Asia, has built an oasis of wood, stone, and greenery. Buttons are crafted from horn and leather; the palette is all earth tones. ‘I want people to walk in and feel calm. Like therapy,’ he says. It is a stark, beautiful contrast to the hustle that built it. For years, the clinic operated without his face attached. That changed when business became hard, really hard. Marketing shifted, foot traffic dropped, and ads grew impossibly expensive. ‘No help is coming,’ he states plainly. ‘That is the day you wake up.’ ‘If I cannot afford an influencer,’ he shrugs, ‘then I influence myself.’ Comedy became his hook. ‘Everyone is stressed,’ he explains. ‘If I make you laugh, you stay. If you stay, you might buy.’ It is survival marketing stripped of all glamour.

If he could speak to his younger self, or to any wide-eyed entrepreneur, his advice would bypass capital. ‘Capital is the last thing,’ he insists. ‘Research is everything.’ He has watched people lose millions in months by entering businesses they did not understand. ‘You would rather start with Shs3m and knowledge than Shs20m and ignorance.’ Marketing, he adds, is non-negotiable. If global giants still advertise, small businesses have no excuse not to.

For all his public movement, Achi is fiercely private, guarding his personal life not for mystery, but for protection. ‘I fear character assassination,’ he confesses. ‘I have seen how information is used.’ The one relationship he speaks of freely is with his mother. ‘She never judged me,’ he says, a rare softness in his eyes. ‘Dreads, music, choices, she never changed how she saw me. If I tell you one person who would walk with me anywhere, it is my mother.’

The unfinished song

Peace, for Achi, remains a rare currency. He finds it in one place, on stage, guitar in hand, singing to a live audience. ‘I literally leave this world,’ he divulges. ‘That’s heaven for me.’ Music, despite everything, remains his refuge, not for money or fame, but for pure, unadulterated release.

Achi does not romanticise the hustle. He derives no pleasure from the struggle and makes no claim to having it all figured out. But he works, honestly, relentlessly, and without shortcuts. ‘I am not a scammer,’ he says, his gaze steady. ‘I want people to trust this place.’

And perhaps that is the truest, most compelling thing about him; in an economy and an era built on flawless appearances, Achi survives by refusing to fake a single one.

Every parent has a story about their own childhood. We dust off these memories like old photographs; some faded with struggle, others sharp with lessons learned the hard way. Maybe you walked miles to school without shoes. Maybe you spent holidays working just to afford a new uniform. We tell these stories to remind our children how much easier life is for them today. But when it comes to pocket money, that gentle reminder often turns into a tangled, emotional problem. How much is enough? And what are we really trying to say when we hand over that cash?

The great divide

Marvin Kyambadde, a father of three teenagers, feels this tension deeply. He watches his children’s faces fall when he offers what seems to him like a generous sum.

‘My children sulk if I give them Shs100,000,’ he says.

To him, this amount represents a fortune, a sign of his care and hard work. To them, it might feel like less than their friends receive, or not enough for the things they see and want. Then there are parents like Hassan Kasozi, whose childhood was built on a different kind of effort. For him, going to school was almost a selfish choice.

‘My parents were disappointed when I went to school because I deprived them of extra free labour for the farm,’ he recalls. Earning his own school fees was a necessity for survival. Parents like him often wonder if today’s children are missing out on that gritty drive that comes from having no other option.

This divide shows that how we give pocket money says more about our own past than about our children’s present. Some parents give freely and generously because the memory of their own need still stings. They are building a protective wall between their children and any kind of want. Others hold back purposefully, believing that a little struggle builds strong character, just as it did for them. They see pocket money not as a gift, but as a tool for teaching grit.

Educationists weigh in

Schools are caught right in the middle of this debate, and they cannot seem to agree on the answer either. Teacher Johns Lameck has watched this play out in different institutions. He says, ‘the approach to pocket money provision varies across schools.’ Some schools decide on one standard amount for every student. The goal is to create a level field, to avoid jealousy and comparison in the dormitories. Other schools leave it completely up to parents. They trust families to know what is best for their own children. But this well-meaning trust can lead to new problems. Children are observant. They notice who can buy what, and quiet hierarchies form based on spending power. Many educators believe the solution isn’t about the amount, but about control.

Education expert Dan Kidega stresses that learning requires focus, and money can shatter that focus. He warns that ‘some school requirements, if not properly regulated, can distract students.’ An unlimited budget can turn a schoolbag into a toy store, pulling a child’s attention away from their books.

Head teacher Joel Kato takes this idea and puts it into practice. He strongly advises parents not to give all the money at once. Instead, he suggests letting the class teacher or school bursar hold the funds and give them out in smaller pieces over time.

‘Providing pocket money in a lump sum may encourage children to purchase unnecessary items,’ he explains. In his school, the rule is strict: ‘no learner is permitted to carry pocket money exceeding Shs100,000.’

The logic is straightforward, if you do not have it burning a hole in your pocket, you can’t impulsively spend it.

Money is a distraction

But walk into a different kind of school, and you will find a different reality. In some private international schools, the numbers are on another scale. Teacher Samson Okello observes that it is common for students to bring around Shs2m. The school’s policy is not to limit the amount, but to manage it. They have a specific teacher who acts like a bank teller, holding the money and doling it out when needed. Yet, even with this system, the core problem remains.

‘Some students have been creating excuses to leave school,’ Okello says. They invent reasons to go off campus, not for essentials, but to buy trendy snacks and treats. The money, no matter how it is stored, becomes a central distraction.

What is the right answer?

So with schools divided and parents guided by ghosts, what is the real answer? Economist Julius Tweheyo offers a shift in perspective. He says we are asking the wrong question. The issue is not ‘how much?’ but ‘what for?’ Pocket money should not be seen as just cash for snacks. It should be treated as a child’s first practical lesson in life.

He suggests a clear, hands-on method; ‘give a set amount for a set time, such as Shs45,000 for the month. Then, step back and observe. Watch how your child budgets, chooses, and prioritizes. The most important part comes when the money runs out. ‘If the money is exhausted within two or three weeks, avoid topping it up,’ Tweheyo advises. Let them feel the result of poor planning. Let a week without extra treats teach them what a lecture cannot.

For younger children, the approach needs to be gentler and more protective. Child development specialist Lydia Nakato focuses on Primary One to Primary Three. She says children this young ‘lack financial awareness’ to handle cash wisely. They are also ‘prone to misplacing or losing it.’ Her recommendation is for parents to work with the school canteen.

‘Deposit a fixed sum, say, Shs100,000, with the canteen attendant. The attendant then helps the child make purchases and keeps a record. On visitation day, parents get a simple report of what their child bought,’ Nakato suggest.

This system, she says provides safety and gentle guidance without overwhelming a small child.

But waiting too long to start these lessons might be a mistake, argues banker Sarah Naluyima. She believes the seed of financial wisdom should be planted very early.

‘Financial literacy should be introduced as early as Primary One,’ she contends. At this age, children are starting to understand counting, value, and exchange.

‘This is the perfect time for simple, concrete lessons. Teach them the difference between a ‘need’ (a pencil) and a ‘want’ (a fancy glitter pen). Give them a transparent piggy bank so they can watch their savings grow. When they buy something at the canteen, help them subtract the cost from their total. It makes the abstract idea of money feel real and manageable,’ she notes.

In the end, after all the debates about limits and lump sums, the ‘right’ amount of pocket money is not really the point. The point is the conversation that happens around it. The point is the lesson hidden inside the transaction.

Are we teaching our children that money is endless, that Dad’s wallet is a bottomless pit? Or are we carefully showing them that money is a tool, something you earn, plan with, and use wisely?

The race for the Busia mayoral seat has attracted six candidates, setting the stage for a closely contested election shaped by debates on accountability, infrastructure development, and service delivery in the busy border town. One of the contenders is Ms Aisha Kalombo, the Eastern Division chairperson, who is contesting as an Independent candidate. She is the only woman in the race. Looking back at her time in leadership, Ms Kalombo says she is proud of her role in lobbying for the construction of Sofia Health Centre III.

‘The area where Sofia Health Centre III stands was previously a fruit market, but when the government requested land for the construction of a health facility, I took a bold step and worked with the municipal authorities to allocate the market land,’ she says. Ms Kalombo says that if elected mayor, she will prioritise accountability in the use of all funds allocated to development projects in the border town. ‘We plan to work on improving the road network, tarmacking more roads, and ensuring access to clean water across all the 24 villages,’ she said.

Another contender is Mr Iddi Ouma, who is also running as an Independent candidate. He previously served as the national youth chairman of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) before falling out with the party leadership. Mr Ouma argues that Busia Municipality needs a leader who is educated and capable of critically examining all programmes being implemented. ‘Our current mayor does not attend meetings and cannot read, and that is why the town has not had any new development projects in the last five years,’ Mr Ouma claims.

He adds that although Busia Municipality was among the towns that received the highest funding under the USMID programme, amounting to Shs27 billion, it was ranked the poorest in the country in terms of implementation. ‘We want to promote accountability for all the funds we receive from the central government so that our people can enjoy quality services,’ he says. Mr Ali Mande, the former chairperson of the Uganda Clearing and Forwarding Association for Busia, is the ruling party’s flag bearer in the mayoral race. Mr Mande says as a major entry point into the country, Busia deserves first-class infrastructure, including well-maintained roads and improved public services.

He says Busia is one of the dirtiest towns due to poor waste management, a challenge he says he will prioritise if elected. ‘We should be able to lobby for more funds to keep our town clean and ensure that our road trenches are free from blockages,’ Mr Mande says. Mr Mande also criticised the incumbent mayor, Mr Sadik Amin, claiming that apart from attending and making speeches at burials, he rarely attends council or public meetings where key issues affecting the municipality are discussed. Mr Iddi Kibaki, the current chairman of Western Division, is the National Unity Platform (NUP) flag bearer in the Busia mayoral race.

He was first elected in 2021 on the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) ticket before crossing to NUP.

Mr Kibaki is credited with overseeing some of the best roadworks and implementing effective waste management policies in the division. Mr Kibaki says that despite Western Division collecting the lowest local revenue compared to Eastern Division, they have prioritised roadworks and waste management. He adds that much of the money sent to the municipality by the central government is not properly utilised, and he intends to enforce a zero-tolerance policy on corruption.

He also accused Mr Amin of presiding over the failed Busia Market project.

‘The central government constructed the Busia Market at a cost of Shs24.5 billion, but the facility is turning into a white elephant. We need a policy that will ensure the market becomes fully functional,’ Mr Kibaki says. Meanwhile, Mr Amin, the FDC flag bearer, has dismissed criticism from his rivals, saying they are insensitive to the real challenges facing the town. Mr Amin argues that the funds sent to the municipality are not enough to implement all planned activities.

He says the money allocated for roadworks is particularly inadequate and that he needs more time to lobby for additional funding.

Mr Amin, a grandson of former Ugandan president Idi Amin Dada, says he revived the construction of the municipal offices, a project that had stalled for more than five years. ‘I have built the offices and partially completed a sizable portion of the premises, and I am seeking another term to complete the construction,’ Mr Amin says. Mr Siraji Omunyu, the former Eastern Division chairperson, is the flag bearer for the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF). Mr Omunyu says that despite Busia being the main entry point from Kenya into Uganda, the town remains disorganised and poorly planned. Like the other candidates, he says he will prioritise roadworks within the municipality, improve street lighting, and ensure that residents have easy access to affordable and clean water.

For the past two decades, no opposition parliamentary candidate has won an electoral seat in Kamuli and Buyende districts, highlighting the NRM’s strong and enduring control in the area.

The party has consistently swept parliamentary elections, leaving the opposition with minimal influence. In the 2026 elections, NRM flag bearers once again secured all parliamentary seats in Kamuli and Buyende.

Central to this success was First Deputy Prime Minister Rebecca Kadaga, who served as the de facto commander-in-chief of the campaign, mobilising voters through radio talkshows, public engagements, and grassroots outreach.

She emphasised party discipline, loyalty, and commitment above personal interests, while championing major development projects such as upgrading Kimaka to an international airport and founding the Namasagali Marine and Nuclear University.

“Let us stop dwelling on past disappointments and move forward, because we cannot stand alone when there is unfinished business that we must advance, defend, and secure,” Ms Kadaga urged, rallying her support.

In Buyende, Budiope East MP Moses Hashim Magogo was elected unopposed, as was his wife, Speaker of Parliament Anita Among in Bukedea District.

Ms Sarah Hassan Namulondo won the District Woman MP seat for Buyende, while Minister for Presidency Milly Babirye Babalanda defeated six male contenders to claim the Budiope West seat. In Kamuli, Kadaga herself secured her seventh term as Woman MP, defeating six younger contenders.

The constituencies of Buzaaya and Bugabula North were retained by incumbents Martin Muzaale and John Teira, both NRM candidates, while Mastula Namatovu won Kamuli Municipality, and Matthew Bazanya claimed victory in Bugabula South.

The Coordinator of Busoga District NRM Chairpersons, Abubaker Walubi, attributed the party’s success to the fact that the districts remain largely rural, while the government has actively addressed key challenges, including education, healthcare, infrastructure, and security.

“People in the villages care about having schools for their children, health facilities to treat them, markets to sell their produce, good roads, and security. A villager doesn’t ask for much else. That is why NRM continues to win here, and why voters remain loyal to NRM candidates,” Mr Walubi explained.

Opposition figures acknowledged the weak presence in Greater Kamuli.

“The opposition only emerges during elections and will continue living in the shadows of the ruling party as long as Kadaga maintains her grassroots base, nurtures voters, and delivers on their critical needs,” said Gonza Bukenya, FDC Electoral Commissioner for Kamuli.

The NUP Busoga Regional Coordinator, Mr Moses Bizitu, said the party fielded candidates in both Kamuli and Buyende, but some were disqualified after being offered money, weakening the opposition’s chances in the districts.

‘We had a candidate in Budiope West in Buyende, but our candidate was sidelined, and Mr Moses Magogo went unopposed,’ he said.

Starting as an online casino review magazine in 2009, DashTickets has become one of the most trusted niche websites in New Zealand, with its signature DashScore becoming a benchmark for casinos that operate in the country. This success led editor-in-chief Mark Dash to work towards expanding the website’s offerings, and now DashTickets also provides an Alternative Dispute Resolution Service for casinos mentioned on the website.

How ADR works

Mark Dash provides some context: online casinos are largely unregulated to this day, and thousands of New Zealanders rely on reviews to make their choice. When players encounter some extreme situations in casinos that the team personally vetted, it becomes its responsibility to help with resolving them.

Currently, the team offers assistance from a dedicated resolution specialist to any New Zealander who has been treated unfairly by a casino that appears on the DashTickets NZ online casino rating. The expert will gather all the necessary information and contact the casino to reach a solution. The team specifies that a player can apply for ADR in cases of unpaid or held withdrawals, impossible security checks, uncredited deposits, unjustified closure of a player account, or unlawfully forfeited bonus winnings.

‘We work with situations of high importance – the ones that mostly revolve around casinos presumably acting in an illegitimate or otherwise highly inappropriate way. When this happens, we have to interfere to ensure New Zealand players are treated fairly. If the casino won’t interact with us as well, we suggest contacting a lawyer and maybe even going to court. Luckily, we never had to get things this far in our practice yet – most conflicts can be solved in simpler ways,’ says Mark Dash.

How DashTickets’ ADR services work

Any New Zealand player who used one of the DashTickets’ links to register a casino account and then encounter unfair treatment can apply for ADR using a special form on the website. The player has to provide the name of the casino, the disputed amount of money (if any), a thorough example). explanation of the problem, and documentation that supports their claims (a screenshot, for

An ADR service page on DashTickets’ website

DashTickets specifies that the team won’t accept complaints that aren’t related to serious issues like unpaid withdrawals or uncredited deposits. Game glitches, slow loading games, awkward graphics, login issues, long losing streaks, and unresponsive live chat are signs of a low-quality casino experience provided by the website, but none of them should be addressed by the ADR service. However, these complaints may still be helpful for the team when they update the casino reviews, like GameBurnWorld casino magazine doing it on a regular basis.

‘We value feedback from fellow New Zealanders either way. Our goal is to be the most comprehensive database of New Zealand’s offshore casinos, and we are already a go-to place for any player who wants to check a certain website before depositing any money. With the launch ofour ADR service, we will leave an even bigger positive impact on the local gambling industry,’ says Mark Dash.

What makes ADR services so crucial for New Zealand players

New Zealand is particularly interesting when it comes to gambling regulation. On the one hand, the local government provides solid protection to players when it comes to local casinos, whether land-based or online. On the other hand, offshore online casinos fly under the radar most of the time – and these are some of the most popular casinos among players.

An example of a casino review page from DashTickets

‘The situation has been like this for years. While we do hope that something will change in the future, for now, we as journalists have to act as a shield between New Zealand players and various casino malpractices,’ says Sophia Novakivska, author at DashTickets.

As Novakivska explains, DashTickets’ initial idea was to protect New Zealanders from bad casino experiences by publishing extremely detailed reviews from the player’s perspective:

DashTickets relies on the mystery shopper approach to ensure no bias

The team checks the casino’s background

The reviewer plays games using real NZ dollars and attempts to withdraw winnings

The team contacts the customer support service

The reviewer contacts other players to get a full picture

All of this combined leads to a comprehensive review that paints the whole picture and helps locals make informed choices. For the rare cases when the reviews turned out not to be enough, DashTickets now has ADR.

The Ntungamo Magistrate’s Court on Tuesday remanded 33 men over charges related to alleged election violence in Ntungamo Municipality.

Presiding over the court, Principal Grade I Magistrate Christine Turibamwe ordered that the suspects be remanded until February 9, when they will return to court for a bail hearing as police investigations continue. The suspects were not allowed to take plea after appearing in court because the prosecution was not ready, as no State Attorney was present.

‘You have a right to apply for bail. However, at this moment, court cannot hear the application because the State is absent. You will therefore be remanded until February 9, when you will reappear for a bail application,’ Magistrate Turibamwe ruled. According to the charge sheet presented to court, the 33 men are accused of being armed in public with the intention of causing chaos. ‘It is alleged that on January 15, at Ntungamo Town in Ntungamo District, the accused persons were found carrying dangerous or offensive weapons, including 13 pangas, 11 iron bars, 10 slashers, three pickaxe wooden handles, and two pieces of electric wire,’ part of the charge sheet reads.

Police allege that the suspects were hired as election guards by the Ntungamo Municipality Member of Parliament, Mr Yona Musinguzi. However, their presence raised suspicion among residents, as many of them were not known in the community, leading to their arrest. Most of the accused are reportedly bouncers at bars in Kampala. Those charged include Nyombi Simon Peter, a bakery attendant from Budo in Wakiso District; Sabiti Frank, a bouncer at Urban Bar in Namungona; Tumwesigye Augustine, an IT specialist from Rukungiri District; Muriisa Kofi Brown, a bouncer with UBA Security; Mugume Emmanuel, a boda boda rider;

Kanyesigye Moses; and Nyombi Cliff, a bouncer from Kayunga District.

Others are Kasule Kirumira Fred, Mugisha Chris, Lubega Akram, Kayemba Aloysious, Kiwanuka Joseph, Kabasa James, Nsereko Edwin, Kibirige Mutwalibu, Ssebagala Ali, Matovu Richard, Sendinda Robert Nsimbe, Bossa Edward, Kazibwe Godfrey, Ajaru Jovan, Semakula Ali, Egesa Frank, Kasozi Simon, Kizza Charles, Ssekabira Davis, Makumbi Peter, Hire Shamilu, Katongole Bashir, Tabura Joseph, Kabanda Yasin, and Tumwesigye Richard. Mr Musinguzi lost the Ntungamo Municipality parliamentary seat to former Youth MP Gerald Karuhanga, whom he had defeated in the 2021 General Election.

Ntungamo Municipality has previously experienced incidents of election-related violence. During the NRM party primaries, Mr Musinguzi was assaulted at a polling station, sustaining a fractured skull. He later underwent surgeries following the attack.

Lira Regional Referral Hospital (LRRH) has emerged as a critical lifeline for Northern Uganda after commissioning an oxygen plant that now produces up to 120 cylinders of medical oxygen daily, serving patients across the Lango, Acholi and Teso sub-regions.

The oxygen plant, commissioned in November 2024 under the Global Fund’s Covid-19 Response Mechanism, operates ?????-the-clock and has double functionality: filling oxygen cylinders while simultaneously supplying oxygen directly to the hospital through a Medical Gas Piping System (MGPS).

Hospital administrators say the facility has fundamentally transformed healthcare delivery in a region long affected by shortages of essential medical supplies.

Lira Regional Referral Hospital Principal Administrator Mr Peter Okello Odeke described the plant as ‘a big and rare medicine which every hospital and every person craves for,’ noting that it has significantly reduced reliance on the National Medical Stores.

He recalled the acute shortages experienced during the Covid-19 pandemic, when oxygen demand surged beyond national capacity.

‘Oxygen is medicine and it was a very big and rare medicine during the COVID 19 pandemic. During that time getting oxygen was as difficult as it was hence leading to death of many people since the oxygen was supplied by the National Medical Stores and also through the oxyplant with high competition and so costly,’ Mr Odeke said.

He said the new facility stands as a symbol of progress and critical investment, saving lives in Lira while strengthening referral services for surrounding districts.

‘I want to thank the government through the Ministry of Health for having come up with the project of establishing oxygen plants for the Regional Hospitals. It has helped to relieve the people and the facilities of this problem,’ he said.

According to hospital management, the oxygen plant has ensured stable supplies not only within Lira Regional Referral Hospital but also to lower-level health facilities in the wider Lango sub-region, as well as parts of Acholi and Teso.

Mr Odeke said the decision to establish a full oxygen plant in Lira has brought major relief to patients and healthcare workers alike.

‘On a good will the wards have also been piped such that we are now able to get oxygen and medical air in the wards and that has reduced the load on carrying oxygen in cylinders,’ he said.

He explained that the automated system allows oxygen to be stored and released as needed, reducing strain on the plant and ensuring continuous supply.

‘So, the moment we have pumped, the station works such that its able to store oxygen and then release it later,’ he said.

‘When it gets lower, the pump automatically gets on and it’s able to pump oxygen and fill the storage cylinders that then are transported to the wards where the piping has been done. So it relieves the plant from running all the time,’ he added.

To ensure sustainability, local biomedical and technical staff have been trained to manage and maintain the plant, reducing dependence on external technicians and helping guarantee uninterrupted operation.

The hospital is also strengthening its specialist workforce. Two new specialists, including an anesthesiologist, have recently joined the facility, bringing the total number of specialists to 18.

Mr Odeke said two more health workers are currently undergoing training in neonatology and intensive care, with projections that the hospital will surpass 20 specialties within the next two years.

‘It positions the hospital into the fairest, best position to attend to the needs of the people in Lango sub-region,’ he said.

However, challenges remain. Mr Sam Lyut, a member of the hospital’s board, expressed concern over inadequate infrastructure, particularly in the maternity ward.

He said the ward has been expanded into a tent due to space constraints, describing the situation as unacceptable.

‘Newborns should not be sleeping in tents,’ he said.

Mr Lyut said the board is working to secure funding for a permanent ward complex and urged religious leaders to pray for the project’s realization.

If the recently-concluded national polls are anything to go by, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) has reason to smile after winning the political support of Soroti City for the first time.

Mr David Calvin Echodu, the NRM national vice chairperson for the eastern region, said the victory was historic.

Speaking as he received the presidential results from the EC tally centre in Soroti City, Echodu, whose team operates under the code name New Energy, said President Museveni’s win in Soroti City for the first time in 25 years was worth celebrating.

‘The president’s victory in this 2026 election in this urban area is so sweet. The NRM had never won Soroti City in the last 25 years. Today I am pleased that the people have buried the long hatred they harboured against the NRM by overwhelmingly voting for Museveni with 21,853 votes, with the runner up having a decimal 6,050 votes for Robert Ssentamu Kyangulanyi, and Nathan Nandala Mafabi having 3,250 votes,’ Mr Echodu said.

Mr Echodu said this is the start of the new chapter in the relationship between the people of Soroti City and the government.

Soroti was once a stronghold of the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) before the emergence of the Reform Agenda in 2001, which later transformed into the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) in 2006.

Since the National Resistance Movement (NRM) took power in 1986, the area has remained a major political headache that the NRM has struggled to overcome.

The long-held resentment against the NRM is rooted in the belief that the party played a role in the collapse of the cattle economy in Teso Sub-region.

This perception made it nearly impossible for the ruling party to win the support of the majority of voters in Soroti until the just-concluded elections.

Mr Echodu said as one of the elected NRM MPs, he will ensure that service delivery meets the expectations of city residents who have shifted their support to the NRM.

Echodu, the NRM flag bearer for Soroti City West, defeated FDC strongman Jonathan Ebwalu after polling 7,931 votes against Ebwalu’s 6,031 votes.

‘We managed to articulate to the people the achievements of the NRM government, sector by sector. We broke down the NRM manifesto for the next term sector by sector, and it is our ability as the grassroots mobilisers for the President that touched the souls of the people,’ he said.

Ms Teddy Acham, the national NRM presidential mobiliser, said the President had taken long to win Soroti because some individuals previously used NRM positions to fuel fights and divisions within the party, a situation she said has since been resolved. She added that prospects going forward will improve even further.

Uganda on Wednesday praised outgoing Chinese ambassador Zhang Lizhong for a tenure officials said helped push bilateral ties to their strongest point in six decades, marked by major infrastructure projects and deepening strategic cooperation.

Zhang, who took up his post in Kampala in 2021 at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic, will return to Beijing at the end of January after four years and seven months in Uganda.

Speaking at a farewell reception in Kampala, Vincent Bagiire, permanent secretary at Uganda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, raised a toast to what he described as a period of ‘very development-oriented’ engagement between the two countries.

‘Your tenure coincided with a period in which cooperation between Uganda and China has been increasingly tangible,’ Bagiire said on Tuesday.

‘Many of us have observed firsthand the visible impact of the Chinese-led projects that have greatly transformed both the physical and industrial infrastructure in Uganda.’

He cited projects including the Kampala-Entebbe Express Highway, industrial parks in Kapeka and Mbale, and investments credited with boosting employment and domestic production of goods previously imported.

Bagiire also praised Zhang for what he called his respect for Uganda’s institutions, culture and people.

Visibly emotional, Zhang said he had grown deeply attached to the country during his posting, sentiments echoed in paintings of Uganda displayed at the event by his wife, Lin Yaqun.

‘I’d hope that I can stay longer in Uganda. Personally, I like Uganda very much,’ Zhang said, thanking Ugandan officials, diplomatic colleagues and Chinese nationals for supporting his work.

‘I’m honored to have served as Chinese ambassador to Uganda during four historic years in which China-Uganda relations made a major leap forward,’ he added.

‘These have been years of climbing step by step and building high together. It is my honor to witness the unprecedented deepening of strategic mutual trust between China and Uganda, as we stood together in upholding international justice.’

Zhang also led Beijing’s support for Uganda’s Covid-19 response, including vaccine donations, and encouraged Chinese investment, alongside cooperation in education and health.

According to Zhang, the six-decade relationship between the two countries is now at its strongest.

Bilateral ties were elevated to a ‘comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership’ during the 2024 Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in Beijing, granting selected Ugandan exports tariff-free access to China.

Bagiire reaffirmed Kampala’s commitment to expanding cooperation with Beijing across industrialisation, energy, technology transfer, trade, education, health and skills development.

The reception was attended by diplomats, senior government officials, members of Uganda’s Foreign Service, and representatives of the Chinese and Ugandan business communities.

The lack of a clear policy framework on the use of funds earmarked for expanding oil palm growing, coupled with unresolved land ownership disputes, is slowing the rollout of the oil palm project in Kalangala District. In 2023, President Museveni directed that Shs51.9 billion recovered from loans previously extended to farmers on Buggala Island be used to expand oil palm farming in Kyamuswa County. However, nearly two years later, the project is yet to take off, largely due to delays in issuing guidelines on how the funds should be utilised.

The expansion plan initially targets more than 700 acres on Sserinya Island, about 600 acres on Lulamba Island, and over 1,500 acres on Bukasa Island. Additional land on Bugaba, Bufumira, Buyovu and Funve islands is also earmarked, building on the already established 5,000 hectares of oil palm on Buvuma Island. Mr Samuel Muloma, the liaison officer for the Kyamuswa County Oil Palm Project under the Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries (Maaif), said the absence of clear guidance from the government has delayed implementation.

‘We are still waiting for direction from the Ministry of Finance and Maaif on how this money will be put to use,’ Mr Muloma said in an interview on Monday. ‘Without approved guidelines, it becomes difficult to operationalise the project,’ he added. So far, 258 farmers owning more than 2,005 hectares of land have been registered, against a target of more than 4,000 hectares to support the expansion. Farmers in Kyamuswa are expected to begin planting during the September-December rainy season. According to Mr Muloma, this timeline is influenced by the need to coordinate early with Oil Palm Uganda Limited (Opul), the sole supplier of seedlings.

However, land tenure disputes remain a major obstacle. Mr Joshua Wafumbwa, a Kyamuswa County district councillor, said many residents occupy land owned by absentee landlords whose ancestors acquired it during the tsetse fly outbreak in the early 1900s. ‘Over time, families settled and farmed on this land. But relatives of the original owners have returned to reclaim it, leading to clashes with sitting tenants who have lived there for decades,’ Mr Wafumbwa said. He added that some disputes involve tenants who applied for leases on public land as far back as 2010 but never received formal documentation.

‘With no clear land ownership documents, many islanders fear they could lose their land once the project starts,’ he said. ‘We are not sure whether all the farmers being registered have proper ownership documents,’ he added. Mr Muloma said new registration requirements now compel farmers to provide evidence of land ownership to minimise disputes. ‘We do not want a situation where oil palm is planted and later someone emerges claiming ownership of the land. That is why documentation is mandatory,’ he said, calling on residents to register early so that surveys and farmer training can begin.

Kalangala Resident District Commissioner Fred Badda said his office receives more than 15 land-related complaints every week. ‘We are guiding residents on how to regularise their land ownership and encouraging those without documentation to work with landowners within the law,’ Mr Badda said. He added that surveys will also safeguard cultural sites, water sources, forest reserves and public land reserved for future developments. Mr Nelson Basalidde, one of the pioneers of the oil palm project in Kalangala, said stakeholders are keen to avoid mistakes made during the establishment of the Bujjumba oil palm project on Buggala Island.

‘We reviewed what went wrong before, including planting oil palm in fragile ecosystems near the lake. That should not happen again in Kyamuswa,’ he said.

Unlike in Bujjumba, where an outgrowers’ cooperative was formed after farmers had already planted oil palm, stakeholders have agreed to establish a cooperative before planting begins in Kyamuswa. ‘The proposed Kyamuswa Multipurpose Cooperative Society will be set up at the start to manage farmers’ affairs from day one,’ Mr Basalidde said. Kyamuswa Sub-county chairperson Steven Kavuma said local leaders are optimistic the project will boost the economy.

‘Many landing sites that had faded will come back to life, and more people will earn a living,’ he said, adding that leaders have lobbied for the project since 2015.

Senior agricultural officer Frank Nsimbi, however, warned of environmental risks if safeguards are ignored. ‘We must protect buffer zones, especially the 200-metre shoreline buffer. If we fail, Lake Victoria will suffer,’ he said. Mr Muloma said the 200-metre buffer has already been enforced on Bunyama and Bubembe islands and will apply across Kyamuswa, alongside tree planting.