Pian Upe: Uganda’s most underrated wilderness yet

Pian Upe National Park opens up slowly, with long, unbroken horizons of grassland and stone. The vast wilderness in eastern Uganda is the country’s second-largest protected area, managed by the Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA).

It sits between Mount Elgon and the Karamoja plains, a semi-arid ecosystem of open savannah, acacia woodland, rocky ridges and seasonal rivers. Unlike Uganda’s forested parks, Pian Upe offers space and ecological beauty.

Travel writer and safari enthusiast Jonathan Benaiah once captured it simply after a sunrise drive across the plains. Watching light spill over the grasslands, he reflected on the calm and openness of Pian Upe, noting that the stillness itself was the attraction.

Pian Upe’s ecological value is immense. It is home to Uganda’s only remaining population of roan antelope, alongside eland, zebra, impala, oribi, Uganda kob and reedbuck. Cheetahs still move across these plains, making Pian Upe one of the few places in the country where the world’s fastest land mammal can occasionally be seen.

Ostriches stride through the grasslands, raptors ride thermals overhead, and during the dry season animals gather quietly along seasonal rivers such as the Girik. The absence of crowds means encounters feel personal and unfiltered-often just you, a ranger, and the vast land.

Yet Pian Upe is not only about wildlife. It is also a landscape layered with human history. Pastoral communities have lived with and moved through this terrain for generations, and nowhere is that connection more tangible than at Pian Upe Cave House. Tucked into volcanic rock on a ridge within the reserve, the cave is not a themed lodge or novelty stay.

It is an actual ancient cavern that once served as a shelter for Karimojong warriors and later as a resting place for pastoralists and their cattle. Today, it has been carefully adapted into one of Uganda’s most unusual wilderness stays. The cave house is offered exclusively to one group at a time, preserving the private and quiet experience. It has three cave rooms carved into stone, with thick rock walls that naturally regulate temperature.

Stays are full-board, with meals prepared by a private chef and served in the stone dining space or outdoors, overlooking the plains. Solar power provides lighting and hot water, while evenings are defined by firelight, stars and an almost complete absence of artificial noise.

There are no neighbouring guests, no televisions, and no distractions beyond the movement of wildlife and the changing light. Guests can enjoy guided game drives, birdwatching directly from the rocky outcrop, nature walks with rangers, or simply sit and watch the savannah shift colours through the day.

It is an experience that blends conservation, culture and solitude. It is precisely this combination of scale, biodiversity and cultural depth that has strengthened calls to upgrade Pian Upe from a wildlife reserve to a national park.

Pian Upe is now considered a national park, having been elevated from its former status as a Wildlife Reserve, officially gazetted as a national park in April 2025, representing a different but equally vital Uganda, one of savannah, openness and resilience.

In its peaceful magnificence, it rewards those willing to travel a little further and slow down a little more. In its silence, it offers perspective, and in its vastness, a reminder of how wild Uganda can still feel. Pian Upe is one of Uganda’s last great open savannah ecosystems.

About Pian Upe

Location: Eastern Uganda, within the Karamoja Sub-region, between Mbale and Moroto. Getting there: You can get there by road from Kampala via Mbale, for approximately eight to nine hours.

A 4×4 vehicle is strongly recommended, especially during the rainy season. Wildlife highlights: Roan antelope which is unique in Uganda, cheetahs, eland, zebra, impala, Uganda kob, oribi, ostriches, hyenas, jackals, serval cats, and rich birdlife, including raptors and savannah species.

Activities: Guided game drives during the morning and evening hours, birdwatching, nature walks with UWA rangers, landscape and wildlife photography and cultural encounters with neighbouring communities.

Accommodation options: Pian Upe Cave House (Inside the Reserve, exclusive private stay (one group at a time), three cave rooms carved into volcanic rock which have full-board meals at $350 (Shs1.3 million) per double per night, half board: $305 (Shs1.1m) per double per night.

There are UWA bandas and campsites. Bandas range from $30 (Shs109,000) to $40 (Shs145,000) per night, camping: from $10 (Shs36,000) per person per night. There is also the option of nearby town accommodation, for example guesthouses and lodges in Mbale or Moroto for travellers combining Pian Upe with Mount Elgon or Karamoja itineraries.

Park Entry Fees (Indicative, UWA): Foreign non-residents part with $35 (Shs126,000) per day, foreign residents: $25 (Shs90,000) per day and East African citizens: Shs20,000 per day.

Past and present: Multiparty, federo supporters plan to field single candidate

Thirty one years ago, it emerged that proponents and supporters of multiparty democracy and those who were pushing for the introduction of a federal system of government had been working together to unseat the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) by fielding a single candidate. At the time, the process of writing the 1995 Constitution was ongoing, and the expectation was that elections would be called immediately after the process had been concluded. The projection was that the general election would be held at some point in 1995.

According to The Monitor of December 19, 1994, the plan had been hatched following a series of clandestine meetings between the Democratic Party (DP) and the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC). It should be remembered that members of the two parties and others who were keen on a quick return to political pluralism had already been working together in the Constituent Assembly. With the help of the late Prof Dani Wadada Nabudere, they formed what was known as the National Caucus for Democracy, to which Nabudere was the secretary general.

Some of the notable members of the caucus, especially from UPC, included Cecilia Ogwal, Obua Otoa, Okullu Epak and Dick Nyai. The caucus had already agreed to cooperate on issues of land, national language, human rights, pluralism and detention without trial in order to counter some of the activities of the Constituent Assembly Movement Group. Paul Ssemogerere, who was the DP president general, hailed the spirit exhibited by UPC members. ‘You may accuse UPC of having abrogated the 1962 Constitution, but I think you also applaud the contribution of Cecelia Ogwal, Obua Otoa, Okullu Epak, Dick Nyai and others.

They have had the courage to defend issues that are consistent with fundamental freedoms. On the other hand, quite a number of former UPCs are now mainstream NRM and are pursuing the old ways,’ he had said in an interview during the course of the CA. The newspaper reported that no candidate had been identified as of December 1994, but there were all indications that the search for a candidate was zeroing in on Ssemogerere. The newspaper reported that DP and UPC diehards used a December 18, 1994, seminar funded by the Foundation for African Democracy (FAD) to call for a united front of proponents of political pluralism and federalists in the next election.

According to the newspaper, UPC stalwart Adonia Tiberondwa, who was the Council Member (CM) representing Igara Constituency in the National Resistance Council (NRC), told attendees that the best safeguard for federalism was multiparty democracy since NRM was a monolithic system in which the centre, regions and districts had to be ruled by Movement people. ‘He [President Museveni] is not likely to beat a combined force of multiparty and federo supporters after 10 years of incumbency and fatigue,’ Tiberondwa said. ‘You can impute anything. I can’t tell you more without coming out officially,’ he said later when The Monitor approached him to substantiate reports that a UPC/DP/Federalists alliance was in the offing.

Tiberondwa, who was the minister for Industry during the Obote II regime and was later a member of the Presidential Policy Commission, died on December 22, 2004. Speaking during the same seminar, Patrick Mwondha, who was also the Constituent Assembly (CA) delegate for Bukooli County, then a part of Iganga District, is reported to have also made a strong case for the alliance. Bukooli County has since been divided into several constituencies. It is now a part of Bugiri District. ‘I am sure that given the unity of UPC, DP, and federalists we are sure to remove all the obstacles on our way,’ Mwondha said.

Mwondha, who was a deputy minister for Local Government in the Obote II government and later served as vice president of UPC, died on January 16, 2021, succumbing to cardiac arrest at the Uganda Heart Institute. He was aged 67. According to the newspaper, the choice of Ssemogerere was strongly supported by UPC leaders who saw him as the only candidate who had the capacity to snatch the vote of the people of Buganda from Mr Museveni. His being from Buganda, coupled with his advocacy for federalism and a political Kabaka, both of which were at the heart of the aspirations of sections of the people of Buganda, were believed to be strong points.

At the time, Mr Museveni had been quite unequivocal in his stand against Federo, and was said to be unsure of the depth of the support he enjoyed in Buganda.

Despite the apparent rejection of federalism in the CA, the NRM had entered into a series of discussions with Buganda. As it turned out, the life of the CA was extended by the NRC and the election did not take place in 1995. The first presidential election under the new Constitution was held in 1996. Ssemogerere was, however, fielded as the joint candidate of the Inter-Party Forces Cooperation (IPFC), which brought together DP, UPC and the National Liberal Party.

The alliance

Whereas Tiberondwa had initially indicated that he would lead the IPFC challenge, but the odds against the party were stacked against it, especially in Buganda and Busoga and most parts of the south. At the same time, its president, Milton Obote, was living in exile in Lusaka, Zambia. Mr Peter Mukidi Walubiri, a lawyer and leader of one of the factions of UPC, who participated in the negotiations that arrived at the decision for the party not to field a candidate and instead rally behind Ssemogerere, says making the decision was quite simple.

‘UPC has always understood that you join forces when there is a crisis in the country. We had done that in 1962 when we allied with KY [Kabaka Yekka] to avoid the impasse that had arisen, and we did it again in 1980 when we allied with DP to fight for a return to political pluralism. At the time, Godfrey Binaisa was intent on avoiding elections. He wanted to introduce a Movement-type form of governance,’

Mr Walubiri says. The pluralists were also well aware of the fact that none of the political parties had the kind of strength and depth that was required to take on NRM. ‘Museveni and his NRM had been in power for close to 10 years. The NRM had the State, the military, public resources and public servants. The parties, on the other hand, had neither resources nor structures. There was no realistic chance of victory except by working together,’ Mr Walubiri says.

The terms of agreement

Mr Walubiri, who was part of a legal committee that worked out the terms of the cooperation agreement between the parties, revealed that besides agreeing on a joint presidential candidate, the parties had also agreed to, where possible, field joint parliamentary candidates in most of the constituencies. They also agreed on opening campaign offices in the districts with a campaign headquarters in Kabusu, Rubaga Division in Kampala.

Post-election agenda

In the event that their candidate ran away with victory, he or she would give priority to three action points in the first 100 days in office. The first was to cause an amendment to the Constitution to have Article 269 repealed. Article 269 barred parties from engaging in ‘any activities that may interfere with the movement political system’. The same Article barred them from operating branches, holding public rallies and sponsoring candidates for political office for as long as the Movement system was in force.

The other two were the implementation of a minimum economic recovery programme and the demilitarisation of politics. The latter would have also necessitated a constitutional amendment that would lead to striking the army off the list of interest groups with representation in Parliament. There was, however, no power-sharing agreement or any discussions in that direction. ‘This was a gentleman’s agreement, and we never discussed who would take which job if we won.

We were not looking for jobs. We were fighting for freedom and democracy. Besides, we knew that a new government would be transitional,’ Mr Walubiri explains. Mr Museveni was declared winner of the election with 4,428,119 votes against Ssemogerere’s 1,416,139 votes. Mr Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja garnered 123,290 votes.

Part VIII: What witnesses in Katanga trial told court

In the eighth and final part of our summary capturing what all 25 witnesses said in a case where Molly Katanga is being tried for the murder of her husband, Henry Katanga, on November 2, 2023, we capture what experts from the Uganda Police Force said while on the stand. (*Links to all previous articles have been attached at the end of this article)

Molly is facing trial, together with her two daughters-Martha Katanga and Patricia Kakwanzi-as well as a medical worker Charles Otai, and long-serving Katanga shamba boy George Amanyire.

The latter four are facing charges relating to evidence tampering and being accessories after the fact.

The court will render a decision on February 19, 2026 as to whether the prosecution has established a prima facie case against the accused persons. Below is a summary of what witnesses 24 and 25 told the court.

Detective Sergeant David Beteise

He was an investigating officer in this case and worked directly under DSP Bibiana Akongo, who led the investigations. He is attached to Jinja Road Police Station, in the Criminal Investigations Directorate under Homicide Desk.

He was the Investigating Officer (IO) in this case.

His roles as IO entail investigating homicide cases, interviewing suspects, conducting searches, arrests, compiling files and sending them to the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP), bringing suspects to court; plus testifying in court.

The police veteran of 31 years said on November 2, 2023, the day of Henry’s death, he was at Kinawataka on other duties with then Jinja Road OC-CID, Bibiana Akongo.

The latter received a call informing her of a case of alleged suicide by shooting in the Mbuya area. The call came in at around 10am.

They proceeded to the Katanga residence on Plot 50 Chwa II road in Mbuya. The team was led by Akongo and had Corporal Tonny Oryokot, Constable Owinyi and other uniformed police officers. Scene-of-Crime-Officer (SOCO) AIP Emmanuel Olugu (PW20 in this case) was also part of the team.

They found ASP Peter Ogwang, the then OC Bugolobi Police Station, together with AIP Samuel Musede and another female crime intelligence officer attached to Bugolobi.

When they reached the residence, ASP Ogwang briefed them that he had received a call from Charles Otai (A4) informing him of a case of suicide by shooting, which he responded to.

Sergeant Beteise said: ‘Upon reaching the scene, the facts weren’t revealing suicide, they were instead revealing murder.’

ASP Ogwang and AIP Musede made a decision to cordon off the scene. He then said AIP Musede, who was at the main entrance of the house, preserved the scene.

ASP Ogwang then led them to Patricia (A2), who led them to George Amanyire (A5), who in turn led them to Charles Otai (A4).

Otai introduced himself as a family doctor and led them to what Sgt Beteise called ‘the seat of the crime’ on the first floor of the house.

Upon reaching the first floor, they found the master bedroom closed but with a key in the lock.

Otai opened the door before the SOCO, Olugu, entered and made a walk through while Sergeant Beteise remained at the open door.

The SOCO took photos of the scene as he found it.

Olugu made some photo identifiers and placed them on key exhibits he had identified.

When SOCO was done with his photography, DSP Akongo, Sergeant Beteise, Oryokot, Owinyi entered and also had a walk through.

Sgt Beteise told court that Henry was shot from the left side of his head and the bullet exited on the right.

Under cross examination, he couldn’t explain why there was no bullet marking on the side the bullet is supposed to have exited from yet there’s a bullet marking on the opposite side.

Mr Beteise also accompanied the body of Henry Katanga to the city mortuary in Mulago, made a postmortem request and observed the process.

He said by the time the body was taken to the mortuary, the investigators had concluded that it was a homicide and not suicide.

Under cross examination by Mr MacDusman Kabega, Mr Beteise was asked why then he filled ‘alleged suicide’ in the postmortem request form if indeed they had ruled it out.

He said it was because ‘the matter was still under investigation.’ Mr Beteise was asked whether fingerprints and nail clippings were taken from Henry’s body during postmortem, to which he said no.

However, a postmortem was read to him and it indicated they’d indeed been taken. The defence in this case has repeatedly accused the State of suppressing evidence like fingerprints because, in their opinion, it is adverse to their case.

Mr Kabega asked him to confirm that none of the accused persons was being tried under the computer misuse act; which he confirmed. The import of this being that the state confiscated mobile phones of the accused persons for digital forensics analysis. They say they relied on a court order gotten under the Computer Misuse Act.

Clement Otiti

The Assistant Inspector of Police (AIP) was the 25th witness and the last prosecution witness in this case. He is a 29-year-old police officer attached to the directorate of forensic services in Uganda police.

He works in the department of criminal identification under the section of crime scene management in the evidence response team. Mr Otiti is a crime scene examiner specialising in bloodstain pattern analysis. His role entails examining blood stains at crime scenes to aid investigations.

He joined the police in 2019 and started practicing as a bloodstain pattern analyst in 2022. He holds a diploma in animal production and management from Busitema University (2018) and a basic police induction certificate (Learner asst inspector). AIP Otiti said when he was invited to the scene of crime, he realised the string line method they usually use for blood pattern analysis couldn’t be effective here because there were multiple surfaces on which the blood was deposited. He said there was blood on all the walls of the Katanga master bedroom, on the ceiling, floor and other multiple surfaces.

Through his supervisor Damian Serunjogi, AIP Otiti requested a specialised tool (HemoSpat tool) which he said would be more accurate. Police procured it on November 22, 2023 and the analysis was done thereafter. AIP Otiti told Justice Comfort Kania that the cast-off blood patterns he saw were consistent with blood deposited by an object in constant motion, perhaps indicating that someone was swinging an object with blood, going back to get more blood onto it and swinging it again. The defence says Henry beat his wife, Molly, with a blunt object and it is this object that spread her blood all over the room. Henry’s blood was only found on the mattress the couple shared.

Mr Otiti said in his opinion, upon analysis of events at the scene, there were numerous violent movements in the room as blood was being exposed to various surfaces. When asked by Chief Prosecutor Jonathan Muwaganya as to what he meant by violent movements, Mr Otiti said: ‘In the context of bloodstain pattern analysis violent movements means forceful or energetic activity that results in the formation of the [blood] pattern.’

AIP Otiti then continued: ‘Cast-off blood on the ceiling suggests blood was ejected over time from an object in motion.’ He authored his report on January 2, 2024 and sent it to CID on January 25, 2024.

Asked by the defence whether he knew that by the time of filing his report, the accused persons had been charged and committed, Mr Otiti said: ‘No, I didn’t know that.’

With him, the prosecution rested.

Justice Kania invited the defence to file written submissions on a no case to answer by December 22, 2025, with the prosecution replying on January 28, 2026.

And if there’s any rejoinder by the defence, that should be submitted by February 5, 2026. A ruling on whether the prosecution has established a prima facie case will be delivered by February 19, 2026.

Evidence

The crime scene at the Katanga residence (Plot 50, Chwa II Road, Mbuya) did not support suicide but indicated homicide.

The master bedroom on the first floor was identified as the seat of the crime.

The bedroom door was locked, with the key left in the lock.

Photographs of the crime scene were taken before any interference, with photo identifiers placed on key exhibits.

Gunshot wound evidence showed Henry Katanga was shot from the left side of the head, with the bullet exiting on the right.

There was no visible bullet exit marking on the side where the bullet was said to have exited, despite a marking on the opposite side.

The body was taken to Mulago City Mortuary, and a post-mortem examination was conducted.

A postmortem request form was filled indicating ‘alleged suicide.’

The postmortem report indicated fingerprints and nail clippings were taken from the deceased’s body.

Mobile phones of the accused persons were confiscated for digital forensic analysis, based on a court order obtained under the Computer Misuse Act.

Bloodstains were found throughout the master bedroom, including on walls, ceiling, floor and multiple other surfaces.

A HemoSpat bloodstain pattern analysis tool was used due to the complexity and spread of bloodstains.

Cast-off blood patterns were identified, indicating blood was deposited by an object in repeated motion.

Bloodstains on the ceiling suggested blood was ejected over time from an object in motion.

The bloodstain patterns indicated numerous violent and forceful movements within the room.

Henry Katanga’s blood was found on the shared mattress, while other blood was distributed widely across the room.

A bloodstain pattern analysis report, dated January 2, 2024, was prepared and submitted to CID on January 25, 2024.

Akello once called a walking coffin, now beauty pageant

At just one year old, Sandra Akello lost her first anchor to life – her mother, claimed by HIV. She was too young to understand death, too young to remember a mother’s touch.

What followed, however, would shape every breath she took growing up. Akello, now 24, was an only child. After her mother’s death, she was taken in by a sickly stepmother in Lira City, while her father, a soldier, lived alone in the barracks. Grief had barely settled when tragedy struck again. Within weeks, her father died.

A few months later, her stepmother followed, also succumbing to HIV/Aids. By the time Akello could form memories, death had already hollowed out her family. The responsibility of raising her, alongside her stepsister and stepbrother, fell to their aging paternal grandmother in Ogur Village, Lira District. With the little strength she had, the grandmother did what grandmothers do best, she held the children together with faith, discipline and quiet sacrifice.

A diagnosis at 10

Life took a darker turn when Akello turned 10. She began falling sick frequently. Her grandmother, haunted by the family’s medical history, took her to Ogur Health Centre IV. ‘When I reached Primary Three in 2010, I started falling sick. They tested me and I was diagnosed with HIV. I was started on treatment,’ Akello recalls quietly. She and her elder stepbrother were enrolled at the health centre’s ART clinic. They continued school at Ogur Primary, carrying a burden far heavier than schoolbags.

But children talk. News of their HIV status spread through the village and into the school. What followed was cruelty disguised as fear. Her brother, then in Primary Seven, bore the brunt of the stigma. Classmates refused to sit with him or play with him. Lonely and exhausted, he abandoned his medication, dropped out of school and slowly faded away. ‘He died in 2013. He was co-infected with TB. He was so lean. Children feared him.

He felt so lonely and gave up on life,’ Akello says. ‘When he died, I became convinced I would also die soon. I had lost almost everyone.’ Grief overwhelmed her. A few weeks after her brother’s death, Akello dropped out of school while in Primary Six. It took the persistence of her head teacher and class teachers, who knew her academic potential to bring her back.

Brilliance amid brokenness

In 2014, as politicians prepared for the 2016 elections, one parliamentary aspirant pledged to sponsor bright students in the area. Akello saw a chance not just for education, but to lift the burden off her grandmother’s frail shoulders. She studied relentlessly. In 2013, she sat her Primary Leaving Examinations and scored Aggregate 11, passing in Division One. Only three pupils in her school achieved that grade. Akello was the only girl. True to the promise, the MP sponsored her education at King James Comprehensive Secondary School in Lira, on condition that she maintained good grades.

But boarding school introduced a new battle; privacy. Afraid of being seen taking her ARVs, Akello hid. She waited until students left the dormitory. Sometimes, she swallowed her medication in the pit-latrine. Then stigma found her again. A girl from her village joined the school and exposed her status. ‘I was now an adolescent. I cried the whole day. I lost friends. I stopped going for food and classes,’ she remembers. ‘I had submitted my name to contest for assistant head girl, but when I went on stage, students said they could not vote for someone who was going to die soon.’

Someone drew a cartoon of her on the notice board and captioned it with words she will never forget: A walking coffin. ‘I threw my ARVs in the pit-latrine,’ she says. Her performance declined. The school summoned her grandmother, warning that she was about to lose her sponsorship. Only then did Akello speak about the stigma that had crushed her spirit. Three months without medication took its toll on her. She fell gravely ill and was hospitalised for more than a month, diagnosed with tuberculosis.

Finding herself again

When her grandmother disclosed Akello’s status to the school administration, something shifted. The school matron took charge of her medication. Counselling followed at school and at home, but fear still lingered. Her true turning point came unexpectedly. When Ogur Health Centre ran out of ARVs, Akello was sent to Lira Regional Referral Hospital for a refill. ‘There were so many young people living with HIV,’ she says, her voice brightening. ‘They looked healthy. They talked freely. One girl told me she was positive too. She kept counselling me.’

For the first time, Akello saw herself reflected not in death, but in possibility. ‘I realised I could not change my status. But I could love myself, take my medication and live a normal, positive life.’ Back at school, she stopped hiding. Slowly, the whispers died down. In Senior Three, she contested for head girl and won. Her grades improved. She scored Aggregate 24 in her Uganda Certificate of Education exams.

Turning pain into purpose

In Senior Five, a friend from the referral hospital encouraged her to contest in the Miss Y+ (Young Positive) Beauty Pageant, an initiative by the Uganda Network of Young People Living with HIV/Aids aimed at fighting stigma. She needed institutional backing. Opportunity came again through Ogur Health Centre, where she was recruited and trained by the Joint Clinical Research Centre (JCRC) as a young and adolescent peer supporter. Her first salary of Shs150,000 a month was modest, but it meant independence.

In 2022, she enrolled for a Diploma in Social Work and Social Administration at Lira University, paying part of her tuition herself. Though she is yet to graduate, she has pressed on. In November last year, Akello contested for Miss Y+ once more. She emerged Miss Y+ Northern Uganda, with support from JCRC. After the contest, JCRC offered her a job as a counsellor. Today, she is attached to Parapwo Health Centre III.

This year, she enrolled for a degree in Community Psychology at Lira University, paying Shs1.6 million per semester from her own earnings. As Miss Y+, Akello now traverses schools and universities, speaking openly about HIV, self-worth, disclosure and sexual reproductive health. ‘I have met many young people who are still afraid to tell their partners, their teachers, even their head teachers,’ she says. ‘Stigma is still very real.’

The bigger picture

Dr Maureen Kwikiriza of the Uganda Aids Commission says disclosure among learners remains low. She notes that comprehensive HIV knowledge stands at 56 percent among girls and 54 percent among boys. ‘Teenage pregnancy and early sexual debut are still a challenge,’ Dr Kwikiriza says. ‘By age 15, about 13.9 percent of girls and boys will have engaged in sex.’

A 2024 pilot study in 10 districts revealed that while only 79 learners disclosed their HIV status, 199 experienced stigma and discrimination. ‘With a supportive school environment, learners can open up,’ Dr Kwikiriza advises. ‘Teachers need training, and schools must be linked to nearby health facilities. Lack of privacy and stigma stops learners from taking medication.’

Silent killer roars as teens battle emotional disorders

A study published by PLOS Global Public Health on June 12, 2025, reveals that one in five secondary school students exhibits signs of emotional disorders.

These include anxiety, depression and adjustment disorders, often characterised by excessive worry, sadness, fear and mood instability. While the findings have raised alarm, Ms Ketra Kizito Kisekka-Ntale, a counselling psychologist, began observing this trend much earlier; during the Covid-19 pandemic.

‘It was during that period when I saw an influx of children seeking counselling for anxiety and other mental health challenges,’ she says.

Previously, Ms Kizito’s work largely involved adults, including clients in the diaspora. Encountering so many distressed children came as a shock. ‘What was even more painful was the absence of parents. Many were too busy to engage, even when I repeatedly contacted them,’ she adds.

A teenager’s silent crisis

One case remains etched in her memory. A teenage girl presented with both emotional and physical distress. She had been using the morning-after pill and was bleeding heavily, fearing her organs had failed.

Ms Kizito later discovered that the girl had been purchasing P2 pills from a pharmacy. When asked whether her parents were aware, the answer was telling.

‘No, my mum leaves early and returns late. My dad travelled,’ the 16-year-old said.

Ms Kizito explained the possible side effects of the pill, including hormonal imbalance.

‘From my experience, many teenagers fear pregnancy more than HIV. Perhaps it is because they have not witnessed the physical devastation of HIV/Aids as our generation did,’ she says.

With the girl’s consent, Ms Kizito contacted her mother. Appointments were repeatedly postponed until she finally asked: ‘What is it you cannot tell me over the phone?’

Parents missing in action

Ms Kizito says the incident reflects a broader pattern of parental absence and child neglect. Experience has shown her that many children appear confident, yet they are uninformed. They think they know what they are doing, but they do not. She believes early knowledge reduces regret later in life.

‘It is better to experience life with some understanding than to say, ‘I wish I had known,” she adds.

Rather than waiting for children to seek help, many of whom are unaware of counselling services or fear stigma, Ms Kizito took her work into the community. She now conducts extensive pro bono counselling through churches and community outreach programmes.

Building children before they break

These efforts led to the creation of Empowered Teen, a programme designed to equip young people with life skills and mental health awareness.

‘When you build a child, you build a nation. It is also easier to build a child than to repair a broken adult,’ she says.

Although initially designed for teenagers, the programme was expanded to include pre-teens aged 10 to 12.

That is because that is the age when the confusion begins. Empowered Teen runs an annual boot camp every December. For the past two years, it has been hosted at St Francis Primary School, Ntinda, Kampala. The first camp attracted 85 participants, while attendance has since grown to over 100.

‘We separate pre-teens and teenagers to ensure the information shared is age-appropriate,’ she says.

Empowerment through connection

Mr Emmanuel Gitta, a youth and adolescent counsellor with the programme, says empowerment begins with understanding children’s lived experiences.

‘Through meaningful conversations, we understand where the children are emotionally and how best to support them,’ he says.

The programme also uses team-building activities that require children to solve problems together. This builds trust and confidence and teaches them that it is okay to ask for help. Some participants receive one-on-one counselling during or after the camp, with several continuing sessions long-term.

‘We have observed positive behavioural and emotional changes. Empowered children often go on to support their peers, creating a cycle of wellbeing,’ Mr Gitta says.

Ms Mackline Praise Asaba, a facilitator with the programme, says the camp is crucial in helping teenagers cope with life’s pressures, which are now amplified by technology.

‘The programme equips teenagers with skills in career guidance, emotional regulation, coping mechanisms and recognising child abuse,’ she says.

She adds that the sessions encourage accountability and responsible decision-making. ‘The convention helps teenagers take ownership of their lives and make informed choices.’

Media pressure and identity

One major focus of the camp is media awareness. During Covid-19 lockdown, children relied heavily on digital devices for learning. While necessary, increased screen time has contributed to mental health challenges.

‘We shifted from trying to block gadget use to teaching children how to use devices safely and responsibly,’ Ms Kizito says.

The programme also addresses inequality and social comparison. ‘Not every child owns the same phone or shoes, but their purpose remains the same. We empower children to be confident regardless of what they have or lack,’ she explains.

The aim is to help children understand that identity is rooted in character, not possessions. In an era marked by gender identity confusion, drug abuse and substance use, Ms Asaba says the programme empowers children to stand up for themselves.

‘As they become more grounded, they navigate challenges better and are able to empower others,’ she says.

This creates a ripple effect that extends beyond the camp into schools and communities.

When roles are reversed

Despite its impact, the programme faces challenges. Ms Kizito notes a growing tendency among parents to surrender decision-making to children.

‘When we approach parents at school events about enrolling their child, some ask the child, ‘Do you want to attend?’ While explanation is important, asking for permission reverses parental roles,’ she says.

Children often decline, especially because the programme addresses sensitive issues such as media abuse and risky behaviour.

‘The parent is meant to guide the child, yet many are abandoning that responsibility,’ she adds.

Some children attend expecting entertainment rather than learning. Nonetheless, sessions are designed to be practical, engaging and under one hour. ‘For those who stay, the transformation is clear,’ she says.

Seeking help too late

Another recurring challenge is parents seeking help only after problems have escalated. Ms Kizito says it raises the question of why intervention did not happen earlier.

‘It is easier to groom a child than to rescue one who is already drowning.’ She recalls being called to assist a 10-year-old who had slept for two consecutive days after eating a biscuit laced with drugs.

‘In such cases, parents expect instant results. Yet children who have abused drugs require months of psychiatric care before counselling can begin,’ she explains.

This misunderstanding often fuels frustration and the belief that counselling is ineffective, prompting parents to move from one counsellor to another. Ms Kizito says stigma around counselling remains widespread, with many viewing it as necessary only for severe mental illness. Yet many people live with anxiety or depression at varying levels. She hopes counselling will eventually be integrated into the school curriculum.

‘Children may fear speaking to senior teachers due to confidentiality concerns. Counsellors are professionally bound to confidentiality, which allows children to open up,’ she explains.

A shared responsibility

Ms Kizito believes effective parenting requires a three-cord strand: parents, teachers and children. That is why Empowered Teen also conducts parent training sessions immediately after Teen camps. Here, facilitators share general concerns raised by children, without identifying individuals, to bridge communication gaps and encourage intentional parenting.

‘If parents are not empowered, they may unknowingly undo the progress made with their children,’ she says.

The programme also supports candidates transitioning from Primary Seven and Senior Six, helping them manage academic pressure, independence and new freedoms. ‘We engage parents on school selection and remind them to look beyond grades. Every child has talents that deserve recognition,’ Ms Kizito says.

Testimonies

Noble Tumushime, Namugongo Secondary and Vocational School: ‘We were taught about teen-related issues such as sexual harassment and abuse, abstinence, and making healthy choices. Young people today are exposed to a lot, often more than parents realise. Being empowered early helps us respond better to pressures like drug abuse and risky sexual behaviour. We also learned that people living with HIV or STDs deserve care and respect, and that self-worth does not diminish because of illness. This knowledge strengthens us mentally and emotionally. Many young people struggle with confidence. This programme helped me build composure and confidence. I have since taken on a leadership role at my school as a Chief Judge, which requires confidence in decision-making. The mentorship has been invaluable. I returned this year with my parents’ support, knowing there is always more to learn.’

Amalia Magoba, St Joseph’s Senior Secondary School, Nagalam: ‘Last year’s Teen Empowerment programme was a very enriching experience. I learned about drug abuse, mental health and how to relate better with others. We also made friends and learned the importance of respecting elders. We were taught that drugs are harmful and recovery from addiction is costly. We also learned that drugs can be hidden in unsuspected items like cookies or bread, so vigilance is important. Being around bad company, such as smokers, also poses health risks. Through activities like poetry, aerobics and teamwork, we built friendships naturally. After the camp, I became more confident, improved my presentation skills and learned how to connect better with others. I also deepened my faith through a session with a priest and learned important life skills such as etiquette. I am eager to build on what I learned and explore more topics, including teenage pregnancy.’

Hey, Uganda’s demons are back!

Celebrating New Year’s Eve has pagan origins. Early European and Asian traditions marked New Year’s Eve on different days, in different months, following different calendars. Janus, the Roman god of beginnings, after whom the month of January was named, was honoured with festivals on January 1 from 153 BC; long before the dawn of Christianity. The Julian calendar of 46 BC adopted January 1.

Uncomfortable with the recognition of the Roman god, early Christian leaders attempted to replace January 1 with dates more related to the Christian story.

But a 1582 AD revision of the Julian calendar by Pope Gregory XIII retained January 1. The Gregorian calendar is still used in most of Christendom. However, the day is celebrated as a semi-religious, semi-secular cultural event. It has far less religious significance than Christmas or Easter.

I have often heard Uganda’s Pentecostal pastors claiming that God had given them special commands for the annual switch-over, which they now call ‘pass-over’, ‘vision night’, and so on. As God’s dog, I know that God (Jehovah) is in a state of divine rest. He cannot issue commands elevating the switch-over above its modest secular-cum-religious status. Centrality of the day as a religious festival was for the Roman god, Janus, represented in religious art as having two faces (one face looking back, and the other face into the future). But Janus himself is comatose, if not dead.

He cannot see the fuss by latter-day neo-pagan Christian entrepreneurs, who have identified a business opportunity, complete with gimmicks of specially written and enveloped appeals to God, where the deal is obviously the enclosed cash. Stretching the celebration over a whole day has nothing to do with divine instructions, but Uganda’s culture of redundancy and binge indulgence. Marriage and funeral events have also been vulgarised and stretched into tiresome full-day exhibitions.

Last Sunday, at their threesome Impact Radio breakfast talk show, one of the pastors explained that the freedom to practice their chaotic/anarchic religion (he hyperbolically used the word ‘buyaaye’) was given by President Museveni; a gain that made many of them support Museveni’s re-election. By contrast, Opposition politicians, whose campaign is met with barbaric force, cannot see reasons for supporting Museveni. Is it a draw, a balance between selfish short-sighted opportunism and unrealistic liberal aspiration? Will God, Jehovah, wake up from his repose and give the nation a more humane direction?

Or will the Roman god, Janus, be resurrected to take full charge; consecrate the status quo and re-dedicate it as a new beginning? These are intriguing questions that cannot be answered now. We can only conjecture by observing the behaviour of Uganda’s demons. Another pastor spent much of December at his Kavule centre advertising the spectacular intervention that God (Jehovah) would bring. He divulged that he would not exorcise demons at the switch-over.

This would be done before the big day, implying that 2026 would dawn with demon-free devotees. Well, Uganda’s demons are as stubborn as they are shameless. They are back! This very Sunday, only four days later, pastors everywhere are screaming and deploying balls of fire and other weapons to drive them off. The optimism before December 31 has completely evaporated. The prophets of Janus masquerading as prophets of Jehovah have been exposed. They are unable to draw power from either camp. The election demon is brandishing its long teeth and wolfish claws. As citizens, we are on our own, the country in our hands. Justice Simon Byabakama and his Electoral Commission can help us to save it, or conspire to sink it.

How farmers stand to reap from carbon credits in 2026

When a group of agronomists approached her Village Savings and Loan Association (VSLA) group in mid-2021 to impress upon it the benefits of commercial tree planting, Jennifer Oyella’s husband, Francis Ojara, shot down the idea. Not only would it deplete soil nutrients but also shrink the family’s arable land, he reasoned. Undeterred, the agronomists from Kijani Forestry Ltd went on a charm offensive. Free seedlings, they disclosed, would be issued, with annual tree survival incentives paid across six years.

‘They asked to partner with us on a pilot project due to the devastation caused by internally displaced persons (IDP) at Pagik IDP camp nearly 20 years ago,’ Oyella recalls. With more than 30 acres of land, Oyella was asked to allocate only six acres for the model in which an acre of fast-maturing tree varieties would be planted every year for five years. She answered affirmatively, and, last month, Kijani Forestry Ltd paid her household slightly more than Shs0.6m as an annual tree survival incentive for their combined 3.5-acre woodlot (mixed Acacia polyacantha and East Indian Walnut varieties)

‘I am using that money to till another acre for a woodlot next year. I wish I had the capacity to plant more,’ she says. Kijani Forestry Ltd’s annual tree survival incentive works to Shs100 per tree at the end of each project’s first year. In 2026, the couple is optimistic to pocket three times the amount they received last year. This is because of the accumulated pay in the annual tree survival incentive. That’s not all. In early 2026, farmers, under the initiative, who planted their woodlot with green charcoal tree species, are set to embark on charcoal production utilising trees planted between 2020 and 2021.

Bastion of the rich no more

Planting and growing trees in Uganda once was inaccessible to the rural smallholder farmer. Forestry was a bastion of the rich thanks to prohibitive prices for seedlings as well as inaccessible and understocked nurseries. However, since 2018, Kijani Forestry Ltd has evolved into one of the country’s largest tree-planting organisations. Its innovative Nursery Hub Model now takes the nurseries to the farmers in their communities while providing all inputs at no cost.

Through the model, the farmers are now planting on their own land and signing contracts with Kijani Forestry Ltd to guarantee the procurement of their charcoal, timber, and carbon they will produce at farm-gate prices at the time of harvest.

Philip Olwoch, a farmer field coordinator with Kijani Forestry, says: ‘In year one the farmer gets Shs100,000 in incentives if all the 1,000 seedlings planted, survives, in year two, he gets Shs300,000 since the first acre, survival incentive grows to Shs200 (Shs200,000) each plus the second acre (Shs100,000), that incentive motivates the farmer to grow more trees and adds the third acre with income in tree survival now growing to Shs500,000 in year three.’ By year five, the woodlot planted in year one is due for the first harvest. At this time, the farmer’s income now works out to Shs6.9m (Shs900,000 in tree survival payments and another Shs6m in charcoal harvests). This is based on the 200 bags per acre average and Shs30,000 per-bag-average.

In the sixth year, the farmer plants the last acre (worth incentivising), but they continue receiving the survival incentives for the trees on a per-acre basis while harvesting those planted in year two. Olwoch told Business Outlook that the farmer earns three streams of income: one from the annual tree survival incentive payments, two from charcoal sales, and three from the Kijani Fund. For timber, instead of 1,000 trees, they do 400 trees per acre at Shs200 per tree in survival incentive, while the carbon crediting shoots up to Shs50,000 per tree in the 10th year.

During the harvest of both timber and green charcoal tree varieties, the intervention incorporates an on-field biochar production and use model where tree residues are locally burnt in a controlled manner. This, says Olwoch, ensures ‘very effective soil amendment and improves the fertility of the soil.’ From year eight, the farmer undertakes two harvests-the coppice harvest and the first harvest. In year nine, the first harvest of what they planted in year four, plus the coppice harvest of year two, is also ready, while in year 10, the first harvest of the fifth year woodlot, plus the coppice harvest of year three, is also ready. From year 11, because of the coppice harvest, the amount of charcoal is even more, and the income jumps to approximately Shs19m.

Carbon credits explained

It is from year 10, though, that the farmer begins receiving an additional stream of income from the Kijani Fund-the actual carbon (money) credit. ‘As trees grow from year one, we do a long-term average and from year 10, each tree is credited Shs200, and that money goes into the Kijani Fund, where the funders donate to us to pay the farmers,’ Michael Tebere, Kijani Forestry’s Director for Government and Partner Relations, says. Everything is predicated on so-called carbon credits. A credit is created when the equivalent of one metric tonne of carbon dioxide is prevented from entering the atmosphere or the equivalent amount of a different greenhouse gas is reduced, sequestered or avoided.

The smallholder farmer model that Kijani adopted for the Acholi Sub-region is developed to work on a six-acre model since the average land size per household in the region is currently 10 acres. ‘We encourage farmers to plant a lot (approximately one acre) each year for six years. By mid-2024, we had partnered with over 30,000 households to plant over 10 million trees,’ Tebere told Business Outlook. Across the 27 districts and a network of nearly 45,000 farmers in Acholi, Lango, West Nile, Karamoja, Teso and Bunyoro sub-regions, farmers are mobilised in groups comprising 15 to 20.

Each has a tree nursery of their own to generate excess seedlings. It is estimated that by 2030, the demand for carbon credits could far exceed the available supply, leading to a significant shortfall in the voluntary carbon market. Major corporations worldwide have set ambitious net-zero and carbon-negative targets for 2030, driving the estimated demand for carbon credits to between 1.5 and 2 gigatonnes of CO2 annually. However, the projected supply of carbon credits is expected to reach only about 280 to 470 million metric tons annually by 2030.

Charcoal production

In Uganda, more than 90 percent of the country relies on charcoal or firewood for cooking, causing widespread deforestation with devastating environmental effects. A century ago, Uganda’s forest cover exceeded 50 percent, but today it is just seven percent. ‘With roughly 2.5 million hectares of degraded land nationwide, we aim at replicating this initiative on a large scale to reverse environmental degradation and restore Uganda’s forests for future generations,’ Tebere said.

Kijani piloted its woodland restoration model on a 500-acre plot of land in Amuru district, where commercial charcoal production (a charcoal hotspot) had previously been carried out. The model seeks to restore what people have destroyed on a large scale. The restoration efforts prioritise six indigenous tree species: Acacia polyacantha (White Thorn), Albizia lebbeck (East Indian Walnut), Gmelina arborea (White Teak), Markhamia lutea (Nile Tulip), Senna siamea (Cassod tree), and Terminalia glaucescens (Velvet leaf tree).

‘These indigenous tree species are naturally suited to local conditions, ensuring long-term health and stability of the forests. Diverse forests excel at sequestering and storing carbon, supporting richer soil carbon stocks and contributing to climate mitigation,’ Tebere told Business Outlook. Through its restoration model, long-term lease agreements are secured on large plots of land with land owners where the indigenous farmers are hired to carry out seedling production, planting and growing trees. While the restoration sites will sequester millions of tonnes of carbon, their value extends far beyond this. These forests are meticulously designed to stabilise local microclimates, restore biodiversity, and generate hundreds of jobs for local communities.

Museveni studying US-Venezuela situation, says he’s ‘dying to defog’ Uganda’s youth

Uganda’s President Museveni says he is ‘still studying’ the unfolding United States-Venezuela confrontation, using the crisis to argue that Africa’s long failure to integrate has left the continent strategically exposed, and its young people dangerously distracted.

Museveni made the remarks during a tightly choreographed, televised dialogue with selected youth on Sunday, in a Kampala event dubbed ‘Jazz with Jajja’ held at Nakasero State Lodge and hosted by one of his daughters, Natasha Museveni.

The session began at around 11:30am, with Museveni taking the podium seated just a few metres from the moderator.

Participants who asked questions appeared to have been pre-selected, largely comprising the Ugandan leader’s supporters and handpicked media outlets, posing mostly non-confrontational questions on jobs, wealth creation, the multipolar world, and hints of a post-Museveni future. The exchange lasted over two hours.

‘This US-Venezuela. I’m still studying it. I don’t know what they’re fighting for,’ Museveni said, adding: ‘Whatever the case, we shall learn more.’

‘Very risky for Americans’

Museveni spoke as Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro was taken into US custody following an ‘audacious American operation’ that targeted military installations and power infrastructure in Caracas.

Washington has accused Maduro of involvement in drug trafficking, claims he denies, while critics have long described his rule as authoritarian, a backdrop Museveni appeared to reference as he reflected on the risks faced by smaller and less integrated states.

He said the standoff illustrated how major powers operate across multiple strategic domains (sea, land, air and space) while weaker states remain vulnerable.

‘Americans are operating from four dimensions like the sea. Latin Americans are not there. They can come in air force. Americans are in space and now they are trying to come on land which is very risky for the Americans,’ he said.

‘In space you are at an advantage because you are seeing me and I’m not seeing you. So, the issue of strategic security in Africa is very crucial,’ Museveni explained.

‘Big fish in small pond’

Museveni repeatedly returned to his long-held argument for East African Federation and wider African integration, saying he had warned of such vulnerabilities as early as 1963.

‘This is what we were talking about in 1963. Mwalimu was going to move but Kenyatta and Obote decided to remain big fish in a small pond,’ he said, warning that: ‘When you’re a big fish in a small pond, you feel very big but when trouble comes, you will not survive.’

He said Africa lacks a strategic ‘centre of gravity’ in a world increasingly shaped by power competition.

‘East Africa is a very strong and powerful unit for the black race. Yes, you can be small like Denmark but these countries have a centre of gravity. When they are in trouble, there’s a big boy like the US to defend them, but the African race has no centre of gravity and you’re here just dancing paka-chini,’ the 81-year-old Ugandan leader stated.

Museveni also warned against global domination by major powers saying: ‘Hegemony doesn’t work. People trying to control the world. It is very dangerous. multipolarism is unstoppable. You can’t stop it and you shouldn’t even try.’

“I’m glad East African leaders have never given up on EAC federation so that we’re able to unite our land and sea space; have more resources to be able to build the four dimensions of sea, land, air and space. We can’t remain here and think we’re very clever…watching European football clubs and dancing.”

Museveni swinging girls

The dialogue formed part of efforts to court Uganda’s youth ahead of the January 15, 2026 General Election, when Museveni will face seven opposition candidates, including his closest challenger in the previous poll, Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine.

More than 75 percent of Uganda’s 46 million people are under the age of 30 and have known only one presidency, making young voters a decisive electoral bloc.

Museveni accused young Ugandans of focusing on what he described as ‘small things’ while neglecting economic and political fundamentals.

‘You the young people don’t talk about the African market. always talking about the small things which is very dangerous,’ he said.

Millions of young Ugandans remain underpaid and seek greener pastures in the Gulf, a situation Museveni attributed to youth being ‘disoriented’ despite opportunities at home.

‘There are many jobs here but you are disoriented. Europeans have blurred your visions and that’s why you are always running abroad,’ he said, adding that: ‘There’s potential but you don’t see it and choose to run for slavery jobs in the Arab world.’

Museveni described this as a mindset problem rooted in the education system.

‘It is a mindset problem because you don’t have the spectacles to see what’s available for you. When you get a degree. sometimes a PhD in conflict resolution. what will you do? So, the system was designed to make Africa dependent,’ Museveni explained.

However, Museveni said recent curriculum reforms under his government were shifting Uganda back toward skills-based education.

‘This mindset change can come through the school system,’ he remarked.

‘Discipline Facebook, enters Elon Musk’

On technology and social media, Museveni defended Uganda’s long-running restrictions on US technology platforms, including Facebook, arguing that foreign companies must be disciplined.

‘They thought they could insult us, play around with us and we can’t close them. I closed them and waited for the cows in Uganda not to graze,’ he said.

‘The cows are grazing, fishermen fishing and Uganda is continuing. We closed it like five years ago and even forgot about it. If they behave fairly, we shall open them up,’ he reamarked.

Museveni reiterated that Uganda was also studying proposals from US billionaire Elon Musk to introduce Starlink satellite internet services, but on condition.

‘If it is true, we shall allow Musk to bring his satellites here if they can make that digital connection cheaper than the underground cable networks,’ he said.

‘Defog their minds’

Throughout the session, Museveni, often referred to as ‘Jajja’ (grandpa), portrayed himself as a mentor seeking to clear what he described as mental confusion among young Ugandans.

‘I’m dying to defog their minds,’ he said in his opening remarks, adding: ‘There’s a lot of fog in the world. I don’t mind removing the fog in their minds anytime.’

More than an hour into the dialogue, he mixed the admonitions with personal reflection.

‘I was young like you. I would also swing girls but remember to fight, study, work and dance once in a while. The problem is that now you’re dancing all the time,’ he observed.

Museveni warned that Africa’s growing population could deepen existing vulnerabilities if not matched with organisation and integration.

‘In the next 30 years, Africa will comprise a quarter of the world’s population, yet remain disorganized. So, wake up,’ Museveni said on Sunday from Kampala, as he offered more than 10 participants Shs1 million each as a transport refund for attending the event.

Rigged soccer: When boys played against girls at Victoria Nile School

Uganda is a football country. People’s health and happiness heavily depend on the fortunes of their English Premier League teams. The narrative is controlled by whether Manchester United is winning or losing. No point trying to tear the newspaper at this point, because details of this will come another day. I attended Victoria Nile School, Jinja, 1978-1983. Mixed school, and like most Ugandan schools then-and now-football ruled the imagination. Football was not just a game; it was the narrative. The boys played football. The girls had their games too: netball, rope skipping, kwepena, etc. But football was king.

Every once in a while, the girls would tire of watching from the sidelines and demand a piece of the action. Our sports master, Mr Julius Owino-Oloo, a huge crowd favourite, would oblige-on conditions. Since football was ‘not their game,’ the girls would be assisted. Heavily. Boys, no running. Walking only, hands tied behind our backs by clasping them together – undoing them was an automatic disqualification. No touching the girls at all-no tackling, no shielding, no pushing.

The girls, by contrast, ran freely. They could not be offside. They could push, shove, or even slap you-no case to answer. And if, by some miracle, a boy scored a goal, Mr Owino-Oloo would smile and find a reason to cancel it. An offside that did not exist. A boy who had ‘run’ somewhere in the build-up. Something-anything. The objective was never concealed: the girls had to win. At the time, we laughed. It was a game. The rules were absurd, but harmless. I had forgotten all this until I took another look at Uganda’s elections. Then the memory returned-fully formed, disturbingly familiar.

Under our Constitution, elections must be free and fair. The official narrative insists that they are exactly that. Yet for four decades, a pattern has been consistent: One side of the political contest is allowed to campaign freely across the country-years before the official campaign period opens. It uses State resources openly. Public officials double as mobilisers. Laws are broken – but the Electoral Commission sees absolutely nothing wrong. But let the other side do something. Anything. Oh! The referee suddenly remembers the rulebook. Press conferences are convened.

Statements are issued-stern, legalistic, indignant. Threats of disqualification are made, and often carried out. Always against one side. Never the other.

One side is disciplined by law. The other is indulged by discretion. Meanwhile, leaders and mobilisers from the disadvantaged side are hauled to prison-on charges of treason, terrorism, possession of firearms, or rape. The charges are always grave. The timing is always convenient. The cases rarely proceed to trial. And when they do, they collapse-sometimes spectacularly-without the accused needing to say a word.

In the political economy of elections, for ‘revolutionaries’, manipulation is cheaper than competition. It costs less to criminalise and disable opponents than to persuade citizens; less to control referees than to improve performance. Over time, a country’s economy is built around this as a strategic objective: institutions that benefit from selective enforcement, officials rewarded for compliance, and a system where the costs of cheating are borne by the public, while the benefits are privately enjoyed.

The result is an election that is procedurally elaborate but substantively hollow-like a football match where one team plays with tied hands, forbidden to run, while the other enjoys the full freedom of the pitch and the referee’s indulgent smile. The irony is that this system is often defended in the name of stability, order, and legality. Yet nothing corrodes law faster than selective application, and nothing destabilises a polity more than the knowledge that outcomes are predetermined. Football teaches a simple democratic lesson: rules matter only if they bind everyone equally, including the referee.

A referee who must ensure victory for one team has already forfeited the right to call it a game. Once the referee chooses the winner, the match ceases to be sport and becomes theatre. Spectators may still fill the stands, but belief drains away. Uganda’s challenge is not a lack of laws, institutions, or elections. It is the refusal to let them operate without discrimination. Democracy, like football, cannot survive when one side is permanently handicapped and told that the match was free and fair. Rigged soccer makes children laugh together good-naturedly. Rigged elections? They kill the nation.

Private doctor reportedly shot as Bobi Wine campaigns in Sironko

A National Unity Platform (NUP) supporter and a renowned private doctor in Mbale City has reportedly been shot and injured by police in Budadiri Town Council, Sironko District, Eastern Uganda.

The incident happened Sunday afternoon as NUP presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, headed to his scheduled campaign rally in the area.

Journalists were blocked from accessing the scene, limiting independent verification of the incident by press time.

The victim was seen being carried by police officers shortly after the incident.

However, angry NUP supporters reportedly chased away the officers, accusing them of having shot the doctor. By press time, it was not yet clear which hospital the victim was taken for medical treatment.

However, police in the Elgon region have dismissed claims that the victim was shot, insisting that the injuries resulted from a scuffle during a lawful arrest.

According to the Elgon Region Police Public Relations Officer, SP Taitika Rogers, the incident occurred on the afternoon of January 4, 2026, in Buchibindi village, Budadiri Town Council.

He said it involved a Toyota Wish, registration number UBM 430K, driven by Lubulwa Hamza.

Preliminary police findings indicate that Lubulwa was driving recklessly when he overtook Kyagulanyi’s convoy.

“Security personnel reportedly flagged him down to stop, but he ignored the orders and nearly collided with a security vehicle, prompting a brief pursuit before the vehicle was intercepted, ” said Mr Taitika.

Police say that upon interception, the driver resisted lawful arrest. Mr Taitika said that during the ensuing scuffle with security personnel, he sustained a head injury and was later taken to hospital for medical attention.

Police have strongly refuted allegations circulating on social media that the driver was shot, stating that no clinical evidence supports the claims.

‘The claims that the suspect was shot are false,’ SP Rogers said, adding that the situation is under control and that investigations into the incident are ongoing.

He urged the public to remain calm and rely on verified information as political campaigns continue across the Elgon sub-region.

Mr Kyagulanyi is currently campaigning in the Bugisu sub-region. He began his tour on January 2, 2026, in Mbale City, and on January 3, 2026, he campaigned in Bududa and Mbale districts.

Today, January 4, 2026, he is campaigning in Sironko and Bulambuli districts. Tomorrow, he is scheduled to campaign in the Sebei sub-region, which includes Bukwo, Kapchorwa, and Kween districts.