Category: Daily Monitor

At just one year old, Sandra Akello lost her first anchor to life – her mother, claimed by HIV. She was too young to understand death, too young to remember a mother’s touch.

What followed, however, would shape every breath she took growing up. Akello, now 24, was an only child. After her mother’s death, she was taken in by a sickly stepmother in Lira City, while her father, a soldier, lived alone in the barracks. Grief had barely settled when tragedy struck again. Within weeks, her father died.

A few months later, her stepmother followed, also succumbing to HIV/Aids. By the time Akello could form memories, death had already hollowed out her family. The responsibility of raising her, alongside her stepsister and stepbrother, fell to their aging paternal grandmother in Ogur Village, Lira District. With the little strength she had, the grandmother did what grandmothers do best, she held the children together with faith, discipline and quiet sacrifice.

A diagnosis at 10

Life took a darker turn when Akello turned 10. She began falling sick frequently. Her grandmother, haunted by the family’s medical history, took her to Ogur Health Centre IV. ‘When I reached Primary Three in 2010, I started falling sick. They tested me and I was diagnosed with HIV. I was started on treatment,’ Akello recalls quietly. She and her elder stepbrother were enrolled at the health centre’s ART clinic. They continued school at Ogur Primary, carrying a burden far heavier than schoolbags.

But children talk. News of their HIV status spread through the village and into the school. What followed was cruelty disguised as fear. Her brother, then in Primary Seven, bore the brunt of the stigma. Classmates refused to sit with him or play with him. Lonely and exhausted, he abandoned his medication, dropped out of school and slowly faded away. ‘He died in 2013. He was co-infected with TB. He was so lean. Children feared him.

He felt so lonely and gave up on life,’ Akello says. ‘When he died, I became convinced I would also die soon. I had lost almost everyone.’ Grief overwhelmed her. A few weeks after her brother’s death, Akello dropped out of school while in Primary Six. It took the persistence of her head teacher and class teachers, who knew her academic potential to bring her back.

Brilliance amid brokenness

In 2014, as politicians prepared for the 2016 elections, one parliamentary aspirant pledged to sponsor bright students in the area. Akello saw a chance not just for education, but to lift the burden off her grandmother’s frail shoulders. She studied relentlessly. In 2013, she sat her Primary Leaving Examinations and scored Aggregate 11, passing in Division One. Only three pupils in her school achieved that grade. Akello was the only girl. True to the promise, the MP sponsored her education at King James Comprehensive Secondary School in Lira, on condition that she maintained good grades.

But boarding school introduced a new battle; privacy. Afraid of being seen taking her ARVs, Akello hid. She waited until students left the dormitory. Sometimes, she swallowed her medication in the pit-latrine. Then stigma found her again. A girl from her village joined the school and exposed her status. ‘I was now an adolescent. I cried the whole day. I lost friends. I stopped going for food and classes,’ she remembers. ‘I had submitted my name to contest for assistant head girl, but when I went on stage, students said they could not vote for someone who was going to die soon.’

Someone drew a cartoon of her on the notice board and captioned it with words she will never forget: A walking coffin. ‘I threw my ARVs in the pit-latrine,’ she says. Her performance declined. The school summoned her grandmother, warning that she was about to lose her sponsorship. Only then did Akello speak about the stigma that had crushed her spirit. Three months without medication took its toll on her. She fell gravely ill and was hospitalised for more than a month, diagnosed with tuberculosis.

Finding herself again

When her grandmother disclosed Akello’s status to the school administration, something shifted. The school matron took charge of her medication. Counselling followed at school and at home, but fear still lingered. Her true turning point came unexpectedly. When Ogur Health Centre ran out of ARVs, Akello was sent to Lira Regional Referral Hospital for a refill. ‘There were so many young people living with HIV,’ she says, her voice brightening. ‘They looked healthy. They talked freely. One girl told me she was positive too. She kept counselling me.’

For the first time, Akello saw herself reflected not in death, but in possibility. ‘I realised I could not change my status. But I could love myself, take my medication and live a normal, positive life.’ Back at school, she stopped hiding. Slowly, the whispers died down. In Senior Three, she contested for head girl and won. Her grades improved. She scored Aggregate 24 in her Uganda Certificate of Education exams.

Turning pain into purpose

In Senior Five, a friend from the referral hospital encouraged her to contest in the Miss Y+ (Young Positive) Beauty Pageant, an initiative by the Uganda Network of Young People Living with HIV/Aids aimed at fighting stigma. She needed institutional backing. Opportunity came again through Ogur Health Centre, where she was recruited and trained by the Joint Clinical Research Centre (JCRC) as a young and adolescent peer supporter. Her first salary of Shs150,000 a month was modest, but it meant independence.

In 2022, she enrolled for a Diploma in Social Work and Social Administration at Lira University, paying part of her tuition herself. Though she is yet to graduate, she has pressed on. In November last year, Akello contested for Miss Y+ once more. She emerged Miss Y+ Northern Uganda, with support from JCRC. After the contest, JCRC offered her a job as a counsellor. Today, she is attached to Parapwo Health Centre III.

This year, she enrolled for a degree in Community Psychology at Lira University, paying Shs1.6 million per semester from her own earnings. As Miss Y+, Akello now traverses schools and universities, speaking openly about HIV, self-worth, disclosure and sexual reproductive health. ‘I have met many young people who are still afraid to tell their partners, their teachers, even their head teachers,’ she says. ‘Stigma is still very real.’

The bigger picture

Dr Maureen Kwikiriza of the Uganda Aids Commission says disclosure among learners remains low. She notes that comprehensive HIV knowledge stands at 56 percent among girls and 54 percent among boys. ‘Teenage pregnancy and early sexual debut are still a challenge,’ Dr Kwikiriza says. ‘By age 15, about 13.9 percent of girls and boys will have engaged in sex.’

A 2024 pilot study in 10 districts revealed that while only 79 learners disclosed their HIV status, 199 experienced stigma and discrimination. ‘With a supportive school environment, learners can open up,’ Dr Kwikiriza advises. ‘Teachers need training, and schools must be linked to nearby health facilities. Lack of privacy and stigma stops learners from taking medication.’

A study published by PLOS Global Public Health on June 12, 2025, reveals that one in five secondary school students exhibits signs of emotional disorders.

These include anxiety, depression and adjustment disorders, often characterised by excessive worry, sadness, fear and mood instability. While the findings have raised alarm, Ms Ketra Kizito Kisekka-Ntale, a counselling psychologist, began observing this trend much earlier; during the Covid-19 pandemic.

‘It was during that period when I saw an influx of children seeking counselling for anxiety and other mental health challenges,’ she says.

Previously, Ms Kizito’s work largely involved adults, including clients in the diaspora. Encountering so many distressed children came as a shock. ‘What was even more painful was the absence of parents. Many were too busy to engage, even when I repeatedly contacted them,’ she adds.

A teenager’s silent crisis

One case remains etched in her memory. A teenage girl presented with both emotional and physical distress. She had been using the morning-after pill and was bleeding heavily, fearing her organs had failed.

Ms Kizito later discovered that the girl had been purchasing P2 pills from a pharmacy. When asked whether her parents were aware, the answer was telling.

‘No, my mum leaves early and returns late. My dad travelled,’ the 16-year-old said.

Ms Kizito explained the possible side effects of the pill, including hormonal imbalance.

‘From my experience, many teenagers fear pregnancy more than HIV. Perhaps it is because they have not witnessed the physical devastation of HIV/Aids as our generation did,’ she says.

With the girl’s consent, Ms Kizito contacted her mother. Appointments were repeatedly postponed until she finally asked: ‘What is it you cannot tell me over the phone?’

Parents missing in action

Ms Kizito says the incident reflects a broader pattern of parental absence and child neglect. Experience has shown her that many children appear confident, yet they are uninformed. They think they know what they are doing, but they do not. She believes early knowledge reduces regret later in life.

‘It is better to experience life with some understanding than to say, ‘I wish I had known,” she adds.

Rather than waiting for children to seek help, many of whom are unaware of counselling services or fear stigma, Ms Kizito took her work into the community. She now conducts extensive pro bono counselling through churches and community outreach programmes.

Building children before they break

These efforts led to the creation of Empowered Teen, a programme designed to equip young people with life skills and mental health awareness.

‘When you build a child, you build a nation. It is also easier to build a child than to repair a broken adult,’ she says.

Although initially designed for teenagers, the programme was expanded to include pre-teens aged 10 to 12.

That is because that is the age when the confusion begins. Empowered Teen runs an annual boot camp every December. For the past two years, it has been hosted at St Francis Primary School, Ntinda, Kampala. The first camp attracted 85 participants, while attendance has since grown to over 100.

‘We separate pre-teens and teenagers to ensure the information shared is age-appropriate,’ she says.

Empowerment through connection

Mr Emmanuel Gitta, a youth and adolescent counsellor with the programme, says empowerment begins with understanding children’s lived experiences.

‘Through meaningful conversations, we understand where the children are emotionally and how best to support them,’ he says.

The programme also uses team-building activities that require children to solve problems together. This builds trust and confidence and teaches them that it is okay to ask for help. Some participants receive one-on-one counselling during or after the camp, with several continuing sessions long-term.

‘We have observed positive behavioural and emotional changes. Empowered children often go on to support their peers, creating a cycle of wellbeing,’ Mr Gitta says.

Ms Mackline Praise Asaba, a facilitator with the programme, says the camp is crucial in helping teenagers cope with life’s pressures, which are now amplified by technology.

‘The programme equips teenagers with skills in career guidance, emotional regulation, coping mechanisms and recognising child abuse,’ she says.

She adds that the sessions encourage accountability and responsible decision-making. ‘The convention helps teenagers take ownership of their lives and make informed choices.’

Media pressure and identity

One major focus of the camp is media awareness. During Covid-19 lockdown, children relied heavily on digital devices for learning. While necessary, increased screen time has contributed to mental health challenges.

‘We shifted from trying to block gadget use to teaching children how to use devices safely and responsibly,’ Ms Kizito says.

The programme also addresses inequality and social comparison. ‘Not every child owns the same phone or shoes, but their purpose remains the same. We empower children to be confident regardless of what they have or lack,’ she explains.

The aim is to help children understand that identity is rooted in character, not possessions. In an era marked by gender identity confusion, drug abuse and substance use, Ms Asaba says the programme empowers children to stand up for themselves.

‘As they become more grounded, they navigate challenges better and are able to empower others,’ she says.

This creates a ripple effect that extends beyond the camp into schools and communities.

When roles are reversed

Despite its impact, the programme faces challenges. Ms Kizito notes a growing tendency among parents to surrender decision-making to children.

‘When we approach parents at school events about enrolling their child, some ask the child, ‘Do you want to attend?’ While explanation is important, asking for permission reverses parental roles,’ she says.

Children often decline, especially because the programme addresses sensitive issues such as media abuse and risky behaviour.

‘The parent is meant to guide the child, yet many are abandoning that responsibility,’ she adds.

Some children attend expecting entertainment rather than learning. Nonetheless, sessions are designed to be practical, engaging and under one hour. ‘For those who stay, the transformation is clear,’ she says.

Seeking help too late

Another recurring challenge is parents seeking help only after problems have escalated. Ms Kizito says it raises the question of why intervention did not happen earlier.

‘It is easier to groom a child than to rescue one who is already drowning.’ She recalls being called to assist a 10-year-old who had slept for two consecutive days after eating a biscuit laced with drugs.

‘In such cases, parents expect instant results. Yet children who have abused drugs require months of psychiatric care before counselling can begin,’ she explains.

This misunderstanding often fuels frustration and the belief that counselling is ineffective, prompting parents to move from one counsellor to another. Ms Kizito says stigma around counselling remains widespread, with many viewing it as necessary only for severe mental illness. Yet many people live with anxiety or depression at varying levels. She hopes counselling will eventually be integrated into the school curriculum.

‘Children may fear speaking to senior teachers due to confidentiality concerns. Counsellors are professionally bound to confidentiality, which allows children to open up,’ she explains.

A shared responsibility

Ms Kizito believes effective parenting requires a three-cord strand: parents, teachers and children. That is why Empowered Teen also conducts parent training sessions immediately after Teen camps. Here, facilitators share general concerns raised by children, without identifying individuals, to bridge communication gaps and encourage intentional parenting.

‘If parents are not empowered, they may unknowingly undo the progress made with their children,’ she says.

The programme also supports candidates transitioning from Primary Seven and Senior Six, helping them manage academic pressure, independence and new freedoms. ‘We engage parents on school selection and remind them to look beyond grades. Every child has talents that deserve recognition,’ Ms Kizito says.

Testimonies

Noble Tumushime, Namugongo Secondary and Vocational School: ‘We were taught about teen-related issues such as sexual harassment and abuse, abstinence, and making healthy choices. Young people today are exposed to a lot, often more than parents realise. Being empowered early helps us respond better to pressures like drug abuse and risky sexual behaviour. We also learned that people living with HIV or STDs deserve care and respect, and that self-worth does not diminish because of illness. This knowledge strengthens us mentally and emotionally. Many young people struggle with confidence. This programme helped me build composure and confidence. I have since taken on a leadership role at my school as a Chief Judge, which requires confidence in decision-making. The mentorship has been invaluable. I returned this year with my parents’ support, knowing there is always more to learn.’

Amalia Magoba, St Joseph’s Senior Secondary School, Nagalam: ‘Last year’s Teen Empowerment programme was a very enriching experience. I learned about drug abuse, mental health and how to relate better with others. We also made friends and learned the importance of respecting elders. We were taught that drugs are harmful and recovery from addiction is costly. We also learned that drugs can be hidden in unsuspected items like cookies or bread, so vigilance is important. Being around bad company, such as smokers, also poses health risks. Through activities like poetry, aerobics and teamwork, we built friendships naturally. After the camp, I became more confident, improved my presentation skills and learned how to connect better with others. I also deepened my faith through a session with a priest and learned important life skills such as etiquette. I am eager to build on what I learned and explore more topics, including teenage pregnancy.’

Celebrating New Year’s Eve has pagan origins. Early European and Asian traditions marked New Year’s Eve on different days, in different months, following different calendars. Janus, the Roman god of beginnings, after whom the month of January was named, was honoured with festivals on January 1 from 153 BC; long before the dawn of Christianity. The Julian calendar of 46 BC adopted January 1.

Uncomfortable with the recognition of the Roman god, early Christian leaders attempted to replace January 1 with dates more related to the Christian story.

But a 1582 AD revision of the Julian calendar by Pope Gregory XIII retained January 1. The Gregorian calendar is still used in most of Christendom. However, the day is celebrated as a semi-religious, semi-secular cultural event. It has far less religious significance than Christmas or Easter.

I have often heard Uganda’s Pentecostal pastors claiming that God had given them special commands for the annual switch-over, which they now call ‘pass-over’, ‘vision night’, and so on. As God’s dog, I know that God (Jehovah) is in a state of divine rest. He cannot issue commands elevating the switch-over above its modest secular-cum-religious status. Centrality of the day as a religious festival was for the Roman god, Janus, represented in religious art as having two faces (one face looking back, and the other face into the future). But Janus himself is comatose, if not dead.

He cannot see the fuss by latter-day neo-pagan Christian entrepreneurs, who have identified a business opportunity, complete with gimmicks of specially written and enveloped appeals to God, where the deal is obviously the enclosed cash. Stretching the celebration over a whole day has nothing to do with divine instructions, but Uganda’s culture of redundancy and binge indulgence. Marriage and funeral events have also been vulgarised and stretched into tiresome full-day exhibitions.

Last Sunday, at their threesome Impact Radio breakfast talk show, one of the pastors explained that the freedom to practice their chaotic/anarchic religion (he hyperbolically used the word ‘buyaaye’) was given by President Museveni; a gain that made many of them support Museveni’s re-election. By contrast, Opposition politicians, whose campaign is met with barbaric force, cannot see reasons for supporting Museveni. Is it a draw, a balance between selfish short-sighted opportunism and unrealistic liberal aspiration? Will God, Jehovah, wake up from his repose and give the nation a more humane direction?

Or will the Roman god, Janus, be resurrected to take full charge; consecrate the status quo and re-dedicate it as a new beginning? These are intriguing questions that cannot be answered now. We can only conjecture by observing the behaviour of Uganda’s demons. Another pastor spent much of December at his Kavule centre advertising the spectacular intervention that God (Jehovah) would bring. He divulged that he would not exorcise demons at the switch-over.

This would be done before the big day, implying that 2026 would dawn with demon-free devotees. Well, Uganda’s demons are as stubborn as they are shameless. They are back! This very Sunday, only four days later, pastors everywhere are screaming and deploying balls of fire and other weapons to drive them off. The optimism before December 31 has completely evaporated. The prophets of Janus masquerading as prophets of Jehovah have been exposed. They are unable to draw power from either camp. The election demon is brandishing its long teeth and wolfish claws. As citizens, we are on our own, the country in our hands. Justice Simon Byabakama and his Electoral Commission can help us to save it, or conspire to sink it.

When a group of agronomists approached her Village Savings and Loan Association (VSLA) group in mid-2021 to impress upon it the benefits of commercial tree planting, Jennifer Oyella’s husband, Francis Ojara, shot down the idea. Not only would it deplete soil nutrients but also shrink the family’s arable land, he reasoned. Undeterred, the agronomists from Kijani Forestry Ltd went on a charm offensive. Free seedlings, they disclosed, would be issued, with annual tree survival incentives paid across six years.

‘They asked to partner with us on a pilot project due to the devastation caused by internally displaced persons (IDP) at Pagik IDP camp nearly 20 years ago,’ Oyella recalls. With more than 30 acres of land, Oyella was asked to allocate only six acres for the model in which an acre of fast-maturing tree varieties would be planted every year for five years. She answered affirmatively, and, last month, Kijani Forestry Ltd paid her household slightly more than Shs0.6m as an annual tree survival incentive for their combined 3.5-acre woodlot (mixed Acacia polyacantha and East Indian Walnut varieties)

‘I am using that money to till another acre for a woodlot next year. I wish I had the capacity to plant more,’ she says. Kijani Forestry Ltd’s annual tree survival incentive works to Shs100 per tree at the end of each project’s first year. In 2026, the couple is optimistic to pocket three times the amount they received last year. This is because of the accumulated pay in the annual tree survival incentive. That’s not all. In early 2026, farmers, under the initiative, who planted their woodlot with green charcoal tree species, are set to embark on charcoal production utilising trees planted between 2020 and 2021.

Bastion of the rich no more

Planting and growing trees in Uganda once was inaccessible to the rural smallholder farmer. Forestry was a bastion of the rich thanks to prohibitive prices for seedlings as well as inaccessible and understocked nurseries. However, since 2018, Kijani Forestry Ltd has evolved into one of the country’s largest tree-planting organisations. Its innovative Nursery Hub Model now takes the nurseries to the farmers in their communities while providing all inputs at no cost.

Through the model, the farmers are now planting on their own land and signing contracts with Kijani Forestry Ltd to guarantee the procurement of their charcoal, timber, and carbon they will produce at farm-gate prices at the time of harvest.

Philip Olwoch, a farmer field coordinator with Kijani Forestry, says: ‘In year one the farmer gets Shs100,000 in incentives if all the 1,000 seedlings planted, survives, in year two, he gets Shs300,000 since the first acre, survival incentive grows to Shs200 (Shs200,000) each plus the second acre (Shs100,000), that incentive motivates the farmer to grow more trees and adds the third acre with income in tree survival now growing to Shs500,000 in year three.’ By year five, the woodlot planted in year one is due for the first harvest. At this time, the farmer’s income now works out to Shs6.9m (Shs900,000 in tree survival payments and another Shs6m in charcoal harvests). This is based on the 200 bags per acre average and Shs30,000 per-bag-average.

In the sixth year, the farmer plants the last acre (worth incentivising), but they continue receiving the survival incentives for the trees on a per-acre basis while harvesting those planted in year two. Olwoch told Business Outlook that the farmer earns three streams of income: one from the annual tree survival incentive payments, two from charcoal sales, and three from the Kijani Fund. For timber, instead of 1,000 trees, they do 400 trees per acre at Shs200 per tree in survival incentive, while the carbon crediting shoots up to Shs50,000 per tree in the 10th year.

During the harvest of both timber and green charcoal tree varieties, the intervention incorporates an on-field biochar production and use model where tree residues are locally burnt in a controlled manner. This, says Olwoch, ensures ‘very effective soil amendment and improves the fertility of the soil.’ From year eight, the farmer undertakes two harvests-the coppice harvest and the first harvest. In year nine, the first harvest of what they planted in year four, plus the coppice harvest of year two, is also ready, while in year 10, the first harvest of the fifth year woodlot, plus the coppice harvest of year three, is also ready. From year 11, because of the coppice harvest, the amount of charcoal is even more, and the income jumps to approximately Shs19m.

Carbon credits explained

It is from year 10, though, that the farmer begins receiving an additional stream of income from the Kijani Fund-the actual carbon (money) credit. ‘As trees grow from year one, we do a long-term average and from year 10, each tree is credited Shs200, and that money goes into the Kijani Fund, where the funders donate to us to pay the farmers,’ Michael Tebere, Kijani Forestry’s Director for Government and Partner Relations, says. Everything is predicated on so-called carbon credits. A credit is created when the equivalent of one metric tonne of carbon dioxide is prevented from entering the atmosphere or the equivalent amount of a different greenhouse gas is reduced, sequestered or avoided.

The smallholder farmer model that Kijani adopted for the Acholi Sub-region is developed to work on a six-acre model since the average land size per household in the region is currently 10 acres. ‘We encourage farmers to plant a lot (approximately one acre) each year for six years. By mid-2024, we had partnered with over 30,000 households to plant over 10 million trees,’ Tebere told Business Outlook. Across the 27 districts and a network of nearly 45,000 farmers in Acholi, Lango, West Nile, Karamoja, Teso and Bunyoro sub-regions, farmers are mobilised in groups comprising 15 to 20.

Each has a tree nursery of their own to generate excess seedlings. It is estimated that by 2030, the demand for carbon credits could far exceed the available supply, leading to a significant shortfall in the voluntary carbon market. Major corporations worldwide have set ambitious net-zero and carbon-negative targets for 2030, driving the estimated demand for carbon credits to between 1.5 and 2 gigatonnes of CO2 annually. However, the projected supply of carbon credits is expected to reach only about 280 to 470 million metric tons annually by 2030.

Charcoal production

In Uganda, more than 90 percent of the country relies on charcoal or firewood for cooking, causing widespread deforestation with devastating environmental effects. A century ago, Uganda’s forest cover exceeded 50 percent, but today it is just seven percent. ‘With roughly 2.5 million hectares of degraded land nationwide, we aim at replicating this initiative on a large scale to reverse environmental degradation and restore Uganda’s forests for future generations,’ Tebere said.

Kijani piloted its woodland restoration model on a 500-acre plot of land in Amuru district, where commercial charcoal production (a charcoal hotspot) had previously been carried out. The model seeks to restore what people have destroyed on a large scale. The restoration efforts prioritise six indigenous tree species: Acacia polyacantha (White Thorn), Albizia lebbeck (East Indian Walnut), Gmelina arborea (White Teak), Markhamia lutea (Nile Tulip), Senna siamea (Cassod tree), and Terminalia glaucescens (Velvet leaf tree).

‘These indigenous tree species are naturally suited to local conditions, ensuring long-term health and stability of the forests. Diverse forests excel at sequestering and storing carbon, supporting richer soil carbon stocks and contributing to climate mitigation,’ Tebere told Business Outlook. Through its restoration model, long-term lease agreements are secured on large plots of land with land owners where the indigenous farmers are hired to carry out seedling production, planting and growing trees. While the restoration sites will sequester millions of tonnes of carbon, their value extends far beyond this. These forests are meticulously designed to stabilise local microclimates, restore biodiversity, and generate hundreds of jobs for local communities.

Uganda’s President Museveni says he is ‘still studying’ the unfolding United States-Venezuela confrontation, using the crisis to argue that Africa’s long failure to integrate has left the continent strategically exposed, and its young people dangerously distracted.

Museveni made the remarks during a tightly choreographed, televised dialogue with selected youth on Sunday, in a Kampala event dubbed ‘Jazz with Jajja’ held at Nakasero State Lodge and hosted by one of his daughters, Natasha Museveni.

The session began at around 11:30am, with Museveni taking the podium seated just a few metres from the moderator.

Participants who asked questions appeared to have been pre-selected, largely comprising the Ugandan leader’s supporters and handpicked media outlets, posing mostly non-confrontational questions on jobs, wealth creation, the multipolar world, and hints of a post-Museveni future. The exchange lasted over two hours.

‘This US-Venezuela. I’m still studying it. I don’t know what they’re fighting for,’ Museveni said, adding: ‘Whatever the case, we shall learn more.’

‘Very risky for Americans’

Museveni spoke as Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro was taken into US custody following an ‘audacious American operation’ that targeted military installations and power infrastructure in Caracas.

Washington has accused Maduro of involvement in drug trafficking, claims he denies, while critics have long described his rule as authoritarian, a backdrop Museveni appeared to reference as he reflected on the risks faced by smaller and less integrated states.

He said the standoff illustrated how major powers operate across multiple strategic domains (sea, land, air and space) while weaker states remain vulnerable.

‘Americans are operating from four dimensions like the sea. Latin Americans are not there. They can come in air force. Americans are in space and now they are trying to come on land which is very risky for the Americans,’ he said.

‘In space you are at an advantage because you are seeing me and I’m not seeing you. So, the issue of strategic security in Africa is very crucial,’ Museveni explained.

‘Big fish in small pond’

Museveni repeatedly returned to his long-held argument for East African Federation and wider African integration, saying he had warned of such vulnerabilities as early as 1963.

‘This is what we were talking about in 1963. Mwalimu was going to move but Kenyatta and Obote decided to remain big fish in a small pond,’ he said, warning that: ‘When you’re a big fish in a small pond, you feel very big but when trouble comes, you will not survive.’

He said Africa lacks a strategic ‘centre of gravity’ in a world increasingly shaped by power competition.

‘East Africa is a very strong and powerful unit for the black race. Yes, you can be small like Denmark but these countries have a centre of gravity. When they are in trouble, there’s a big boy like the US to defend them, but the African race has no centre of gravity and you’re here just dancing paka-chini,’ the 81-year-old Ugandan leader stated.

Museveni also warned against global domination by major powers saying: ‘Hegemony doesn’t work. People trying to control the world. It is very dangerous. multipolarism is unstoppable. You can’t stop it and you shouldn’t even try.’

“I’m glad East African leaders have never given up on EAC federation so that we’re able to unite our land and sea space; have more resources to be able to build the four dimensions of sea, land, air and space. We can’t remain here and think we’re very clever…watching European football clubs and dancing.”

Museveni swinging girls

The dialogue formed part of efforts to court Uganda’s youth ahead of the January 15, 2026 General Election, when Museveni will face seven opposition candidates, including his closest challenger in the previous poll, Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine.

More than 75 percent of Uganda’s 46 million people are under the age of 30 and have known only one presidency, making young voters a decisive electoral bloc.

Museveni accused young Ugandans of focusing on what he described as ‘small things’ while neglecting economic and political fundamentals.

‘You the young people don’t talk about the African market. always talking about the small things which is very dangerous,’ he said.

Millions of young Ugandans remain underpaid and seek greener pastures in the Gulf, a situation Museveni attributed to youth being ‘disoriented’ despite opportunities at home.

‘There are many jobs here but you are disoriented. Europeans have blurred your visions and that’s why you are always running abroad,’ he said, adding that: ‘There’s potential but you don’t see it and choose to run for slavery jobs in the Arab world.’

Museveni described this as a mindset problem rooted in the education system.

‘It is a mindset problem because you don’t have the spectacles to see what’s available for you. When you get a degree. sometimes a PhD in conflict resolution. what will you do? So, the system was designed to make Africa dependent,’ Museveni explained.

However, Museveni said recent curriculum reforms under his government were shifting Uganda back toward skills-based education.

‘This mindset change can come through the school system,’ he remarked.

‘Discipline Facebook, enters Elon Musk’

On technology and social media, Museveni defended Uganda’s long-running restrictions on US technology platforms, including Facebook, arguing that foreign companies must be disciplined.

‘They thought they could insult us, play around with us and we can’t close them. I closed them and waited for the cows in Uganda not to graze,’ he said.

‘The cows are grazing, fishermen fishing and Uganda is continuing. We closed it like five years ago and even forgot about it. If they behave fairly, we shall open them up,’ he reamarked.

Museveni reiterated that Uganda was also studying proposals from US billionaire Elon Musk to introduce Starlink satellite internet services, but on condition.

‘If it is true, we shall allow Musk to bring his satellites here if they can make that digital connection cheaper than the underground cable networks,’ he said.

‘Defog their minds’

Throughout the session, Museveni, often referred to as ‘Jajja’ (grandpa), portrayed himself as a mentor seeking to clear what he described as mental confusion among young Ugandans.

‘I’m dying to defog their minds,’ he said in his opening remarks, adding: ‘There’s a lot of fog in the world. I don’t mind removing the fog in their minds anytime.’

More than an hour into the dialogue, he mixed the admonitions with personal reflection.

‘I was young like you. I would also swing girls but remember to fight, study, work and dance once in a while. The problem is that now you’re dancing all the time,’ he observed.

Museveni warned that Africa’s growing population could deepen existing vulnerabilities if not matched with organisation and integration.

‘In the next 30 years, Africa will comprise a quarter of the world’s population, yet remain disorganized. So, wake up,’ Museveni said on Sunday from Kampala, as he offered more than 10 participants Shs1 million each as a transport refund for attending the event.

Uganda is a football country. People’s health and happiness heavily depend on the fortunes of their English Premier League teams. The narrative is controlled by whether Manchester United is winning or losing. No point trying to tear the newspaper at this point, because details of this will come another day. I attended Victoria Nile School, Jinja, 1978-1983. Mixed school, and like most Ugandan schools then-and now-football ruled the imagination. Football was not just a game; it was the narrative. The boys played football. The girls had their games too: netball, rope skipping, kwepena, etc. But football was king.

Every once in a while, the girls would tire of watching from the sidelines and demand a piece of the action. Our sports master, Mr Julius Owino-Oloo, a huge crowd favourite, would oblige-on conditions. Since football was ‘not their game,’ the girls would be assisted. Heavily. Boys, no running. Walking only, hands tied behind our backs by clasping them together – undoing them was an automatic disqualification. No touching the girls at all-no tackling, no shielding, no pushing.

The girls, by contrast, ran freely. They could not be offside. They could push, shove, or even slap you-no case to answer. And if, by some miracle, a boy scored a goal, Mr Owino-Oloo would smile and find a reason to cancel it. An offside that did not exist. A boy who had ‘run’ somewhere in the build-up. Something-anything. The objective was never concealed: the girls had to win. At the time, we laughed. It was a game. The rules were absurd, but harmless. I had forgotten all this until I took another look at Uganda’s elections. Then the memory returned-fully formed, disturbingly familiar.

Under our Constitution, elections must be free and fair. The official narrative insists that they are exactly that. Yet for four decades, a pattern has been consistent: One side of the political contest is allowed to campaign freely across the country-years before the official campaign period opens. It uses State resources openly. Public officials double as mobilisers. Laws are broken – but the Electoral Commission sees absolutely nothing wrong. But let the other side do something. Anything. Oh! The referee suddenly remembers the rulebook. Press conferences are convened.

Statements are issued-stern, legalistic, indignant. Threats of disqualification are made, and often carried out. Always against one side. Never the other.

One side is disciplined by law. The other is indulged by discretion. Meanwhile, leaders and mobilisers from the disadvantaged side are hauled to prison-on charges of treason, terrorism, possession of firearms, or rape. The charges are always grave. The timing is always convenient. The cases rarely proceed to trial. And when they do, they collapse-sometimes spectacularly-without the accused needing to say a word.

In the political economy of elections, for ‘revolutionaries’, manipulation is cheaper than competition. It costs less to criminalise and disable opponents than to persuade citizens; less to control referees than to improve performance. Over time, a country’s economy is built around this as a strategic objective: institutions that benefit from selective enforcement, officials rewarded for compliance, and a system where the costs of cheating are borne by the public, while the benefits are privately enjoyed.

The result is an election that is procedurally elaborate but substantively hollow-like a football match where one team plays with tied hands, forbidden to run, while the other enjoys the full freedom of the pitch and the referee’s indulgent smile. The irony is that this system is often defended in the name of stability, order, and legality. Yet nothing corrodes law faster than selective application, and nothing destabilises a polity more than the knowledge that outcomes are predetermined. Football teaches a simple democratic lesson: rules matter only if they bind everyone equally, including the referee.

A referee who must ensure victory for one team has already forfeited the right to call it a game. Once the referee chooses the winner, the match ceases to be sport and becomes theatre. Spectators may still fill the stands, but belief drains away. Uganda’s challenge is not a lack of laws, institutions, or elections. It is the refusal to let them operate without discrimination. Democracy, like football, cannot survive when one side is permanently handicapped and told that the match was free and fair. Rigged soccer makes children laugh together good-naturedly. Rigged elections? They kill the nation.

A National Unity Platform (NUP) supporter and a renowned private doctor in Mbale City has reportedly been shot and injured by police in Budadiri Town Council, Sironko District, Eastern Uganda.

The incident happened Sunday afternoon as NUP presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, headed to his scheduled campaign rally in the area.

Journalists were blocked from accessing the scene, limiting independent verification of the incident by press time.

The victim was seen being carried by police officers shortly after the incident.

However, angry NUP supporters reportedly chased away the officers, accusing them of having shot the doctor. By press time, it was not yet clear which hospital the victim was taken for medical treatment.

However, police in the Elgon region have dismissed claims that the victim was shot, insisting that the injuries resulted from a scuffle during a lawful arrest.

According to the Elgon Region Police Public Relations Officer, SP Taitika Rogers, the incident occurred on the afternoon of January 4, 2026, in Buchibindi village, Budadiri Town Council.

He said it involved a Toyota Wish, registration number UBM 430K, driven by Lubulwa Hamza.

Preliminary police findings indicate that Lubulwa was driving recklessly when he overtook Kyagulanyi’s convoy.

“Security personnel reportedly flagged him down to stop, but he ignored the orders and nearly collided with a security vehicle, prompting a brief pursuit before the vehicle was intercepted, ” said Mr Taitika.

Police say that upon interception, the driver resisted lawful arrest. Mr Taitika said that during the ensuing scuffle with security personnel, he sustained a head injury and was later taken to hospital for medical attention.

Police have strongly refuted allegations circulating on social media that the driver was shot, stating that no clinical evidence supports the claims.

‘The claims that the suspect was shot are false,’ SP Rogers said, adding that the situation is under control and that investigations into the incident are ongoing.

He urged the public to remain calm and rely on verified information as political campaigns continue across the Elgon sub-region.

Mr Kyagulanyi is currently campaigning in the Bugisu sub-region. He began his tour on January 2, 2026, in Mbale City, and on January 3, 2026, he campaigned in Bududa and Mbale districts.

Today, January 4, 2026, he is campaigning in Sironko and Bulambuli districts. Tomorrow, he is scheduled to campaign in the Sebei sub-region, which includes Bukwo, Kapchorwa, and Kween districts.

The arrest and subsequent remand of Ms Sarah Bireete, a prominent human rights defender and governance expert, has sent shockwaves through Uganda’s civil society. For years, Ms Bireete has been a vocal critic of government excesses, a tireless advocate for transparency, and a defender of civic freedoms.

Her sudden detention has not only rattled her colleagues but has also cast a chilling shadow over the country’s fragile democratic space. In the days following her arrest, whispers spread quickly among activists, journalists, and governance experts.

The message was clear: if someone as prominent and respected as Bireete could be taken, then no one was safe. Human rights advocates began speaking in hushed tones, avoiding public gatherings, and limiting their online presence.

‘We are scared,’ one activist admitted, requesting anonymity. ‘We know more arrests are coming. They want to scare us into silence.’ The fear is not unfounded. Sources close to civil society organisations revealed that security agencies have compiled lists of outspoken critics, particularly those active on social media platforms. These individuals are accused of ‘undermining national stability’ or ‘spreading falsehoods,’ charges that critics say are vague and politically-motivated.

Yusuf Sserukuma, an academic, said the entire idea behind the arrest of Bireete is to intimidate members of civil society into silence by targeting the most prominent among them.

‘Uganda is not a democracy, though it claims to be one. Her arrest does not speak to the strength of Uganda’s democracy, but rather re-emphasises the point that such claims are nothing more than pretension,’ Sserukuma said.

Winnie Kiiza, a former Leader of the Opposition in Parliament (LoP), said in a social media post that she is ‘deeply and seriously concerned about the direction in which our country is heading.’

She is not alone. Ndebesa Mwambutsya, a lecturer at Makerere University’s College of Humanities and Social Sciences, said the arrest of Bireete and other critical voices is damning.

‘You cannot pretend to be running a democracy and then refuse the existence of political dissent. You either embrace what is called Democratic Centralism, like in China where dissent is criminalised and citizens are coerced into silence, or you open up for dissenting voices,’ Mwambutsya explained.

‘As for human rights and human dignity, the government is undermining both. Imagine beating people the way the army does, undermining human dignity in the process. The consequences are clear: citizens suffer, but the State also loses legitimacy both among its people and within the international community. When legitimacy erodes and trust between citizens and State institutions collapses, the State becomes weak,’ he added.

Who is Bireete?

Bireete has been outspoken on the human rights violations inflicted on Ugandans and the misuse of public funds. She is a founding partner and executive director for Center for Constitutional Governance (CCG), a Uganda constitutional watchdog (non-governmental organisation) based in Kampala.

Previously, she was the deputy executive director of the same NGO from 2011 to 2019. Prior to 2011, she was working as a public defender at the Public Defenders Association of Uganda.

A lawyer by profession, the human rights activist is a member of several boards of organisations, as well as governing committees of schools and students bodies.

Bireete also chairs national coalitions, including the national coalition on civic space in Uganda, and she is the coordinator of the international human rights defenders group known as Vuka Allies, for Uganda.

She has enriched knowledge and understanding of governance issues, especially in areas of constitutionalism, human rights, civic space, electoral democracy, land rights, research and advocacy, public interest litigation, as well as conflict transformation.

Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, the National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate, said every electoral cycle, the regime targets civil society leaders, journalists, and human rights activists with arrests, abductions, torture, and even deportation.

He said Bireete’s arrest ‘follows her consistent and loud condemnation of the regime’s excesses and brutal conduct.’ The chairperson of the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC), Mariam Wangadya, said: ‘I don’t believe Bireete’s arrest arose from her human rights activism. She has been very critical of government work for a long time, but she is not the only one.

There are others who are equally vocal in criticising the government on issues of human rights and democracy, and they have not been arrested. I wonder why Bireete has been singled out.’

Wangadya noted that she had convened a meeting with her senior staff to discuss the matter. ‘I don’t believe Bireete’s words, whether verbal or written, were threats to this government.’

Fear of the unknown

Sources told Monitor that one prominent human rights advocate fled the country after anticipating his arrest. His departure underscores the gravity of the situation. For many, exile has become the only option to avoid detention or harassment.

The advocate, who had been instrumental in documenting abuses and mobilising grassroots campaigns, left quietly, without public announcement. His colleagues said he feared being picked up in the middle of the night, a tactic often used to instil terror.

The experts said the arrest of Bireete has created a ripple effect across civil society. This self-censorship is precisely what authorities seek, according to governance experts. By instilling fear, they weaken the collective voice of civil society, making it harder to mobilise against corruption, abuse, or authoritarianism.

‘Fear is the most effective weapon,’ noted Charity Aketch, a political expert. ‘It doesn’t require mass arrests. Just one or two high-profile cases, and the rest will fall silent.’

Wangadya further called for calm among human rights defenders in the country.

‘Nobody should fear that they will be picked or arrested simply because of their activism or for speaking out on issues. Otherwise, if that were the case, half of the country would be arrested. Bireete’s arrest should not be treated as a crisis. Human rights defenders should not run away-this is our country.’

A new phase

The arrest of Bireete marks a turning point in Uganda’s civic struggle. It signals a new phase of repression, one that targets the intellectual and moral leaders of civil society. For governance experts, the challenge is immense. They must find ways to continue their work under surveillance, harassment, and threat of arrest.

For human rights advocates, the task is even harder: to defend freedoms while their own are under attack. The road ahead is uncertain, but one thing is clear: the struggle for civic space in Uganda is far from over. As long as voices remain, however faint, the fight continues.

The governance experts said the arrest of Bireete is seen as part of a broader strategy to intimidate those who use digital platforms to challenge authority.

Aketch said Uganda has a long history of clamping down on dissent.

‘From the harassment of Opposition politicians to the beating of journalists, the State has often resorted to heavy-handed tactics. Yet the current wave of arrests feels different.’ The focus this time is firmly on human rights defenders and governance experts-individuals who provide the intellectual backbone of civic resistance.

Their removal from the public sphere weakens the capacity of citizens to demand accountability. Observers warn that this trend could erode democratic institutions further, leaving citizens with fewer avenues to express grievances or seek justice. Aketch said the arrest has not gone unnoticed beyond Uganda’s borders. International human rights organisations have expressed concern, calling for her immediate release and urging the government to respect civic freedoms.

Bireete’s case

Bireete was on Friday charged and remanded to prison over allegations of unlawfully obtaining or disclosing national voters’ data belonging to the Electoral Commission (EC), contrary to Section 35 (1) and (2) of the Data Protection and Privacy Act. Prosecution alleges that Bireete, together with others still at large, between January 2025 and December 2025, at various places within Uganda, including Kampala, Mukono and Wakiso districts, unlawfully obtained or disclosed National Voters’ Information.

The data is said to be controlled or processed by the Electoral Commission and was allegedly accessed or shared without its prior consent. Chief State Attorney Joan Keko told the Buganda Road Court that the matter was before it for plea.

After Bireete pleaded not guilty, Keko informed court that investigations were still ongoing, adding: ‘We seek an adjournment and shall inform court of the status of investigations on the next date.’ The defence team, led by Jude Byamukama, did not object to the adjournment but immediately applied for bail.

In his bail application, Byamukama cited Article 23(6)(a) of the Constitution, which grants an accused person the right to apply for bail, and the presumption of innocence. He asked the court to take judicial notice of the Bail Guidelines for Courts of Judicature. Byamukama told court that Bireete is a 49-year-old mother of two biological children and an adoptive mother of four. He said she is the director of a civil society organisation actively engaged in governance work and suffers from hypertension, for which a medical report had been presented.

He also introduced several sureties, including Joseph Beyanga, a managing director of Power FM and Bireete’s brother; former LoP Kiiza; activist Joseph Ochieno; and retired ambassador to the United States Edith Sempala. In her ruling, Grade One Magistrate Winnie Nankya Jatiko held that the prosecution was entitled to respond to the bail application. The magistrate granted the prosecution time to respond and adjourned the bail application to January 21, 2026.

She ordered that Bireete be remanded until then. As a remand prisoner, Bireete will not be able to participate in voting while in custody.

Old videos of President Museveni’s speeches when he had just seized power have been circulating on social media in the run-up to the January 15 presidential election. They are hard to ignore. He was talking sense. In at least three of those videos I have watched, the President made categorical statements that Ugandans would have much better leadership following his inauguration. In one video, shot in 1985 before he seized power, Mr Museveni says he was an intellectual but decided to become a soldier because ‘I had to defend myself and my people against State-inspired violence’.

He accuses former president Milton Obote – who died in exile in Zambia in 2005 – of killing civilians. And he lists years in which civilians were killed by security forces. In the late 1980s and 1990s, many Ugandans watching these videos would be impressed. Mr Museveni was very popular. I first saw him in 1988 (two years after he had captured power) in Kanoni, Gomba, and I remember seeing large crowds of people who welcomed him. People still turn up to listen to him. But since the presidential campaigns started, Ugandans have seen letters on social media written by senior civil servants asking students to attend the President’s rallies. That means waning popularity.

His campaign slogan says ‘Protecting the Gains’. But whether he has delivered better leadership than those he fought depends on who you ask. A video of a purported mechanic in Kawempe, who complained to Mr Museveni about his leadership, may not paint the whole picture of what he has failed to do. But the mechanic was spot on. He said if a former Resident District Commissioner (RDC) – appointed by the President himself and earns a comparatively better salary – cannot afford medical treatment, how about a mechanic?

The mechanic was speaking for thousands of Ugandans who are in poor health but are too broke to seek medical care. And he went on to tell the President what he ought to have done decades ago: introducing affordable health insurance. Mr Museveni’s failure at social service delivery raises questions about whether his decision to take up arms and fight the governments of Idi Amin and Milton Obote was really about providing better leadership. One also has to ask how committed he has been to ending State-inspired violence, especially when that violence is captured daily and shared on social media.

It is worth mentioning that rebel armies, led by the National Resistance Army (NRA) that fought Obote’s government and that of Gen Tito Okello Lutwa were also responsible for the violence. In fact, as I have previously argued here, if Mr Museveni had not launched an armed rebellion after the 1980 election, Luweero and other places, where fighting was concentrated, would not have seen death and destruction. The State-inspired violence claim completely ignores how it all started. Yes, Amin was responsible to a certain extent. How about Obote? Did he start it? Would he send soldiers to Luweero if there were no rebels at all? Would soldiers be deployed to man numerous checkpoints across the country if there were no rebels?

Mr Museveni launched an armed rebellion after losing an election. But he had zero chance of winning the vote. The main contenders were Obote and Paul Ssemogerere, who died in November 2022. Even if Mr Museveni had contested a second time in 1985, or even a third, he was never going to be elected. But he very much wanted to lead Uganda, and all his political manoeuvres from the 1960s onwards strongly suggested he was eyeing the presidency. The man who was his guardian, the late Boniface Byanyima, gave The Observer a tell-all interview and made it very clear that Mr Museveni wanted to lead Uganda. His 39-year leadership now serves as proof that power, once seized, rarely keeps its promises.

Scholars have defined political opportunism as aiming to increase one’s political influence at any price, or a political style that involves seizing every opportunity to extend political influence, whenever such opportunities arise. Typically, opportunist political behaviour is criticised for being short-sighted or narrow-minded. However, most politicians, especially those in developing countries like Uganda, have no sense of shame to grab any opportunity to make both short- and long-term gains.

As they say, wonders never cease to happen, especially in Uganda. Why on earth would a presidential candidate like Robert Kyagulanyi of the National Unity Platform (NUP) spend most of his time discrediting the Electoral Commission (EC), a body mandated by law to organise an election where he is a participant?

Mr Kyagulanyi has made many statements to the effect that the EC, chaired by Justice Simon Byabakama, is up to mischief come January 15. What is ironic, though, is that Mr Kyagulanyi, like most of his supporters at the parliamentary and local council, have registered to participate in the elections and without a doubt they expect a free and fair outcome. This, in my view, is sheer opportunism and blackmail.

The very EC NUP leadership is now discrediting is the same election body that declared 57 Members of Parliament in their favour in the 2021 General Election, making them the biggest Opposition party in Uganda. It is the same EC that announced Mr Kyagulanyi’s legitimately earned votes of 3.6 million in the same election. One wonders why this same body is now under such attacks. Of course, all these attacks are calculated attempts to malign EC as an independent arbiter, such that in the event results are not in their favour, they will cry foul and say we saw it coming.

The EC is a credible arbiter; the reason hundreds of thousands from all political parties are running as independent candidates after they were not satisfied with the results in their party primaries. Ugandans might look naïve and gullible, but what is very clear is that they are not that daft, like some of our political actors tend to think. They have rejected such parochial attempts by their leaders every now and then and who selfishly want to mislead them. NUP should know that elections are not a zero-sum game.

Irrespective of our political affiliations, we must tolerate each other and live and work together and trust institutions mandated to do their work. Mistrust and incitement are clear ways of inviting anarchy, where everybody is a loser. Mature politics calls for respect for the institutions mandated to play certain roles in the critical role of general elections. Political tolerance and respect, among other things, call for the willingness to extend basic civility and respect to persons and institutions that play different roles in this exercise. It is a central tenet of a liberal democracy. This respect applies to either group..the political players and the various institutions mandated to manage this exercise.

Therefore, for NUP to continue casting doubt on the impartiality of the EC call is not only politically absurd but equally dangerous. The EC has done everything possible in openness, including but not limited to the following; open registration of all eligible voters, open display of all the registered voters and displayed them all parishes in Uganda, brought in biometric machines to be used during elections in order to curb multiple voting during election day and, open voting and tallying that will be done on each polling stations.

These, on top of many other mitigating procedures that are meant to deliver a free and fair election. Of course, building and maintaining faith in democratic institutions is a crucial and ongoing global challenge, requiring concerted efforts from both citizens and governments. Therefore, the need to exercise caution and maturity in such circumstances is what is needed. Finally, NUP and its leadership had better realise that all attempts to blackmail the EC in this exercise are attempts in vain. What is interesting is that the majority of NUP supporters and participants are very reasonable Ugandans and have total faith in the EC. This explains the reason they have participated in large numbers.