Category: Daily Monitor

Inflation has become a familiar companion to election seasons in many developing democracies, and Uganda is no exception. As countries approach elections, prices of basic goods and services often rise, squeezing household incomes and heightening public anxiety. While inflation is influenced by global shocks such as fuel prices, climate change, and supply chain disruptions, the electoral cycle itself has increasingly emerged as a powerful domestic trigger.

At the heart of election-related inflation is the surge in government spending. In the run-up to elections, governments tend to increase expenditure on infrastructure projects, social programmes, public sector allowances, and politically strategic interventions aimed at winning voter support. While such spending may stimulate short-term economic activity, it also injects large amounts of money into the economy within a short period. When the supply of goods and services fails to keep pace with the sudden increase in money circulation, prices rise.

One of the most visible drivers of election-cycle inflation is campaign spending. Political parties, candidates, and their supporters spend heavily on rallies, transport, accommodation, fuel, food, and media publicity. This spending creates localised demand shocks, especially in urban centres and politically competitive regions. Hotels raise accommodation fees, transport fares increase, and food prices climb as traders take advantage of heightened demand. For ordinary citizens, this translates into higher living costs long before a single vote is cast.

Mwambutsya Ndebesa, a lecturer at Makerere University, explains that inflation is largely driven by the increased circulation of money, not only from aspiring candidates but also from the government, which is the biggest spender. ‘Government is compensating all those it owes money. The Budget deficit has soared because the State wants to demonstrate concern for the welfare of voters,’ he says. The academic says the government cannot mitigate these effects since its priority is power retention and legitimacy after controversial elections. ‘It will spend more, but gold sales will offset inflation. Now that M23 is gaining more territory, more gold is coming in.’

He predicts that inflation will occur, but not at alarming levels. ‘There will be some inflation, but not much, because of gold and coffee revenues. However, the challenge is that no money is reaching the pockets of the masses, and not much is flowing into the coffers of the Uganda Revenue Authority, since most critical mineral exports are not adequately taxed.’

Latest inflation outlook

The Uganda Bureau of Statistics (Ubos) announced that annual headline inflation for the calendar year 2025 increased to 3.6 percent from 3.3 percent recorded in 2024, according to the latest Consumer Price Index (CPI). This rise was mainly driven by annual average core inflation, which stood at 3.8 percent in 2025 compared to 3.6 percent in 2024. Annual food crops and related items inflation for the year ending December 2025 was 4.4 percent compared to four percent in November 2025. In November, Irish potatoes registered 5.9 percent, cabbage 0.6 percent, passion fruits 1.1 percent, onions 8.2 percent, and fresh cassava 3.0 percent; while in December 2025, Irish potatoes dropped to 2.3 percent, cabbage surged to 35.7 percent, passion fruits rose to 11.1 percent, onions fell to 3.7 percent, and fresh cassava increased to 8.9 percent.

Annual core goods inflation for the year ending December 2025 was 2.5 percent compared to 2.4 percent in November. In November, dried fish stood at 5.6 percent, local chicken at 2.0 percent, bread at 2.1 percent, and off layers at 12.2 percent; while in December 2025, dried fish dropped to 2.4 percent, local chicken rose to 3.2 percent, bread fell to 0.7 percent, and off layers declined to 6.0 percent.

Annual energy, fuel, and utilities inflation for the year ending December 2025 was 1.5 percent compared to 0.6 percent in November 2025. In November, firewood was at 1.2 percent, charcoal at 4.8 percent, petrol at 0.4 percent, and water charges at 0.4 percent; while in December 2025, firewood rose to 4.9 percent, charcoal to 5.3 percent, petrol to 1.4 percent, and water charges to 0.7 percent.

The overall Consumer Price Index (CPI) for the 12 months to December 2025 stood at 138.11 with annual inflation at 3.1 percent, compared to 137.46 and 3.1 percent in November, 137.59 and 3.4 percent in October, 137.61 and 4.0 percent in September, 136.97 and 3.8 percent in August, 136.73 and 3.8 percent in July, 136.90 and 3.9 percent in June, 136.77 and 3.8 percent in May, 136.09 and 3.5 percent in April, 135.43 and 3.4 percent in March, 135.19 and 3.7 percent in February, and 134.33 and 3.6 percent in January.

For comparison, December 2024 recorded a CPI of 133.91, with inflation at 3.3 percent, while November 2024 stood at 133.31, with inflation at 2.9 percent.

Touch and go

Dr Enock Nyorekwa Twinoburyo, a lecturer at Makerere University, says in past general elections, inflation did not rise significantly. ‘In 2011, there was a sharp jump in money supply, but almost all East African economies were also experiencing drought at the time, which pushed inflation higher. In 2016, inflation was driven largely by the sharp depreciation of the currency and the resulting increase in commodity prices. That imported inflation, due to exchange rate pressures, was part of the drivers.’

He notes that the major distortion during election cycles is the relaxation in revenue collection and the surge in expenditures. ‘We see excess currency in circulation and increased spending. Inflation is driven by this rise in money supply. It needs to be controlled, but overall, inflation remains manageable,’ he says.

Dr Twinoburyo cautions that if inflation rises, it increases vulnerability to poverty. ‘If inflation is driven by food prices, it can benefit poor households that are harvesting, but otherwise it hurts the poorest. Rampant expenditures during election years, especially through additional money supply, have been a consistent trend,’ he observes.

The inflationary pressures that followed the 2011 polls were the main trigger for the Walk-to-Work protests that left many State actors on tenterhooks. Little wonder, Dr Twinoburyo says the threat posed by inflation cannot be taken lightly. He, therefore, emphasises the need for effective coordination between fiscal policy and monetary policy during election periods. ‘Without such coordination, the risks of inflationary pressures and economic distortions become much higher,’ he concludes.

Mr Jimmy Byarugaba, an economist, says during election seasons, agricultural markets experience distortions as politicians distribute cash, food items, or farm inputs to voters. ‘While these handouts may boost short-term consumption, they can disrupt normal market signals. Farmers may withhold produce in anticipation of higher prices, while middlemen exploit increased liquidity in rural areas. The result is food inflation that disproportionately affects low-income households, who spend a larger share of their income on basic necessities.’

He adds that another inflationary trigger is politically-motivated fiscal indiscipline. ‘Budget ceilings are sometimes exceeded, supplementary budgets become frequent, and off-budget expenditures increase. In some cases, governments delay difficult economic reforms-such as reducing subsidies or increasing taxes-to avoid voter backlash. These postponements may provide temporary political relief but often weaken macroeconomic stability, leading to price volatility during and after elections.’

Dr Paddy Mugambe, the Dean of the School of Business and Management at the Uganda Management Institute (UMI), says of the dread of inflationary pressures after the 2026 poll: ‘This concern is not new. Past election cycles have consistently shown a familiar pattern: the cost of food, transport, and basic services tends to rise, squeezing household budgets at the very moment when people can least afford it.’

‘Rein in spending’

Dr Mugambe says the situation is compounded by the fact that elections often coincide with the festive season at the end of the year-a period when household spending is at its peak. ‘The combination of heightened demand, increased liquidity from political spending during campaigns (including front-loaded development expenditure, especially on infrastructure), and uncertainty among traders anticipating possible instability creates fertile ground for inflationary pressures,’ he says. He, nevertheless, says election-related inflation is not inevitable. ‘What matters most is discipline and credibility. Clear coordination between the Ministry of Finance and the Central Bank can help restrain unplanned spending, while consistent public communication can stabilise expectations. Quiet but timely interventions-such as releasing food and fuel reserves or monitoring markets to prevent hoarding-can ease pressure without disrupting markets.’

He cautions against harmful measures like broad price controls, which often do more harm than good. Instead, targeted support for vulnerable households through existing social protection systems is a more effective approach, allowing markets to function efficiently while cushioning those most at risk.

‘Keeping prices stable during elections is not just an economic task but also a measure of good governance. By choosing credibility, restraint, and transparency in managing the electoral process, Uganda can reduce uncertainty and build confidence among all actors. This ensures that regardless of the election outcome, the country remains on a positive trajectory-protecting both democracy and citizens’ livelihoods, rather than fostering fear among the population,’ Dr Mugambe says.

Mr Timothy Chemonges, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), observes that inflation around elections is rarely accidental. ‘A recent example is Parliament’s approval of a supplementary budget of over Shs9 trillion, part of which was allocated to the Electoral Commission. While funding elections is necessary, such large unplanned spending injects liquidity into the economy and fuels price pressures.’ Mr Chemonges says election-related inflation hits ordinary citizens hardest. Rising food, fuel, and transport costs quickly erode household incomes, especially for low-income families whose wages do not keep pace with prices.

The most effective protection lies in targeted social safety nets-such as temporary food support, school feeding programmes, and well-designed cash transfers-rather than broad spending. For most households, stability in basic necessities matters far more than headline political promises. ‘Countries that have managed inflation better during elections are those that stick to medium-term fiscal frameworks, publish realistic budgets, and insulate economic institutions from political interference. Discipline before elections is not anti-democratic-it is pro-citizen. For governments seeking credibility, demonstrating that economic stability is a priority, rather than a casualty of electoral competition, is essential,’ he says.

Uganda’s opposition presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, has pledged to guarantee the safety of President Museveni should the incumbent accept defeat in the upcoming General Election.

Bobi Wine, the flagbearer of the National Unity Platform (NUP), made the remarks on Friday while addressing supporters at Malare playgrounds in Mbale City, his first rally in the Industrial City Division during the campaign.

‘We have just over 10 days to reach ‘liberation day’, and in the new Uganda everything will change. President Museveni is finishing his term and we have already started transition. If he accepts defeat and hands over the presidency, we will protect him,’ Bobi Wine said.

The opposition leader was welcomed into Mbale City at around 1:30 pm by large crowds of supporters amid a heavy deployment of police and military personnel.

His supporters had waited for him since early morning at the Sino Uganda Industrial Park before he was routed through the industrial area to Maluku and later to Malare playgrounds.

Uganda goes to the polls on January 15 to elect a president and Members of Parliament.

Bobi Wine maintained that signs indicated that Museveni and the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) were losing support, blaming the president’s nearly four-decade rule for persistent unemployment, poverty and poor health services.

‘We have defeated President Museveni already. For instance, the Electoral Commission knows we are campaigning in Mbale City, but they have refused us to pass through the city. They have a battalion of army and police not to protect people but to intimidate them,’ Bobi Wine stated as he accused security forces of attempting to provoke unrest.

‘Today, they wanted to provoke us so they can arrest me, so that you protest and they find a reason to kill people,’ he added.

Police responded saying: ‘We categorically dismiss allegations of a scheme to detain candidate Kyagulanyi or engineer incidents before Election Day. These assertions are unfounded and provocative.’

Bobi Wine warned police and military officers against abusing civilians, saying they would be held accountable under a new administration.

‘You are civil servants. You will be around when Museveni leaves power. Don’t do criminal activities because you will individually be held accountable in the new Uganda,’ he said.

He also pledged an end to tribalism and favoritism, promising equal opportunity in employment.

‘There will be no special tribe. We will be equal, and every Ugandan will be able to get a job on merit,’ he said.

Addressing economic concerns in the Bugisu sub-region, Bobi Wine said coffee farmers had not benefited adequately under the current government.

‘You grow coffee but this government grabbed coffee from you. When I become president that will change. Uganda, we will have health centres with drugs, a good railway and prosperity,’ he promised.

He urged supporters to mobilize voters across the sub-region.

‘Forty years of pain must be brought to an end. This is not Bobi Wine’s struggle but all of us,’ Bobi Wine said.

The Royal Mile runs one of the most important cultural arteries in Uganda. It is a ceremonial stretch that carries the political memory, spiritual authority, and social order of the Buganda Kingdom. It is not long but it is dense with meaning. It links Lubiri, the Kabaka’s palace grounds, to Bulange, the kingdom’s parliament. In between, it passes sites that, together, tell the story of how Buganda has governed itself for centuries, through kingship, consensus, culture, and continuity.

To walk this road is to walk through power, resistance, ritual, and renewal. At one end of the Royal Mile rises Lubiri Palace, once the seat of the Kabaka’s political and military authority. Its wide grounds speak of monarchy and might, but also of rupture. In 1966, the palace was attacked during a constitutional crisis that reshaped Uganda’s political landscape. Today, the Lubiri stands as both a royal residence and a reminder of how deeply Buganda’s story is intertwined with the nation’s own struggles.

The symbolism is unmistakable: authority anchored in place and surviving despite historical shocks. Facing Lubiri across the Royal Mile is Bulange, the seat of the Lukiiko (Buganda’s parliament). Built in the 1950s, Bulange represents a rare African experiment in institutionalised traditional governance. Here, clan

leaders, county chiefs, and representatives deliberate on land, culture, development, and the welfare of the people. Standing at Bulange, you understand that Buganda’s monarchy is structured, consultative, and deeply procedural.

The Royal Mile quite literally binds executive authority (the Kabaka) to the legislative consensus (the Lukiiko). A short detour from the Mile leads to Kabaka’s Lake, the largest man-made lake in Uganda. Dug in the 1880s on the orders of Kabaka Mwanga II, it was intended as an escape route to Lake Victoria, but it became something larger.

The lake has never run dry. Hand-dug without modern engineering tools, it remains a quiet testament to indigenous knowledge, environmental intuition, and royal ambition. For visitors, it adds an ecological and human dimension to the Royal Mile, showing how power once shaped landscape as much as politics.

While not directly on the Royal Mile, Kasubi Tombs sit close enough to complete the story. A Unesco World Heritage Site, Kasubi is the burial ground of Buganda’s kings and the spiritual heart of the kingdom.

Here, architecture, ritual, and belief converge. Barkcloth walls, thatched domes, and sacred spaces express a worldview where kingship extends beyond life. Any journey along the Royal Mile feels incomplete without understanding this spiritual anchor. Just off the Royal Mile stands a new and deliberate intervention in Bugan[1]da’s cultural landscape at Butikkiro. Albert Kasozi, former chief executive officer of the Buganda Heritage and Tourism Board (BHTB), says this space was designed to move culture from static memory to lived experience. ‘This is not just a museum,’ Kasozi explains. ‘It is a place where people can meet, learn, research, perform, and even drink coffee, all while engaging with who we are.’

The centre includes a crafts village

showcasing authentic Buganda souvenirs, an immersive historical gallery on clans, leadership, and proverbs and Bumu Art Gallery. It also has a conference centre and the[1]atre, an art gallery and plans for a tra[1]ditional music school and a research library and archives. For Kasozi, the goal is clarity of identity.

He says: ‘If someone visits Uganda and leaves without understanding Buganda, they have missed how this country came to be.’ The Royal Mile, supported by spaces like Butikkiro, becomes the spine of that understanding. The Royal Mile is not frozen in time. It is walked daily by civil servants, students, traders, and worshippers.

It hosts royal and public ceremonies, cultural processions, and moments of national reflection. As Kampala rapidly modernises, the Mile insists on continuity- that tradition and city life can coexist, and that heritage can still guide identity, governance, and belonging. Walking the Royal Mile is about depth, and a reminder that Buganda’s story is not hidden in museums alone, but written boldly into the streets of Kampala itself.

In the seventh part of our summary capturing what all 25 witnesses said in a case where Molly Katanga is being tried for the murder of her husband, Henry Katanga, on November 2, 2023, we capture what experts from the Uganda Police Force said while on the stand.

Molly is facing trial together with her two daughters-Martha Katanga and Patricia Kakwanzi-as well as a medical worker Charles Otai and long-serving Katanga shamba boy, George Amanyire. The latter four are facing charges relating to evidence tampering and being accessories after the fact. The court will render a decision on February 19, 2026 as to whether the prosecution has established a prima facie case against the accused persons. Below is a summary of what witnesses 22 and 23 told the court.

Dr Moses Byaruhanga

The Assistant Inspector General of Police heads the Directorate of Health Services in the Uganda Police Force and also happens to be a forensic pathologist. He holds a Bachelor’s Degree in Medicine from Mbarara University of Science and Technology (MUST), a Masters of Science from Makerere University as well as a Diploma in forensics medicine from the University of Johannesburg and a Diploma in Public Administration and Management from Uganda Management Institute (UMI). His job entails medical examination of victims and suspects, overseeing exhumations, post-mortem examinations, testifying in courts as well as administrative work.

Dr Byaruhanga testified in August 2025 that on November 9, 2023, he received a request from Jinja Road Police Station to examine Molly Katanga who was at IHK receiving treatment. The request was to the effect that in the course of a domestic fight between Henry Katanga and his wife, Molly, the former had been shot in the head and died and that his wife was admitted to IHK. The request indicated that police were investigating a murder or suicide.

Dr Byaruhanga told the court that he communicated with Dr Justine Onen at IHK and informed him that in the afternoon of the same day, he would be going to examine Molly who was under the care of Dr Onen.

He went to the hospital together with Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) George Mpuungu, the head of homicide in police. They found Molly on level 2 of the hospital. He said he found several people, including security personnel, and Geoffrey Kamuntu who ushered them in and said they were expecting them.

Molly was in the VIP section which had two rooms, a visitors’ room and a patient’s room further inside. He entered her room, where he found her seated on the bed. He asked if he could examine her in the presence of her attending doctors, which she accepted. He said he found her conscious, responding to directives and well oriented in time, place and person.

Molly told Dr Byaruhanga that she recalls being involved in a domestic quarrel with her husband which ended in a fight but she didn’t remember anything else after that. His findings indicated that he saw generalised swellings on the back of the left hand with two in-situ stainless steel pins used to fix two fractures in the second and third metacarpal bones. He found two stitched wounds on the back of the left hand with deep ecchymoses, which he called areas of internal bleeding. The tip of Molly’s right small finger was gangrenous and was only held in place by a pin. It was later amputated. He described several areas of internal bleeding all over her arms and even both her shoulders. He said she had multiple stitched wounds on the head, which was a sign of trauma to the head. He said there were signs of medical intervention and that the findings he had were corroborated by the X-ray findings.

He told Justice Rosette Comfort Kania that all the wounds that Molly had were defensive injuries, probably inflicted by repeatedly being beaten with a blunt object. He indicated that but for medical intervention, the injuries could have been fatal. He said he found no other injuries on her chest, abdomen or lower limbs.

The defence in this case insists that Molly was a victim of domestic violence who is fortunate to be alive and that the state should have investigated the possibility of suicide by Mr Katanga who, according to them likely took his life after beating his wife to the verge of death. The forensic pathologist in this case found no other injuries on Mr Katanga save for one close range bullet shot to the head.

During cross examination by Mr MacDusman Kabega, Dr Byaruhanga was unable to tell which type of blunt object might have been used to beat Molly.

Bibiana Akong

The Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP), was the lead investigator in this case and her testimony was the longest. She spent weeks on the stand. She’s currently working as the Regional CID, Albertine Region. In 2023, when the death of Henry happened, DSP Akongo was attached to Jinja Road Police Station as the Divisional CID officer. Her roles entailed being overall supervisor of criminal investigations within her jurisdiction, visiting crime scenes with the scene of crime officer(s), Identifying and recovering exhibits, interviewing witnesses and recording statements, interviewing suspects, conducting searches and arrests, among others.

DSP Akongo’s testimony set out to answer questions as to what transpired before and in the aftermath of Henry’s death. She started testifying at the back-end of September 2025. She told court that she had expertise in homicide and had investigated more than 10 cases of shooting to the head. She led investigations at the Katanga residence, oversaw scene reconstruction, went to IHK and also oversaw the search at Henry’s office. She said when she went to IHK, she found Molly seated on her bed in ICU without any life support machine. She said she found her on the phone tweeting. This was different from another officer Aisha Birungi’s testimony where she said she found Molly in the ICU with her hands bandaged to the fingertips.

DSP Akongo said she saw a ladder outside Molly’s room, which according to intelligence was to allegedly facilitate Molly’s escape from hospital. She provided no images or video of the same. She said Henry couldn’t possibly have shot himself because he was right handed and the bullet that killed him entered through the left side. She added that it was impossible for one to shoot themselves at that angle using their weaker hand. Later in the testimony, defence lawyer Elison Karuhanga asked for the killer gun and used it to demonstrate it was possible.

In a very combative cross examination led by Jet Tumwebaze, another defence lawyer, wondered how DSP Akongo, who had no specialised training in homicide investigation, expected the court to believe her claims of expertise. She told court that the specialised course had been discontinued by the time she trained. Mr Tumwebaze, using the evidence of the director of forensics in police, showed that indeed the course was still offered and that DSP Akongo had lied about that.

The defence lawyer said she had no proof of having worked on 10 cases of homicide by shooting, let alone shooting to the head as she had earlier told court. He questioned how the witness could possibly claim to have done more than 10 investigations of murder by shooting to the head when the police crimes reports over the period of and areas of her practice in police might not have that number. He went further to put it to her that even in the sub-region of Karamoja, where guns are as ubiquitous as sticks (enkoni) in his home area Ssembabule, homicides by shooting to the head might not add up to that.

Justice Kania then asked that the witness go back to all the areas of her practice to collect records backing up the number of cases of shooting to the head that she’d handled, ‘then you can grill her on that.’ Not done, Mr Tumwebaze asked whether DSP Akongo had ever had training on gunshot wounds to the head. She said she only trained in the field while working in Rakai. He asked if during that training, she was referred to any books, she said they didn’t refer her to any books.

Mr Tumwebaze then reached for literature on gunshot wounds to the head and at that point she admitted she was not an expert. DSP Akongo was also asked as to whether she found a bullet mark on the floor on the side the bullet ought to have exited if her theory of a left to right shooting was to hold. She said she didn’t see any mark but that it’s possible for a bullet to exit the head and not to leave a mark because it loses momentum. He asked if there was a mark on the ceiling on the left side, which the defence insists was the direction opposite to the prosecution theory. She agreed there was a mark.

To test her theory that the bullet could have lost momentum on exiting Henry’s head and not left a mark, Mr Tumwebaze asked if she knew the velocity of a bullet shot from that particular pistol. She said she didn’t know. He then told her the velocity was akin to that of a jetliner and that the bullet only loses half of that on exit and can actually kill three people lined up side by side. He went further as to question whether she knew how to operate a firearm. The prosecution took umbrage at this.

The year 2025 has come to an end, but for our working people, the 2025 KPIs had them at chokeholds, and the hustle and bustle will spill over to 2026. So, colleague, close that laptop and enjoy before Janu-worry ends, so that you start off the first quarter of the new year on a clean slate.

Well, the concept of Key Performance Indicators (KPI) is not foreign in corporate circles or to any professional who has a Job Description (JD) which is, in most cases, complementary to the KPIs.

A key performance indicator is a type of performance measurement that evaluates the success of an organisation or a particular activity, such as projects, programmes, products, and other initiatives, in which it engages.

KPIs provide a focus for strategic and operational improvement, create an analytical basis for decision making, and help focus attention on what matters most. David Parmenter’s book titled Developing, Implementing, and Using Winning KPIs, points out that performance measurement is failing organisations all around the world, whether they are multinationals, government departments, or small local charities.

The measures that have been adopted were dreamed up one day without any linkage to the critical success factors of the organisations.

These measures are frequently monthly or quarterly. Management reviews them and says, ‘That was a good quarter’ or ‘That was a bad month.’ Of late, I am starting to believe in the notion that a leader is as good as their team. Point me to any leader, and I will show you who they lead.

Meticulous, yes, the team will pay attention to detail and try as much as possible not to err because at a certain time, this will affect their appraisal when the stage is set, and now it’s their time to detail the whys, the yeses and the what went wrong for the year in review, hence, KPIs are the bait to ensuring one stays off the wrong course.

A JD will clearly spell the task one is supposed to perform, however, KPIs on the other hand, ensure that you are executing what the JD entails, but in accordance with the organisation’s policies, which are defined by the human resource team who work closely with the department to put together areas of performance that an individual or team will be appraised against.

When I was penning this article, I kept thinking of the public relations (PR) committee team I serve with at the Public Relations Association of Uganda (PRAU) Governing Council. Brian Emorut and Lule Eriah are exceptional.

These two gentlemen have made me appreciate leadership in its entirety. Though little gestures are made once in a while in appreciation of their commendable work, they go over and above with a passion unmatched to serve, thus, this points back to the title of this article, keeping people inspired so that they go the extra mile while at it. Often times, we pass by ‘Kyadi’ as it’s famously called, though for us muntu wa bulijo we call it Kyadondo Rugby Grounds, a hangout spot.

The best drink for Shirley will always be a latte or a Mirinda fruity and two sticks, while the gentlemen will grab the beer with XX sticks.

This little yet warm gesture keeps the team going, while at the same time, we bounce ideas off each other on how best we can keep the publicity of the association on track. With voluntary leadership, the best reward you can get is a platform to make meaningful contributions to society, but what will keep one inspired to carry on the mantle for a year or more? Well, it is the little things. If the tools are not working in your favour, find a way out. Leaders are meant to be solution-oriented.

This reminds me of a recent conversation I had with the committee on an activity that almost went a mess. We all agreed that the incident was beyond our control and we had done our best, leaving no room for the blame game, but how to work it out better the next time.

An inspired team can run from Kampala to Entebbe on foot with passion. If a team serving voluntarily can run such a marathon, what of those on payroll? Hence, this reflection is with the hope that 2026 brings opportunities where leaders can celebrate their teams.

A thank you, you have done a great job, a trip to Kyadi or any other place of reference to unwind is key in keeping the fire burning.

Police in Kamuli District have launched investigations after two bodies were discovered in Bukwanga Bumbya Zone, Kasozi Parish, Namasagali Sub-county, in what authorities are treating as a suspected double murder.

The deceased have been identified as Salim Mawerere, 38, a boda boda rider from Bugobi Zone, and Sylvia Babirye, 22, a businesswoman from Bulungu Zone in the same parish, according to SSP Samson Lubega, Regional Police Spokesperson for Busoga North.

“Preliminary information indicates that the deceased woman had been residing in Kampala and had returned to her parental home for the festive season. According to her mother, Babirye left home on December 31, 2025, at about 6:00 p.m. after receiving a phone call. Her whereabouts remained unknown until the discovery of the bodies,” SSP Lubega said in a brief statement.

The bodies were reportedly discovered by community members, who alerted local leaders. Authorities were then notified and the incident reported to Namasagali Police Station on January 3, 2026, at approximately 7:30 a.m., by the area chairman of Bukwanga Bumbya Zone.

Police officers responded promptly, documenting the scene and conveying the bodies to the mortuary for postmortem examinations to establish the cause of death.

SSP Lubega said investigations are ongoing and appealed to members of the public with any information to come forward.

“We urge anyone with information that could aid the investigation to report to the nearest police station,” he said.

At least 25 lives are lost to murders and road crashes in Uganda daily, according to the 2024 police crime report.

A new British Council report titled ‘Publishing Futures’ revealed a study of the publishing landscapes of Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. The research for this study was conducted between January and June 2024.

‘The report’s focus was on six countries where [the] British Council has a presence, representing East, Southern, and West Africa to achieve a geographical spread and a range of market sizes. As publishing continues to evolve and respond to contemporary opportunities and challenges it remains a vibrant expression of the continent’s creativity and resilience of its young people,’ Farai Ncube, regional director Arts, Sub-Saharan Africa, British Council, writes in the foreword of the report. Rachel Stevens, the director of literature at the British Council, also chips in, noting: ‘This research has been designed and led by experts across the African continent in consultation with industry leaders, who have generously shared their insights and experience.’

The report is an in-depth study of the trade publishing and literature sectors in the following sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) countries: Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. It offers an up-to-date overview of the sectors in each country, with a particular focus on recent developments and

the creative individuals working within these fields. The research identifies innovative practices, opportunities for collaboration and challenges faced by publishers working in each country. Research on African literatures-especially relating to creative writing-is frequently covered in the academic press,

but studies on the trade publishing and literature sectors in Sub-Saharan Africa are much less available.

Uganda’s publishing landscape

According to this British Council report, in 2023, the inaugural issue of the journal, The Weganda Review, was published. Founded by author and journalist Rodney Muhumuza, the publication features fiction, poetry, essays, art and more. The Weganda Review is a Pan-African publication that welcomes contributions from across Africa as well as the diaspora, while having its roots in Uganda.Also in 2023, award-winning Ugandan novelist Goretti Kyomuhendo republished her novel Whispers from Vera. In an interview published in Brittle Paper, Kyomuhendo disclosed that the new edition was available in different formats. The first edition, which was published in 2002, only appeared in paperback and was mostly distributed in Uganda.

Per the report, educational books dominate the publishing market in Uganda. The government prioritised education since independence as a means to severing the link between ignorance and poverty, the report reveals.However, according to the report, there is an emerging set of non-traditional publishers who are eager to promote new voices. To a large extent, their emergence has expanded publishing in the country and increased access to books. According to the World Intellectual Property Organisation (2023), a total of 1,523 books were deposited at selected legal repositories in Uganda. Publishers in the country are mandated by law to deposit any new book in the library. The types of books submitted to the library include educational, religious, cultural, self-help, leisure and fiction.

For many years, self-publishing was seen as a humiliating indication that a writer wasn’t good enough to be signed on by a traditional publisher.

With few traditional publishing opportunities available, even for talented authors, industry professionals have stepped in to offer guidance to self-published authors so that the quality of their work can be enhanced. In 2024, African Writers Trust in Uganda organised a seminar on the theme:

‘Self Publishing in Africa: What you need to Know’ to discuss how self-published books, not just those published in Uganda but also across SSA, can meet in ternational publishing standards. The discussions were facilitated by Goretti Kyomuhendo, an author, Bieke van Aggelen, founder of the African Literary Agency, and Susan Kiguli, a poet and professor of Literature at Makerere University. Authors from Uganda, Kenya, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Cameroon and South Sudan attended the programme.

Uganda had its first major international conference, the first African Writers Conference, shortly after gaining independence in 1962. The historic event was held at Makerere University. African writers, who would later become well known, attended this conference, including Wole Soyinka and Chinua Achebe. Rajat Neogy, the creator of Transition, Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Lewis Nkosi, and Ezekiel Mphahlele were among the other well-known African writers who attended There are few notable literary awards to reward innovation and celebrate the publishing and literature sectors in the country. In 2023, The Writivism Literary Initiative relaunched its literary prizes after a three-year hiatus. Its first literary event was held in Kampala in 2013. The categories for the 2023 awards were short fiction, creative nonfiction and poetry in translation. The National Book Trust of Uganda Literary Awards (NABOTU Literary Awards) was last held in 2020, but organisers plan to resume the awards in 2025.

In 2016, the Okot P’Bitek Prize was launched as a one-off prize to mark the 50th anniversary of the book Song of Lawino. The Janzi Awards was held for the first and only time in 2021, to celebrate outstanding achievements and innovation in the arts, including writing.

Some key players

The trade sector is relatively small in Uganda. Only a couple of long-established independent publishers can perform the dual role of publishing both educational and literary books. These publishers have been able to give a voice to some underrepresented groups and document the country’s history.

Fountain Books was established in 1988, following a national campaign for the creation of an indigenous publishing house. Prior to this, Uganda depended on books imported from Kenya and Europe. Some respondents in this study have acknowledged the role that Fountain Books has played in the country. Fountain did a lot of publishing of Uganda’s seminal works around history, novels and poetry. A publisher, FEMRITE, the Ugandan Women Writers’ Association, has also

been very visible in the country’s publishing sector and on the continent. Since its inception in 1996, the organisation has focused on developing women writers in the country.

Driving innovation

Uganda launched the Digital Transformation Roadmap in 2023. In line with Uganda’s Vision 2040, the roadmap envisages Uganda as a digital society. In this dispensation, 90 percent of households should have an Internet connection by 2040, according to the roadmap, and 90 percent of residents should be able to access government services online. Enhancing digital infrastructure and connectivity, encouraging innovation and entrepreneurship, and boosting digital literacy and skills are some of the ways the government hopes to achieve the objectives of its digital strategy.

In 2024, African Writers Trust launched an online bookshop called Tubaze African Books. The mission of the store is to sell books by African writers published outside the continent at an affordable price in Uganda. Customers can purchase books by making bank transfers or using mobile money. Upon receipt of payment, orders are delivered within a day, depending on the location.

In 2020, during the Covid-19 pandemic, two women; Phyllis Katembwe and Crystal Mugimba, founded an online bookstore-Mahiri Books-to support African writers and increase accessibility to literature. Payments for books can be made via mobile money, cash on delivery and credit cards. Some publishing enterprises in Uganda have deliberately refrained from adopting digital technologies due to their corporate mission.

One of the core missions of Oasis Book Project is to produce affordable print books. Its target audiences are financially underprivileged and could view the technology needed to consume digital books as luxuries.

Beyond digital technology, publishing entrepreneurs in the country have also created innovative practices. The Kampala Book Market was established as a street market for writers, readers, publishers, literary performers and booksellers to come together in an open and engaging environment. Its primary goal is to enhance the visibility and accessibility of Ugandan and African literature as a whole.

Before a nation can govern, its people must first consent to be governed. This is the oldest and most enduring truth of politics. Constitutions and institutions do not rise by accident.

Sovereignty does not reside in a man, a party, or a uniform; it resides in the citizenry acting together, deliberately, and within the law. When citizens withdraw from that duty, the State slips into the hands of fewer, louder, or more reckless people.

Every election, therefore, is not merely a contest between candidates. It is a renewal of the social contract, which is the binding agreement between the governed and those who govern in their name.

Voting is how authority is refreshed, legitimacy restored, and power reminded that it is borrowed. Uganda’s history makes this responsibility heavier. Stability here was not inherited by chance. The order was paid for through blood, exile, and struggle. Peace was constructed by choice. That is why indifference is dangerous. A State built through sacrifice cannot be sustained through apathy.

This is why elections matter even when fatigue sets in. A peaceful election is secured not by enthusiasm alone, but by participation, restraint, and collective responsibility. A rally excites the moment; a ballot secures the future. The act of voting is not a favour to any leader. It is a duty to the republic. It is how citizens retain ownership of the State, prevent power from drifting into arrogance, and affirm continuity without surrender.

The greatest threat to democratic choice is voter apathy. When citizens stay home, convinced their vote does not matter, they surrender the future to a smaller minority. Democracy fails when ballots are not cast.

As citizens prepare to vote, practical vigilance matters. Many elections are distorted not by fraud, but by preventable error. A vote counts only when marked clearly and correctly. Stray marks or multiple selections can nullify intent. Voters must take their time and ensure their choice is unmistakable.

A spoiled ballot is a silenced voice. Equally important is understanding the polling environment. Electoral laws balance transparency with order. Observation is a right, but it must be exercised lawfully and peacefully. Distance requirements exist to prevent intimidation, not suppress civic interest. Casting a ballot and leaving calmly protects democracy. Elections are won through counting, verification, and lawful challenge, not confrontation.

This period demands institutional diligence. The Electoral Commission bears a solemn responsibility to conduct the process professionally, transparently, and impartially. Clear communication and fidelity to the law are essential to public trust. Security agencies also carry a critical duty. Their role is not to intimidate voters or influence outcomes, but to safeguard life, property, and the integrity of the process.

Professional restraint and political neutrality define forces that serve the nation rather than factions. The media carries its own burden. In moments of tension, words can steady or inflame.

Sensationalism and unverified claims can turn isolated incidents into national crises. Responsible journalism prioritises accuracy, context, and balance. Reporting should inform, not provoke. This is also a moment for moral leadership. The clergy must remind congregations that political difference is not moral enmity.

Faith communities should be spaces of restraint and reconciliation. Cultural leaders, as custodians of identity, must urge tolerance, calm, and mutual respect. To Uganda’s Gen Z, whose energy and digital fluency shape public discourse: your voice matters, but so does responsibility. When Uganda burns, there is no other country to call home. Protest is a right; destruction is not. To Gen Z voices across the East African Community: online incitement against Uganda is sabotage. Violence in one member state delays integration for all.

Ultimately, elections are not merely about winning power; they are about choosing direction. Uganda must look toward leadership that values regional cooperation, pan-Africanism, and integration over isolation. Prosperity and relevance are built collectively, not shouted into existence. Uganda belongs to all of us. We cannot afford to fracture it through apathy, impatience, or incitement. Voting peacefully, respecting institutions, and protecting national cohesion are not favours to any candidate.

Turn up. Vote correctly. Go home peacefully.

The Banyarwanda are itemised in the Fourth Schedule of the Constitution of Uganda as one of the indigenous communities or tribes in Uganda. So, they have the same level of citizenship as the Bakonzo or Baganda and Bafumbira. But there is more to the Banyarwanda in Uganda than meets the eye.

There is always a high sense of unease with their citizenship and they have been treated as the fall guys of national politics since 1980. The Banyarwanda are always accused of being foreigners (Rwandan). In normal circum[1]stances, it would be easy even with a low-end Ugandan citizen like me to appreciate the difference between a Rwandan (denoting a citizen of Rwanda) and the Banyarwanda (an indigenous community in Ugandans).

Yet, I know the material reality on the ground points to a different situation: Banyarwanda have issues in Uganda. Whereas the Banyarwanda have (and acknowledge to have) issues in Uganda, some of them have a tendency to unnecessarily court controversy.

Take the spat between Mr Joseph Ssewungu and Mr Frank Gashumba. Both are members of the Banyarwanda community with visible national profiles. Mr Ssewungu is an MP and Mr Gashumba is a social commentator and socialite.

Appearing on a Radio 4 talkshow, Gashumba said he stood with Ssewungu when he was little known. But Mr Ssewungu misunderstood that to mean that Gashumba was patronising him.

Mr Ssewungu is said to have requested to appear on the same radio to respond to what he mistook for Gashumba’s patronising attitude. And then mr. Ssewungu lost himself into an unnecessary rage disparaging Mr Gashumba. I was tempted to blame the radio for wasting a national resource to sibling rivalry. But no; I blame Mr Ssewungu.

Why? Boy, oh boy, because I decline to blame the radio for what I see as Mr Ssewungu’s manifestation of the Hutu-Tutsi dichotomy among the Banyarwanda Community in Uganda.

This divide has hitherto been limited to Rwanda. Otherwise most Banyarwanda (Kinyarwanda speakers) in Uganda, DRC and Tanzania don’t harbour these Hutu-Tutsi identities. In the DRC, they call themselves by the names of their locations or hills.

That’s why you hear of Banyamulenge (people of Mulenge), Banyamasisi (people of Masisi and Banyajomba (people of Jomba). There is no open classification of Hutu and Tutsi. Ndugu Ssewungu, it was not necessary to classify yourself as Tutsi. ‘We’ Banyarwanda know who among us is Hutu or Tutsi.

Becaause Ssewungu said he was Tutsi, Gashumba returned fire and said Ssewungu was Hutu. And that he eats pork. For those who don’t know, to associate eating pork with a bona fide Munyarwanda is, to say the least, a sin.

Banyarwanda in Uganda don’t have this Hutu-Tutsi divide. And one doesn’t have to identify him or herself as Tutsi or Hutu.

Neither should one identify another as Tutsi or Hutu. Why? Because the Banyarwanda in Uganda denote Tutsi. The Banyarwanda Hutu, I hear tend to melt (the word is integrate) among the Bantu communities in which they live.

That might be a small problem in Uganda. But the fear is that this could play into the hands of people known to have a real dichotomy of Hutu-Tutsi? Oh yes, what if.? That’s why I blame Mr Ssewungu for exposing Ugandans (particularly Banyarwanda) to this Hutu-Tutsi divide.

Dear reader, it is easy to tell a Ugandan (Munyarwanda) from a Rwandan Munyarwanda. The Ugandans are loud. I can bet my royal inheritance loud people like Gashumba would not survive in Rwanda where humility (kinyabufura?) is treated as a national value. Mr Ssewungu and Gashumba are basically Ugandans and it doesn’t matter from whence their parents or grandparents came. Please don’t teach us your Hutu-Tutsi things.

With less than two weeks to Uganda’s general elections, First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for East African Community Affairs, Rebecca Kadaga, intensified President Museveni’s campaign in the Busoga sub-region by engaging factory workers and sugarcane farmers directly.

On Saturday, Kadaga, accompanied by the Busoga National Resistance Movement (NRM) leadership and a diaspora campaign team from South Africa, toured several industrial plants in Jinja City.

Addressing workers at the Keshwala Group of Companies, which operates about 12 factories across Jinja and Njeru employing over 2,000 people, Kadaga highlighted the NRM government’s record on industrial growth, job creation, and regional development.

‘Busoga has many youths who do not have sustainable jobs. As a solution, we are going to put industrial parks in all districts of Busoga. We have a challenge of land; however, there are provisions for land in Kamuli, Iganga, and Luuka for these establishments,’ Kadaga said.

The minister also addressed concerns over the minimum wage, noting: ‘The matter will be tabled, as it is a genuine concern.’

Kadaga’s tour included Makepasi Matchbox Factory, which provides employment opportunities for people with disabilities. She praised the management for promoting inclusive work initiatives.

Earlier, Kadaga met with sugarcane farmers at Kakira Cinema Hall under the Busoga Sugarcane Growers Association.

Farmers voiced concerns over fluctuating cane prices and market manipulation, claiming both producers and consumers were being ‘double cheated,’ despite high retail prices of sugar.

Mr Keshwala, a business leader and farmer, assured Kadaga that January 15, 2026, will be declared a public holiday in factories to allow workers to vote.

The diaspora campaign team, which traveled for eight days from South Africa in a convoy of 15 vehicles, joined Kadaga to show support for Museveni’s re-election bid. Mr. Iddi Kibukgo Mugoya, chairperson of the South Africa campaign task force, said the visit was aimed at reinforcing ties with the home region ahead of the elections.

Uganda heads to the polls on January 15, when voters will elect the President and Members of Parliament.

Museveni faces seven opposition candidates, including Robert Kyagulanyi (National Unity Platform), Maj Gen Gregory Mugisha Muntu (Alliance for National Transformation), Joseph Mabirizi (Conservative Party), Robert Kasibante (National Peoples’ Party), Nathan Nandala Mafabi (Forum for Democratic Change), Mubarak Munyagwa Sserunga (Citizens Movement for Progress), and Frank Bulira Kabinga (Reform Party of Uganda).

Kadaga’s campaign push in factories and farms is part of the NRM’s strategy of linking industrial development, job creation, and grassroots engagement with Museveni’s bid for a further term that could extend his presidency to almost 50 years.