Category: Daily Monitor

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We take a closer look at Uganda’s third match of the tournament, where the national team goes head-to-head with a determined Nigeria side.

In the first two rounds, the Super Eagles defeated Tanzania (2-1) and Tunisia (3-2), securing their spot in the knockout stage early. Ademola Lookman shone brightest in the Nigeria team, scoring 2 goals and providing 2 assists to become the tournament’s most prolific player.

Uganda have earned only 1 point in two matches and can no longer afford any mistakes. To make their dream come true and reach the AFCON knockout stage for the first time in 6 years, the Cranes need to beat Nigeria in their last group stage game.

The Super Eagles are the clear favorites in the match, but they have no tournament motivation for this clash. Éric Chelle may give his leaders a rest ahead of the next stage and use his reserves. This potential rotation in the opposition’s line-up gives Uganda hope for a miracle.

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Bruised bodies. Torn sleeves. Armed and plain-clothed officers gripping sticks; tension rising in the air long before the ballots are even cast. What we are witnessing is a worrying escalation of election related violence-violence that disproportionately affects those already most vulnerable. As we brace ourselves for the weeks ahead, we must recognise that women and children face some of the gravest risks during periods of political contestation. Political violence is often discussed in terms of clashes between rival supporters or confrontations with security forces, but its hidden victims are too often overlooked. Protecting women and children must be treated not as an afterthought, but as a central obligation of all actors involved in the electoral process.

For children, election-related violence takes multiple and deeply harmful forms. Some suffer direct physical injury when caught in political clashes or violent crowd dispersals. Others experience psychological trauma simply from witnessing unrest-shouting, intimidation, beatings, or the presence of armed security personnel in their communities. Even when children are not physically harmed, exposure to such environments can leave lasting emotional scars. Disturbingly, we have also witnessed children transported from schools to attend political rallies or mobilised for campaign activities.

This is a clear violation of their rights to education, safety, and protection from exploitation. In some cases, children have been transported to rallies and later abandoned, left without adult supervision or a safe way to return home. These practices are not only unlawful; they are profoundly unethical. The effects of election violence on children often linger long after the headlines fade. Exposure to gunshots, threats, and violent confrontations can result in long-term emotional and behavioural challenges, including anxiety, heightened aggression, sleep disturbances, and difficulty concentrating in school.

Such impacts can follow children into adulthood, shaping how they perceive safety, trust, and civic participation. Evidence from the region is sobering: a survey conducted in Kenya following post-election unrest found that 95 percent of children had heard gunshots, with many later displaying increased aggression and other behavioural problems. Women, too, face distinct and often underreported forms of election-related violence. While physical attacks do occur, violence against women during election periods frequently manifests in less visible but equally damaging ways.

Psychological intimidation, threats of sexual violence, harassment at rallies, and coercion linked to political allegiance are common experiences. Increasingly, online spaces have become new battlegrounds, with women-particularly those active in politics, civil society, or journalism-subjected to targeted abuse, misogynistic attacks, and sexualised threats aimed at silencing them. Preventing this violence requires collective and urgent action. Political leaders must publicly denounce violence and hold their supporters accountable. Security forces must act professionally and impartially, prioritising the protection of civilians rather than escalating tensions.

Schools should be declared and respected as safe zones, free from political mobilisation. Social media platforms and authorities must take online abuse seriously, recognising it as a real form of harm with real-world consequences. Most importantly, the safety and rights of women and children must be placed at the centre of the electoral process. A credible election is not measured only by the counting of votes, but by whether citizens-especially the most vulnerable-can participate without fear. As Uganda moves closer to Election Day, the question is not whether violence can be condemned after it happens, but whether it can be prevented before it claims more victims. The answer will define not only this election, but the kind of democracy we are building for the next generation.

Uganda’s Vision 2040 set a bold target- reaching higher-middle-income status with a Gross National Income (GNI) per capita of $9,500. Today, that goal remains distant. The latest Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) figures put GNI per capita at $1,278 in FY2024/25, rising steadily from $1,020 four years ago. But even with this progress, Uganda would need more than a seven-fold increase to reach the Vision 2040 target-an ambition also echoed in the country’s Tenfold Growth Strategy. It is possible, especially with the expected lift from oil revenues, but it will require far faster progress than the current economic reality suggests. At present, Uganda sits above the current World Bank’s lower-middle-income (LMI) threshold of $1,136. The country has crossed this line for two consecutive years and could be formally classified as LMI if this trend continues for a third year. But attaining LMI status is necessary-not sufficient. It does not automatically mean that most Ugandans are living middle-class lives.

This point is reinforced by the fact that the United Nations still classifies Uganda as a Least Developed Country (LDC). The UN does not rely on income alone for this categorisation; a country must meet the three graduation benchmarks-income, human assets such as education, health, and nutrition, and resilience against economic and environmental vulnerability-for three consecutive years. Uganda has made progress on the income front but continues to fall short on human development and vulnerability indicators, which is why UN projections place Uganda’s possible LDC graduation sometime after 2027. To put GNI in everyday terms, Uganda’s $1,278 per person per year works out to about $3.50 a day at market exchange rates. When adjusted for purchasing power parity (PPP), this amounts to roughly $9.80 a day- still modest by global standards.

Importantly, World Bank poverty data using the latest 2021 PPP rates show that 59.8 percent of Ugandans live below $3.00 a day, and 93.6 percent live below $8.30 a day. In other words, the vast majority of citizens remain far from anything resembling middle-class living, regardless of how the country is statistically classified. Structural transformation-a shift from low-productivity work into higher-productivity sectors-is what drives lasting middle-income transitions. Here, Uganda’s progress remains limited. Manufacturing, the traditional engine of middle-income growth, accounts for only 15percent of GDP, according to the latest UBOS data. This is lower than the typical averages for lower-middle-income economies- often between 17 percent and 19 percent- and far below the levels achieved by emerging economies during their rapid development phases. Many African low-income countries are stuck at manufacturing levels below 12-15 percent, and Uganda sits only slightly above that range.

Meanwhile, most Ugandans are still not engaged in work that can raise household incomes meaningfully. In 2023/24, over a third of the working-age population remained in subsistence agriculture, and even among those employed or self-employed, 40 percent were still in low-productivity, climate-vulnerable farming. Movement into higher-paying sectors remains limited and is often confined to wealthier households, making economic mobility narrow and uneven. Uganda has not yet experienced the deep structural shift that typically defines a true middle-income economy. This matters because middle-income status is not just a statistical label-it should reflect genuine economic security: stable jobs, rising wages, and the ability to withstand setbacks. A person living on $3-10 a day, even in PPP terms, falls into what economists call the ‘floating class’-a group only slightly above poverty and highly vulnerable to shocks. For most Ugandans, that remains the day-to-day reality.

Still, Uganda is not without opportunity. The Tenfold Growth Strategy, if accelerated and seriously implemented, offers a realistic path to faster transformation. Success will depend on modernising agriculture, expanding manufacturing, diversifying exports, and strengthening private-sector competitiveness. Oil revenues, once production begins, could provide an additional push-but only if managed with discipline. Ghana’s experience is instructive: oil brought early optimism, but weak fiscal management and limited diversification later triggered debt distress. Oil can accelerate progress, but it can also magnify vulnerabilities if governance falters. Uganda’s gains deserve recognition.

The country is edging closer to formal lower-middle- income classification, poverty has declined over the long term, and the economy has shown resilience. But real transformation will require more than crossing a statistical threshold. It demands millions of decent jobs, strong human capital, faster productivity growth, and reduced vulnerability to shocks. Crossing into lower-middle income will be an achievement. Staying there-and rising higher-will require deeper reforms, faster implementation, and a relentless focus on productivity. Uganda has laid the foundation. Now it must build the house.

One person was killed and three others injured when a gold mine collapsed at Kagaba Village in Bukuya Town Council, Kassanda District, police confirmed.

The deceased has been identified as Yokana Manishimwe, a resident of Bukuya Town Council, according to a late Tuesday statement from the Police Mineral Protection Unit (PMPU), Naguru Police Headquarters, signed by D/AIP Peter Okello.

Preliminary findings indicate that Manishimwe, together with 17 others, entered one of the pit mines at around 7:00 a.m. when a large stone suddenly rolled down, striking him.

He died instantly, while three other miners sustained injuries and were rushed to Kyabakadde Clinic for treatment.

‘The management at the different gold pit mines are advised to take necessary precaution and avoid unnecessary risks when the conditions are not favorable including the heavy rains,’ Kassanda Resident District Commissioner Phoebe Namulindwa said.

She added that investigators are still assessing the situation.

Sources at Kagaba gold mines told this publication that heavy rains may have softened the soil at the pit, potentially contributing to the collapse, though this could not be independently verified.

‘Cases of wall collapse at the mines are not common but miners are always advised to take precaution when the rains intensify,’ said Edward Benya Kabunga, an artisan miner at Bukuya Town Council.

Kagaba Hills is home to more than 2,000 artisan miners who work in small-scale pits across the area.

By the time of reporting, efforts to obtain comments from management at the heavily guarded gold mine facility were unsuccessful.

The incident highlights the risks associated with artisanal mining in Uganda, especially during periods of heavy rainfall, and the need for stricter safety precautions at mining sites.

When elections end, expectations begin and they begin fast. Life does not pause. School fees are still due, food prices still bite, and health bills still come knocking. So the day after a winner takes charge, citizens begin asking a quiet but urgent question: what actually changes in our lives? Across Africa, that question is hanging in the air after recent election cycles and political transitions in Tanzania, Malawi, and Ghana, with Uganda and others heading there soon. The timing is awkward in the way real life often is. Public finances are tightening just as global partnerships are shifting. And young people are watching closely, not because they love politics, but because politics keeps promising to fix what still feels broken.

At the same time, agriculture has never been more visible on the global stage. Climate summits, food systems dialogues, and continental declarations repeat the same message: agriculture is central to food security, jobs, and resilience. Yet for many farmers and young people, those words still feel distant. To see the gap clearly, start with Atim. Atim farms three acres with her husband and two teenage children. For her, agriculture is not a sector. It is breakfast, school fees, and whether the family can buy medicine without borrowing. It is dignity, plain and simple. Atim has heard the speeches, but she is not farming communiqués. She is farming soil whose acidity crept in over the years. She is farming in seasons where rain falls too hard, or not at all. And she is farming in the era of the African Continental Free Trade Area yet markets still feel like a gamble when you lack storage, transport, information, and bargaining power. So, Atim’s question is not whether agriculture matters, but what actually changes for her.

That question is where agricultural transformation either happens or stalls. Too often, the problem is not that farmers are not trying. It is that decisions shaping agriculture do not pull in the same direction, leaving farmers to absorb the cost of that disintegration. If agriculture is truly the foundation of food, jobs, climate resilience, and political stability, then it must be governed as an integrated national function, where strategy informs structure and budget allocation. For governments emerging from an election season, this is the moment to make three bold bets that voters can actually feel. The first bet is integration. Agriculture cannot sit alone in a ministry while treasury, trade, environment, health, and infrastructure make decisions that determine outcomes. Atim feels this fragmentation every season. Inputs arrive late or do not match her soil.

Subsidies land like political gifts rather than smart investments. Climate pledges are announced, but when the rains fail there is no risk cover, no real protection. Markets are said to be open, yet prices are set by whoever shows up first because she cannot afford to wait. The second bet is productivity that pays. At global meetings, agriculture is framed as a solution to emissions and resilience. For Atim, those ambitions remain abstract unless effort shows up as income. Farmers know when soils no longer hold moisture and fertiliser stops working. They live the reality of rising yields and falling profits as post-harvest losses, transport costs, and weak bargaining power swallow the gains. Soil health is the base of climate resilience, and with consistency and good science, farmers can see real improvement within a few seasons.

Productivity improves when governments hedge the transition and incentivise the private sector to offer bundled solutions farmers trust. Farming becomes a business again, not a permanent emergency. The third bet is markets that work for small-scale farmers. Too often we say ‘there is a market’ without addressing 40 percent post-harvest losses or guaranteeing uptake. Governments must prioritise storage, traceability, and fair competition so quality and reliability earn a premium, and farmers see gains within a single season. After elections, leaders should be judged more by farms transitioning into businesses and rising household incomes. Agricultural reform is, at its core, a trust exercise between votes cast and governments that reward those votes with a better quality of life. That, more than anything, is the real post-election mandate.

The family of Busia Municipality parliamentary candidate Samuel Mugeni Makokha has called for his release, saying his detention has disrupted his campaign and caused distress among supporters.

Makokha, nominated on the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) ticket, is held at Luzira Prison on alleged treason-related charges, including misprision of treason. He was remanded on December 9 over alleged links to opposition strongman Dr Kizza Besigye’s ongoing treason case.

‘His arrest does not prevent him from contesting the Busia Municipality parliamentary seat,’ said Michael Mugeni, Makokha’s father and former mayor of Busia. He described his son as ‘innocent’ and appealed to President Museveni and security officials ‘to show mercy.’

Makokha was intercepted by security at Entebbe last month while traveling to Ethiopia, after having been previously arrested in Kisumu, Kenya, in 2024 alongside 36 other opposition supporters and later released.

Makokha had promised to address healthcare challenges in the district, highlighting gaps in medical equipment and personnel.

‘Health facilities lack essential equipment and personnel. Leaders only act when tragedies occur. I will advocate for improved health services in Parliament if elected,’ he said prior to his detention.

The candidate’s elder sister, Christine Nabwire Mugeni, said the detention pains the family and affects his campaign.

‘Some voters worry about his release, but we believe he is innocent and a victim of a political witch hunt,’ she said.

Despite Makokha’s imprisonment, campaign activities continue at his home in Mawero East B Village, where supporters gather daily.

‘Makokha is going to be like Nelson Mandela; voters are ready to elect him even in prison,’ Rajab Kisembo Babu, chairman of his campaign, told Monitor early this week, citing his message on border businesses and youth employment.

Support for the candidate is evident across the municipality. Local artists have composed songs and posters depicting Makokha in handcuffs, calling for his release.

Felix Mande, an LC3 candidate for Western Division, claimed that over 20,000 voters remain committed to supporting him.

Even other opposition figures have rallied behind Makokha. ‘I am a member of the NUP, but we are here to vote for Makokha because this is how his freedom can be secured,’ said Haruna Abbas, NUP candidate for Eastern Division.

‘Parliament will push for his release once he is elected,’ he added.

Makokha’s supporters argue that his vision and discipline make him the right candidate for Busia Municipality.

Lulume Bayiga, MP for Buikwe, said the government targeted him because of his dedication to the electorate while Philip Wafula Oguttu, the former MP for Bukhooli County Central, described him as ‘a young, disciplined, and brilliant man, ready to give a voice to the people of Busia, long underrepresented in Parliament.’

Commenting on the broader case involving the candidate, Museveni, through Parliament Deputy Speaker Thomas Tayebwa, recently stated that ‘Continued detention of suspects based solely on alleged offenses that can only be determined by a court of law.’

By press time, the Presidency was yet to respond on the latest family appeal.

Background

Makokha, 46, faces charges linked to an investigation involving opposition leader Col (Rtd) Dr Kizza Besigye, who is also charged with treason for alleged plots to overthrow the government between 2023 and 2024. Treason in Uganda carries the death penalty.

As the uncertainties in the global economy continue to spread worries in the national economies, the International Monetary Fund has directed that Central banks, Uganda inclusive, should preserve price stability, in line with their mandates to safeguard their economies.

The managing director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Ms Kristalina Georgieva, says the global economy is undergoing a profound transformation, and uncertainty runs high. Major policy shifts across several countries- spanning trade, digital money, immigration, and spending priorities, including national security and foreign aid-are reconfiguring global markets and redefining policy frameworks.

‘These changes bring prolonged uncertainty and associated risks but also present opportunities, including to build more resilient supply chains and diversify trade relationships. Navigating this transition will hinge on the strength and integrity of core national economic institutions, which are critical for effective and credible policymaking,’ she said. In Uganda, the Bank of Uganda (BoU) says in its state of the economy that to safeguard the economy against such shocks, BoU maintains a flexible policy framework underpinned by key measures such as sustaining adequate foreign exchange reserves and ensuring sufficient liquidity in the foreign exchange market. ‘These actions are essential to sustaining investor confidence and enhancing the economy’s resilience to external and domestic shocks,’ the Central Bank said in the state of economy report.

What is being done by BoU?

The BoU explains that in the face of elevated global risks, such as geopolitical instability, volatile commodity prices, climate shocks, and still tight global financial conditions, monetary policy must strike a balance between price stability, financial sector resilience, and supporting growth. Amid a shifting global environment that presents both opportunities and risks, the Bank remains vigilant to challenges such as falling commodity prices, declining aid inflows, and rising geopolitical tensions. To cushion Uganda against these shocks, the economists in BoU stress that the Bank will ensure that foreign exchange reserves remain adequate and liquidity in the financial system is sufficient to support macroeconomic stability.

As of August 2025, Uganda’s gross foreign reserve stood at $ 4.711 billion. ‘This requires a moderately tight, flexible, and forward-looking monetary policy that protects against inflation, stabilises the exchange rate, supports financial system health, and remains agile in responding to external shocks. By preserving price stability, boosting investor confidence, and shielding the economy from external risks, the Bank is laying the foundation for Uganda’s tenfold growth strategy,’ the Bank of Uganda explains.

The strategy prioritises Agro-industrialisation, Tourism, Minerals (including oil and gas), and Science, Technology and Innovation (ATMS) to drive industrialisation, foster inclusive growth, and enhance value addition. However, the report states that while the Bank of Uganda’s commitment to macroeconomic stability remains critical in unlocking the full potential of these sectors for long-term transformation, continued progress in economic diversification, structural reforms, and building resilience will be critical to maintaining growth momentum in an increasingly uncertain global environment.

Independence of Central Banks

From the IMF perspective for all member states, Ms Kristalina reveals that history has shown that Central Bank independence and clear communication are essential for keeping inflation in check and preserving financial stability. Monetary policy credibility can also support fiscal stability by helping reduce risk premia – extra returns an investor expects to earn for taking on more risk than a risk-free environment.

Building public trust also requires further enhancing the quality of inflation forecast, which has been more challenging in a shock-prone world. In countries imposing tariffs, Central Banks will likely face a sharper tradeoff between price stability and output.

‘In countries facing tariffs, gradual easing may only be feasible once disinflation is firmly established. Exchange rates should continue to act as a shock absorber, where applicable. Where exchange rate movements become disorderly, the Integrated Policy Framework (IPF) provides country-specific guidance on exchange rate interventions and capital flow measures.

‘Our monetary policy advice to countries remains grounded in rigorous analysis. The World Economic Outlook (WEO) examines the price effects of higher tariffs, drawing lessons from past episodes. It also highlights the cost of political interference in central banks, finding that this tends to loosen policies, weaken currencies, and raise inflation and inflation expectations- often accompanied by higher risk premia and impaired market functioning,’ Ms Kristalina says in her global policy agenda.

Related research shows that rising fiscal risks-high debt and deficit-compromise the credibility of monetary policy. Financial sector policies must guard against rapidly evolving risks. Recent market developments have exposed risks from abrupt asset price corrections, disruptions in sovereign debt and forex markets, and the growing link between banks and non-bank financial institutions (NBFIs), which play an increasingly important role in sovereign and private debt markets.

Ms Kristalina points out that this calls for enhanced oversight, including systematic liquidity stress testing, and for bolstering capitalisation of weak banks, with full implementation of internationally agreed standards. Strengthening the resilience of bond markets requires reducing fiscal risks, along with enhancements to market structures Furthermore, better data collection, coordination, and analysis- including cross-border cooperation-will be pivotal for effective oversight of NBFIs and digital assets.

The IMF is closely monitoring risks across financial markets and emerging macrofinancial vulnerabilities, including from climate risks where macrocritical.

‘The latest Global Financial Sector Report examines risk and resilience in global foreign exchange markets and the evolving landscape of emerging market sovereign debt. Meanwhile, our Article IVs and Financial Sector Assessment Programme provide in-depth country-specific advice to strengthen financial sector resilience,’ she said.

Adding: ‘The Fund’s technical assistance supports our members across a wide range of areas, including financial supervision and regulation, central banking operations, bank recovery-resolution, macroprudential policy, and payments and market infrastructures. Policymakers should act decisively to unlock private sector-led growth.’

Four inmates occupy space meant for one prisoner in Ugandan jails, according to a report by the Uganda Prisons Services (UPS). UPS states that the prisons occupancy rate is 353 percent. This places Uganda among the top five countries with overcrowded prisons.

According to a statement by the spokesperson of the UPS, Senior Commissioner of Prisons Frank Baine, there were 79,653 inmates in the 269 prisons units by December 8, 2025.

‘As of December 8, 2025, 42,458 were convicts, 36,485 were on remand, 710 were debtors totalling to 79,653 inmates plus 287 kids kept in 269 prisons units grouped in 19 regions,’ Mr Baine said. The UPS facilities have a holding capacity of 22,569 prisoners.

According to UPS reports, 62 percent of the prisoners are youth between the ages of 18 and 30 while 36 percent are between ages 31 and 59.

Only 2 percent are 60 years and above. Both the UPS and Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) agree that the situation in the prisons is a humanitarian crisis. In August 2025, the Deputy Commissioner General of Prisons, Mr Samuel Akena, told Members of Parliament that the prison population is rising by eight percent annually, yet the facilities extension is nearly static.

Mr Akena said the rising prison population has put pressure on both staff and inmates. With the increase in arrests and remands due to the campaigns for the 2026 General Election that has been marred by violence, the number of inmates’ population is expected to increase farther. Several of the former inmates described life in the prisons as horrible.

Mr Norman Tumuhimbise, the executive director of Digitalk Online TV, who has been on remand in prisons several times, decried the congestion in the jails, describing it as hell on earth.

‘On Friday (on his first day in jail), I slept very poorly. You are put in a congested cubical. The place is so congested that there is an RP (prefect), whose work is to arrange the inmates so that they can fit in the ward,’ Mr Tumuhimbise said.

He said inmates are arranged in rows and face to the side, but when the first one’s torso is left, the immediate neighbour must put his or hers on the opposite side.

‘All inmates sleep on the side of their body. There is no space to turn your body at night. If you are to change the sleeping position, all inmates in the row have to change,’ Mr Tumuhimbise said.

He said the inmates are packed so tightly that their lives are in danger.

A former editor of Red Pepper, Mr Richard Kintu, who was once remanded to Luzira prison over media-related offences in 2017, said conditions at the jail are inhumane.

‘The first day is when you experience real congestion in the prison. Regardless of the social status, all the new inmates spend the night in that section. The situation is so bad there. We were packed in a room where the body heat emitted makes everyone sweat,’ Mr Kintu said, adding that no space is spared including the passageway.

‘If you have digestive problems and you have to visit the toilet at night, you have to raise your hand for the RP to remove inmates from the passageway to enable you to wade through,’ he said.

On the second day, he said, the situation improves for inmates with a higher social class. The prisons warders give out blankets to new inmates. Mr Kintu said every day, inmates are given a cup of porridge in the morning, and one other meal at lunch time.

‘You are given beans first at midday then two blocks of posho are served later, at around 3pm. Those posho blocks and beans are your lunch and supper,’ he said.

Dire situation

The Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) 2024 report showed that pre-trial detention is among the major causes of overcrowding in prisons.

‘The major causes of the increase in prison population are excessive pre-trial detention and incarceration for minor and petty offences. Furthermore, the number of prisons or their capacity has not increased proportionately to population growth,’ report stated.

The UPS report that data between January 2025 and August 2025 showed that occupancy rate in 24 of the 269 prisons was over 600 percent. For instance, Kicheche prison, whose capacity is eight prisoners, had 80 inmates in August, which is a 1,000 percent occupancy rate.

Kapeeka Prison had 990 percent occupancy rate while Kyegegwa Prisons had a 927 percent occupancy rate. Another 148 prisons had occupancy rates between 301 percent and 600 percent.

Seventy-two prisons had an occupancy rate between 200 percent and 300 percent. Only 25 prisons had less than 200 percent occupancy rate by August 2025. The UHRC said overcrowding in prisons leads to the violation of prisoners’ human rights.

‘These conditions violate the right to humane treatment under both the UDHR [Universal Declaration of Human Rights] and the ICCPR [International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights], leading to a dehumanising environment,’ the 2024 UHRC report read in part.

When the UHRC team visited Kitalya Prison, they were informed that due to overcrowding, inmates are forced to take sleeping pills to be able to get sleep.

Activists believe that issuance of bail of accused, and granting of parole and pardon to some convicts would reduce congestion. Between 2020 and 2025, President Museveni pardoned 1,798 inmates.

Sarah Bireete, a renowned lawyer, governance and human rights advocate, and Executive Director of the Centre for Constitutional Governance (CCG), has been arrested on yet to be disclosed charges. .

The arrest was confirmed by the Kampala Metropolitan Police spokesperson, Rachael Kawala, in a statement posted on her X account (formerly Twitter) on Tuesday evening.

ACP Kituuma Rusoke, Uganda Police Force spokesperson, also confirmed the arrest, stating that investigators are still compiling the case file.

“The suspect will be arraigned before court in due course,” Rusoke said, adding that the file will be forwarded to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) for perusal and legal advice before any charges are preferred.

When asked about the circumstances surrounding Bireete’s arrest and potential charges, Rusoke said investigations were ongoing and police were yet to finalize the details. “Investigations are ongoing, and we are yet to finalize the details,” he said.

Police maintain that Bireete will be produced before court once investigations are concluded.

The arrest has raised concerns among human rights advocates and governance experts, who are closely monitoring the situation.

Bireete’s work with CCG has focused on promoting constitutional governance and human rights in Uganda.

As Uganda approaches another electoral cycle, it is essential to wish all Ugandans a peaceful, calm, and orderly election. Elections should be a moment for citizens to express their will without fear, violence, or division. Peace is not only necessary for credible outcomes but also for safeguarding the unity and future of the nation. Regardless of political affiliation, every Ugandan deserves stability before, during, and after the polls. That said, elections also invite reflection, especially on why Opposition politics in Uganda have, over several years, struggled to achieve their central goal of forming a new government or exerting meaningful influence on national decision-making.

Despite loud rallies, passionate messaging, and visible public frustration, the Opposition has repeatedly failed to translate popular energy into real political power. Every election cycle attracts a new generation of young people filled with hope and expectation. For several youth, elections represent a rare opportunity to change their future, to escape unemployment, poverty, and social exclusion. Most of the time, these young people view Opposition victory as the only possible way out of the difficult situations they are experiencing. They invest their energy, time, and belief in Opposition leaders, expecting meaningful change. However, election after election, Opposition leaders have failed to deliver the transformation that the youth of the time envision, leaving behind frustration, disappointment, and political fatigue.

A clear example is the National Unity Platform (NUP), currently the leading Opposition party. While NUP has succeeded in mobilising large crowds at rallies and energising, especially young supporters, its actual influence within Parliament remains limited. With only 57 Members of Parliament out of a House of over 500 MPs, NUP does not have the numbers required to shape legislation decisively, block government proposals, or set the national agenda. Its influence often ends at public demonstrations and social media visibility, rather than extending into concrete policy outcomes. This problem is not unique to NUP. Other Opposition parties face similar challenges.

They operate in isolation, competing against one another for the same voter base, resources, and attention. Instead of building a broad national coalition, Opposition leaders often prioritise party identity, personal ambition, and internal dominance. As a result, Opposition politics becomes fragmented, predictable, and ultimately ineffective. In such an environment, election results are easy to anticipate long before polling day. One of the core weaknesses of Uganda’s Opposition lies in what many perceive as selfish leadership. Rather than placing the broader goal of national liberation and democratic change above individual or party interests, Opposition figures often act as if their parties alone are larger than the cause itself. This lack of unity sends a message to voters, especially the youth, that the Opposition is not ready to govern, coordinate, or compromise for the national good.

Uganda’s Opposition could learn valuable lessons from neighbouring Kenya. Although Kenyan Opposition coalitions have not always succeeded in winning presidential elections, their strategy of unity has consistently produced tangible results. By bringing together big and small parties under one umbrella and fronting a single presidential candidate, the Opposition has managed to secure significant parliamentary representation, from Members of Parliament to senators and governors. These numbers translate into real influence, negotiation power, and the ability to shape national discourse. Most importantly, Kenya’s united Opposition demonstrated that collaboration can achieve historic change. By standing together, Opposition forces were able to defeat KANU, a party that once seemed untouchable.

That victory did not come from isolated rallies or individual popularity, but from collective strategy, shared sacrifice, and a willingness to put country above party. In conclusion, as Ugandans head toward another election, peace must remain the top priority. However, if the Opposition truly hopes to bring change, especially for the young people who repeatedly place their hopes in electoral politics, it must confront its own failures honestly. Unity, humility, and national interest must replace fragmentation and personal ambition. The Kenyan experience shows that while unity does not guarantee victory, division almost certainly guarantees defeat. Only by coming together can Uganda’s Opposition hope to turn popular support into real political power and meaningful change.