Category: Daily Monitor

Mtukufu Rais Yoweri Museveni, shikamoo Mzee! May it please the Lord to protect and preserve you! I respectfully invite you to pause for a moment and consider my response to your State of the Nation Address of June 4, in which you saw fit, somewhat hastily, I venture to suggest, to dismiss this column as a purveyor of lies. The charge is serious. The evidence, however, points in the opposite direction. Two things, for now.

One, I’m not sure if your technical team is developed to the level of cultivating a culture of carrying out post-event surveys as Standard Operating Procedure to gauge public response to such an important address. In the unlikely event they have and in fact did so, they’d perhaps have communicated that very many people found it interesting that you were able to identify only one family in my community of Bugwere, which, you said, has been transformed by your Parish Development Model, PDM. Mtukufu Rais, Uganda has 1,000,000 Bagwere. As a statistical expression, therefore, one successful family out of a million Bagwere presents a disturbing antithesis to your middle-income narrative. It certainly didn’t cover your speech in glory. It was an overt admission of PDM as a policy failure, just like all the other similarly high-sounding interventions before it -Entandiikwa, Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP), National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS), Northern Uganda Social Action Fund (NUSAF), Prosperity for All, Operation Wealth Creation, Emyooga, etc. We see a consistent pattern: billions released, but with the only beneficiaries being officers who run those programmes.

Mtukufu Rais, the second point is that your speech, once again, repeated the claim that Uganda attained lower-middle-income status. Absolute fallacy! Your well-paid economists remind us of King Ahab of Israel, who kept 400 prophets at his palace, all bought and paid-for, whose job was to prophesy to the King what he wanted to hear. When the time came for battle, they sold him a dummy – all of them assured him that the Lord would give him victory. Only one prophet – Micaiah, an outsider – whom King Ahab disliked for speaking unpleasant truths, told King Ahab the truth: you’re a dead man if you go to battle with Syria. King Ahab, therefore, threw Micaiah in jail (sound familiar?) and went to battle. He died. As a qualified public policy analyst (omutendeke), I respectfully draw your attention to two broad approaches to middle-income considerations – quantitative and qualitative.

The first approach, which clearly is what you are using, is the ‘Statistical middle-income status’ – a country reaches a certain Gross National Income (GNI) per capita threshold set by institutions such as the World Bank. How do we get that? Simple example: 10 people are in a village. Nine earn $1 a day, but one earns $1,000 d a day. The GNI per capita is total income divided by population. That means that even though 90 percent of the people earn only $1 per day, the GNI is $100.90. Officially, the village is rich! Now, that is excellent for propaganda purposes, but, as you can see, it’s an insult and injustice to the vast majority who are struggling to survive. This is what, in public policy analysis, we call ‘the tyranny of averages’.

Mtukufu Rais, the more enlightened and elevated approach is qualitative and is, in essence, ‘Sociological middle-income status’ – the emergence of a broad, stable middle class with disposable income, property ownership, educational attainment, and economic security.

Can most Ugandans afford decent housing, access decent healthcare, save monies aside, educate their children with ease, and retire with dignity? No! Most people live hand-to-mouth. Can’t pay rent, find transport to work, or even put food on the table. Mtukufu Rais, even the few with jobs fear retiring because they wouldn’t survive. In fact, at least 3000 Karimojong practically starved to death under our noses in 2022 – as you stood at the podium in Kampala proclaiming ‘middle-income’ status. A nation does not prove its middle-income status by a presidential address in the comfort of a conference hall, surrounded by rich politicians. It proves it by producing millions of citizens who live middle-class lives. Mtukufu Rais, would you feel able to repeat that ‘middle-income’ speech in Karamoja, where my umbilical cord is buried? Mungu azidi kukusitiri, Mtukufu Rais!

NTV Uganda and Spark TV were forced off air by 5:00am local time on Sunday after an overnight security crackdown at Nation Media Group (NMG) Uganda premises in Namuwongo and Kampala Serena Hotel, following a shutdown order by first son and Chief of Defence Forces Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba against the media group’s outlets.

NTV Uganda and Spark TV viewers were met with blank screens displaying the message ‘video unavailable’, while uncertainty surrounded the operations of NMG’s other platforms, including the Daily Monitor, which Gen Muhoozi had also targeted in his late-night declarations.

The security operation began shortly after midnight, with personnel deployed at the NMG premises and staff reporting “that no one was being allowed to enter or leave the compound.”

The deployment followed a series of posts on X by Gen Muhoozi in which he declared that NTV Uganda and the Daily Monitor would be shut down amid a long-term ban from covering his father, President Museveni.

“NTV and Monitor are being shut down from today!” Gen Muhoozi wrote in a 1:07am post.

Gen Muhoozi, who is well-known to Ugandans for his incendiary social media posts, followed with another post stating: “Both NTV and Monitor will not re-open without my permission.”

In another post earlier, he said: “In Uganda, I DO NOT believe in a free press! The press should be guided by cadres of the revolution.”

The remarks marked an escalation of threats made over the past week, during which Gen Muhoozi repeatedly claimed he was awaiting permission from his father, President Museveni, before moving against the media house that employs hundreds of people.

In Uganda, NMG owns the 20-year-old NTV Uganda, the Daily Monitor, The East African, Spark TV, 93.3 KFM, 90.4 Dembe FM, Ennyanda newspaper and the Nation Courier, among other media platforms and investments.

Spark TV and NTV Uganda remained on air even as an unprecedented attack on Uganda’s leading independent media house continued through the early hours of Sunday during a prolonged security operation.

At 4:45am local time, nearly four hours after the siege began, the broadcaster was still carrying an Al Jazeera simulcast despite the security presence around the media group’s premises.

Shortly afterwards, NTV Uganda and Spark TV went off air.

90.4 Dembe FM and 93.3 KFM also appeared to have gone off air during the operation with no reason immediately given by Ugandan authorities.

By daybreak, security personnel remained deployed at the NMG premises in Namuwongo and Serena Hotel, with staff inside reporting they were unable to move in or out as the operation continued.

Neither the Uganda People’s Defence Forces, the Uganda Police Force nor the Uganda Communications Commission had immediately issued a formal statement explaining the operation or announcing any legal order affecting the broadcaster or newspaper.

It’s not yet clear how long the State-enforced blackout will last and NMG Uganda, which employs more than 500 people in the country alone, had also not issued an official statement by the time of publication.

Not the first time

The latest operation is not the first time NMG Uganda operations have been targeted by State agents. In May 2013, police raided the Daily Monitor and Dembe FM over the publication of a letter allegedly linking senior government officials to a succession plan dubbed the “Muhoozi Project.”

The premises remained sealed for more than a week before the outlets were allowed to resume operations after signing police search certificates and other documents.

In February 2007, barely two months after NTV Uganda launched in December 2006, the broadcaster was forced off air by the government following accusations that its news coverage was negative.

Over the years, Museveni has also repeatedly criticised the Daily Monitor, at one point referring to it as an “enemy and evil newspaper” over its critical journalism.

Despite repeated confrontations with the authorities, NMG-Uganda has consistently maintained its commitment to independent, public-interest journalism, describing itself as “Uganda’s Bold Voice” ahead of the disputed January 2026 presidential polls.

Past raids drew widespread condemnation from local and international media freedom organisations and rights groups.

‘Qweshunga’ is a word which comes from Runyankole-Runyakitara to mean ‘play’, which would conventionally evoke images of childhood games, bouncing castles or moments of amusement. But Penelope Sanyu is using her creativity to give it a fresh twist, arguing that even adults need the time to play, surrender to curiosity as they connect. At the new space called Qweshunga Book Bar, adults are welcome to bounce on castles, play board games and basically bring out the child in them in the gardens. There is a library where they can read a book, enjoy wine, sip on coffee or tea or simply sit and work. There is also a sanctuary for anyone looking for a place of solace to connect with themselves or reflect.

‘I wanted to reclaim play as something that is not luxury. I wanted to reclaim it as a lifeblood for curiosity, relationship building, mental well-being and connection,’ says Sanyu, a lawyer-cum creative.

It is an unusual mission for a lawyer. Then again, she has never been interested in fitting neatly into conventional definitions. She describes herself as a lawyer, feminist, author, entrepreneur and child of God. She leads the Qweshunga Initiative, founded Femme Forte Uganda and now serves as curator of the Qweshunga Book Bar. They are different but united by a common thread of creating spaces where people can thrive.

Inspiration

The idea of Qweshunga was born from a simple observation where society encourages children to play but discourages adults from doing the same. As children, people are told to run, laugh, imagine and explore because play is seen as essential to development. Yet somewhere along the journey to adulthood, play becomes associated with irresponsibility.

‘We become adults and we are told playing is unserious. Playing is not for adults. You are being unreasonable. You are being unprofessional,’ she says.

Sanyu believes that mindset comes at a cost. The loss of play, she argues, often leads to the loss of wonder, creativity and emotional well-being. The more serious people become, the more disconnected they risk becoming from themselves and from others.

She argues: ‘The more you play, the freer you are.’

Her determination to restore that freedom gave birth to the broader Qweshunga movement, which organises annual adult play festivals complete with trampolines, bouncing castles and traditional childhood games.

Freedom

Participants are encouraged to leave behind job titles and responsibilities for a day and simply play. Yet the Book Bar may be her most ambitious expression of the idea because books occupy the centre of the space, both literally and philosophically. The creative’s love affair with reading began years ago when books began shaping her worldview. She wants others to have access to the same transformative experience and hence the result is a library stocked largely from donations and her personal collection. The beauty is that visitors can browse and read without paying. For Sanyu, that decision is also a challenge to another persistent stereotype.

‘You have heard people say that if you want to hide a thing in Africa, hide it in books. For me, this is a resistance to that narrative,’ she explains.

She also rejects the notion that Ugandans do not read. Instead of complaining about declining reading culture, she has chosen to create a place where reading is celebrated, accessible and woven into community life. The free books are intended to help people ‘free their minds from the shackles that hold them.’ Of course, free books alone do not sustain a business. The challenge was finding a model that could keep the doors open while preserving access to literature. Her solution was to blend books with coffee and wine.

‘You are either reading a book with a cup of tea or a cup of coffee, or you’re reading a book with a glass of wine,’ she says.

Activities

The venue also includes gardens for conversation, spaces for poetry and music events, and even a prayer wall where visitors can leave requests or messages of gratitude. These features reveal another side of Sanyu’s thinking.

The space is about reading and restoration. Although legally trained, Sanyu says her work rarely resembles traditional courtroom practice.

‘I am the lawyer who fights for people’s rights. I am the lawyer who speaks up against injustice,’ she explains.

For her, promoting mental health, literacy and human dignity is a form of advocacy. Creating spaces where people can heal, learn and connect is another way of pursuing justice.

Revenue model

Revenue from the café, wine bar, co-working spaces and podcast studio helps cover operational costs while allowing visitors to continue enjoying free access to books. It is a social enterprise model designed to ensure that the mission survives beyond good intentions. The venue also includes gardens for conversation, spaces for poetry and music events, and even a prayer wall where visitors can leave requests or messages of gratitude. These features reveal another side of Sanyu’s thinking. The space is about reading and restoration. Although legally trained, Sanyu says her work rarely resembles traditional courtroom practice.

‘I am the lawyer who fights for people’s rights. I am the lawyer who speaks up against injustice,’ she explains.

For her, promoting mental health, literacy and human dignity is a form of advocacy. Creating spaces where people can heal, learn and connect is another way of pursuing justice. Perhaps that is why Qweshunga resonates beyond its literal meaning. What began as a word meaning ‘play’ has evolved into a philosophy about what it means to be fully human, and she inviting people to rediscover it, one book, a conversation and moment of play at a time.

Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have signed a cross-border Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to jointly combat the current Ebola Bundibugyo strain outbreak, which has so far sickened 20 people in Uganda.

Out of the 20 confirmed cases registered in Uganda as of June 27, 15 are classified as imported cases from the neighbouring DRC.

The cross-border pact coincided with the official launch of the Continental Incident Management Support Team (IMST) at the Infectious Diseases Institute (IDI) at Makerere University in Kampala on Saturday. The IMST is a joint initiative by African governments, the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC), and the World Health Organization (WHO) designed to streamline emergency health interventions.

Speaking at the launch, Uganda’s Minister for Health, Dr Chris Baryomunsi, emphasized that African nations must spearhead coordinated responses to health crises to prevent localized outbreaks from turning into continental catastrophes.

“The Ebola outbreak reminds us that no country is safe until every country is prepared. It also reminds us that solidarity is not simply a principle-it is an operational necessity,” Dr Baryomunsi said. “Our preparedness and our response must, therefore, extend beyond borders. The Continental IMST embodies this spirit of solidarity.”

Under the new cross-border agreement, joint laboratory services and Ebola Treatment Centres (ETCs) are being established in Aru and Kasenyi. Health professionals from both Uganda and the DRC will work side-by-side at these facilities to detect cases early and halt transmission at the source.

“As we often say, we cannot keep mopping the floor while the roof is still leaking,” Dr. Baryomunsi noted. “As long as transmission continues on one side of the border, all neighbouring countries remain at risk.”

The IMST framework brings together 11 epidemic-prone African nations-including high-risk neighbours like Rwanda, Burundi, Angola, and the Central African Republic-to participate in cross-border preparedness, even if they have not yet registered active cases.

Dr Belizaire Marie Roseline, the Regional Emergency Director for WHO Africa, described the unified coordination model as a “game-changer” for continental health security.

‘This means we will avoid duplication in activities. We will put together our resources-which is a great mutualization of resources-and create synergy so that we become stronger together,’ Dr. Roseline said, adding that WHO’s role will ensure all field decisions remain strictly science- and evidence-based.

While the IMST experts have been coordinating virtually since the onset of the outbreak, the entire team has now physically relocated to the command center in Kampala to be closer to the epicentre.

According to Dr. Tolbert Geewleh Nyenswah, the Director of Africa CDC, the team consists of specialists specializing in case management, infection prevention, logistics, and intensive 21-day contact tracing.

The multinational communication hub will be permanently housed at Makerere University. Dr. Andrew Kambugu, the Executive Director of the Infectious Diseases Institute (IDI), revealed that the institute has provided a state-of-the-art boardroom to facilitate real-time, multinational communications between field teams, regional governments, and international partners in Geneva.

“Hosting the centre at Makerere University will continue the journey of how academia can actively engage and address pressing societal challenges,” Dr. Kambugu said.

NTV Uganda and Spark TV were forced off air by 5:00am local time on Sunday after an overnight security crackdown at Nation Media Group (NMG) Uganda premises in Namuwongo and Kampala Serena Hotel, following a shutdown order by first son and Chief of Defence Forces Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba against the media group’s outlets.

NTV Uganda and Spark TV viewers were met with blank screens displaying the message ‘video unavailable’, while uncertainty surrounded the operations of NMG’s other platforms, including the Daily Monitor, which Gen Muhoozi had also targeted in his late-night declarations.

The security operation began shortly after midnight, with personnel deployed at the NMG premises and staff reporting “that no one was being allowed to enter or leave the compound.”

The deployment followed a series of posts on X by Gen Muhoozi in which he declared that NTV Uganda and the Daily Monitor would be shut down amid a long-term ban from covering his father, President Museveni.

“NTV and Monitor are being shut down from today!” Gen Muhoozi wrote in a 1:07am post.

Gen Muhoozi followed with another post stating: “Both NTV and Monitor will not re-open without my permission.”

In another post earlier, he said: “In Uganda, I DO NOT believe in a free press! The press should be guided by cadres of the revolution.”

The remarks marked an escalation of threats made over the past week, during which Gen Muhoozi repeatedly claimed he was awaiting permission from his father, President Museveni, before moving against the media house that employs hundreds of people.

In Uganda, NMG owns the 20-year-old NTV Uganda, the Daily Monitor, The East African, Spark TV, 93.3 KFM, 90.4 Dembe FM, Ennyanda newspaper and the Nation Courier, among other media platforms and investments.

Spark TV and NTV Uganda remained on air even as an unprecedented attack on Uganda’s leading independent media house continued through the early hours of Sunday during a prolonged security operation.

At 4:45am local time, nearly four hours after the siege began, the broadcaster was still carrying an Al Jazeera simulcast despite the security presence around the media group’s premises.

Shortly afterwards, NTV Uganda and Spark TV went off air.

90.4 Dembe FM and 93.3 KFM also appeared to have gone off air during the operation with no reason immediately given by Ugandan authorities.

By daybreak, security personnel remained deployed at the NMG premises in Namuwongo and Serena Hotel, with staff inside reporting they were unable to move in or out as the operation continued.

Neither the Uganda People’s Defence Forces, the Uganda Police Force nor the Uganda Communications Commission had immediately issued a formal statement explaining the operation or announcing any legal order affecting the broadcaster or newspaper.

It’s not yet clear how long the State-enforced blackout will last and NMG Uganda, which employs more than 500 people in the country alone, had also not issued an official statement by the time of publication.

Not the first time

The latest operation is not the first time NMG Uganda operations have been targeted by State agents. In May 2013, police raided the Daily Monitor and Dembe FM over the publication of a letter allegedly linking senior government officials to a succession plan dubbed the “Muhoozi Project.”

The premises remained sealed for more than a week before the outlets were allowed to resume operations after signing police search certificates and other documents.

In February 2007, barely two months after NTV Uganda launched in December 2006, the broadcaster was forced off air by the government following accusations that its news coverage was negative.

Over the years, Museveni has also repeatedly criticised the Daily Monitor, at one point referring to it as an “enemy and evil newspaper” over its critical journalism.

Despite repeated confrontations with the authorities, NMG-Uganda has consistently maintained its commitment to independent, public-interest journalism, describing itself as “Uganda’s Bold Voice” ahead of the disputed January 2026 presidential polls.

Past raids drew widespread condemnation from local and international media freedom organisations and rights groups.

Thirty-one years ago, then Commander of the Reserve Force, Maj Gen Caleb Akandwanaho, alias Salim Saleh, declared that Maj Gen David Tinyefuza would be required to answer for supporting the Democratic Party (DP).

Gen Saleh, who is also President Museveni’s younger brother, made the comments while speaking at a press conference on June 14, 1995, to debunk newspaper reports that he had called for talks between the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) and Maj Herbert Itongwa.

At the time, Maj Itongwa, a veteran of the NRM/A Bush War, who had fallen out with his former bush war colleagues amid accusations of theft and indiscipline, had in 1994 formed a rebel outfit, the Uganda National Democratic Alliance (UNDA) and declared war on the government.

Maj Itongwa’s rebels were said to have attacked several police posts and killed some police officers before making off with some guns. They were also believed to have kidnapped the Minister of Health, Dr James Makumbi, and held him hostage for five days in 1995.

Maj Itongwa’s rebel outfit was, however, crushed, forcing him to flee into exile in Germany via Kenya. He subsequently died in exile.

Bad light

According to a copy of The Monitor newspaper’s edition of June 16, 1995, Gen Saleh told journalists who attended the press conference that the press had portrayed him as being opposed to President Museveni.

However, he said it was impossible for him to oppose his Commander-in-Chief. He added that any soldier who went against the army’s line would face disciplinary action or be dismissed.

‘Like I hear in the newspapers, Maj Gen Tinyefuza is supporting DP. Sooner or later, he’ll have to sort that out,’ he said.

Gen Saleh’s comments were precipitated by comments Maj Gen Tinyefuza, now Sejusa, had made in a June 13, 1995, interview with The Monitor newspaper and were carried in the edition of June 14, 1995.

Ssemogerere resignation

Gen Tinyefuza appeared to be supportive of Dr Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere, who resigned from government on June 13, 1995, citing ‘ideological grounds’.

Dr Ssemogerere, who was also the President General of DP, had served as Minister of Internal Affairs, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and later Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Public Service in the NRM government.

He announced his resignation during a press conference held at the party’s headquarters at City House in Kampala. He was flanked by DP’s Secretary General, Mr Robert Kitariko, and lawyer and party executive Henry Kayondo.

He said he would contest for the office of President in the next general election.

‘I have called you to inform you that I have tendered my resignation as a minister in the government. I have written to the President,’ he said before reading to the press the contents of his resignation letter.

‘Your Excellency, I am writing to tender my resignation with immediate effect as a minister from Cabinet for personal reasons, in particular because I have decided to contest as a candidate in the forthcoming presidential elections,’ the letter read in part.

On why it had taken him so long to resign, Dr Ssemogerere said: ‘I didn’t feel so before. [Now] is when I thought I had to leave. For instance, I want tomorrow to be in the CA unencumbered as a minister during the debate in the draft constitution, which affects the basic human rights of individuals.’

Tinyefuza’s position

After news of Dr Ssemogerere’s resignation broke, Gen Tinyefuza said there was a lot of division in the country. He added that if no candidate capable of uniting the people emerged in the forthcoming elections, he would not rule out the possibility of contesting for the presidency himself.

‘I am, however, satisfied with the timely action of Dr Ssemogerere and my view as Tinyefuza is that Uganda today needs a non-confrontational and long-standing democrat, and I view Ssemogerere as that, and I have no problem with his candidature,’ he said.

He, however, stressed that the remarks reflected his personal views and not the official position of the army. At the time, the outspoken General was well known in the Constituent Assembly (CA) for often breaking ranks with the Movement side and fellow National Resistance Army (NRA) delegates.

He frequently took independent and sometimes controversial positions on issues where his superiors were expected to hold a different view.

Misunderstood

During the presser, Gen Saleh said the comments he made during that year’s Heroes Day celebrations in Mukono District were that since Itongwa was familiar with the NRA’s way of operating, he should surrender and face the law. He added that the army would guarantee him a fair hearing and trial.

‘This thing of opposing; you should oppose somebody that you are better than. And for me, I know that he [Museveni] is better than me,’ Gen Saleh said.

He, however, dismissed speculation that President Museveni had directed him to retract the Heroes Day statements.

‘I haven’t even talked about it with him yet,’ he told the press.

Gen Saleh said he only wanted to correct a mistake, for which many senior army officers were strongly criticising him.

‘Yesterday Col [Peter] Kerim was here, and two hours ago, Col Pecos [Kutesa] came here because of this report,’ Gen Saleh said.

Gen Saleh said he could only hold different views from the President if he kept them private and accepted the President’s decisions, since the President was his superior.

‘For example, on a family level, I think that my mother deserves a Benz from the State House, but he doesn’t,’ Gen Saleh pointed out.

He quoted other instances, including his wish for Uganda to attack Sudan when Sudanese fighter planes were bombing Ugandans.

He added that he had earlier wanted the NRA to hit back at Kenya for causing trouble at the common border in 1987, but that he had accepted the High Command’s decision not to do so.

He scoffed at politicians who thought they could exploit the inaccurate press reports of his speech to divide the NRA. He described all politicians as leopards in sheep’s skins and that recent events had shown that some of them were already taking off their false skins to show their real spots.

‘All of them. I think they are the same,’ he said when he was asked whether he included NRM politicians in his description. He, however, said despite his personal views about politicians and politics, a military man at his level had to be interested in the politics of his country.

NRM downplays resignation

Meanwhile, top officials in the NRM were quick to dismiss as ‘baseless’ the view that Dr Ssemogerere’s resignation from the NRM government would strengthen the multiparty camp in the CA.

The Deputy National Political Commissar and Director of Legal Affairs at the NRM Secretariat, Mr Jotham Tumwesigye, said: ‘I don’t think the balance of forces in the CA is going to change because of that. All CA delegates are mandated to support certain positions, and that is not going to change,’ Mr Tumwesigye said.

According to The Monitor’s edition of June 14, 1995, Mr Tumwesigye said despite Dr Ssemogerere’s resignation from the government, it remained broad-based.

‘It is not only Ssemogerere who was making the NRM current Cabinet, NRM still has many ministers who are representative of many shades of [political opinion],’ he said.

Others argued that the resignation would teach the NRM to accept compromises and stop making ‘fictitious’ claims of being broad-based.

Mr Kitariko said DP was approached in 1986 to nominate people who were later appointed ministers.

However, he said after some of them were removed from Cabinet, the party was never again asked to provide names to replace those who had been dropped.

‘So, what seemed to be a broad-based government ended in 1988,’ he said, adding that even then, UPC was never asked to nominate its people.

The journey from the bustle of the city to the tranquil hills of Sipi in Kapchorwa District is not a short one. It takes about six hours or more on the road, leaving behind the concrete skyline and traffic of urban life for a landscape that grows greener with every passing kilometre. The drive may feel long, but it is a journey that rewards patience. As the road begins to climb into the rolling hills of eastern Uganda, the scenery transforms dramatically, offering a glimpse of the beauty that awaits.

Kapchorwa is best known as the home of some of Uganda’s greatest long-distance runners and for producing high-quality Arabica coffee. Perched on the slopes of Mount Elgon, the district enjoys cool temperatures throughout much of the year, making it a refreshing escape from the heat and pace of city living. It is a destination where nature takes centre stage, with sweeping views of valleys, terraced farms and mist-covered hills stretching as far as the eye can see.

For visitors looking for a memorable place to stay, Sipi Valley Resort provides an ideal base from which to explore the area. Nestled amid the hills, the resort blends rustic charm with modern comfort. Stone pathways, well-manicured gardens and cosy cottages create a welcoming atmosphere that immediately puts guests at ease. Large windows and outdoor sitting areas allow visitors to soak in the magnificent views that surround the property.

One of the highlights of staying at the resort is simply waking up to the sounds of nature. On clear mornings, guests can watch the sun rise over the valley, painting the landscape in shades of gold and orange. The dining experience is another reason many visitors remember their stay fondly. Meals are prepared using fresh local ingredients, with menus featuring a mix of Ugandan favourites and international dishes. Whether enjoying a hearty breakfast before a hike or a warm dinner after a day of adventure, the food complements the overall experience of relaxation and comfort.

Guided by local farmers, visitors gain insight into the cultivation, harvesting, roasting and brewing processes while learning about the role coffee plays in the local economy. The trails wind through villages, farms and scenic viewpoints, providing opportunities to interact with local communities and appreciate the region’s natural beauty. For those seeking an adrenaline rush, abseiling more than 100 metres down one of the waterfalls offers an unforgettable experience and a unique perspective of the falls.

Five years ago, convincing a Kampala resident to spend a weekend in Kasese was not the easiest sell. Today, thousands do exactly that every August. They book hotels months in advance. They drive across the country. Some fly in from overseas and take a long bus ride to Kasese for the marathon and, of course, believe it or not, the mad after-party.

As the Tusker Lite Mt Rwenzori Marathon prepares to celebrate its fifth edition this August, it is worth reflecting on what has happened in Kasese over the last five years. Because what started as an ambitious sporting event has evolved into something far bigger; a tourism boom, an economic catalyst, a launchpad for athletes and perhaps one of the most successful examples of place-branding Uganda has seen in recent years.

The story, fittingly, begins with a mountain.

In June 2022, tourism entrepreneur Amos Wekesa and a small team stood atop the snow-capped peaks of the Rwenzoris and raised a Tusker Lite Mt Rwenzori Marathon flag. It was a symbolic gesture, one that marked the beginning of an idea few could fully comprehend at the time. The vision was simple enough: create a world-class marathon in one of Africa’s most spectacular landscapes. The question is not why a marathon was brought to Kasese but rather why Tusker Lite chose to be part of it. For Elizabeth Mutamuliza, Marketing Manager, Beer, at Uganda Breweries, that is precisely why it made sense.

‘Tusker Lite has always been a brand for people who seek out adventure. As a low-carb beer, we naturally appeal to consumers who embrace active lifestyles and are constantly looking for new challenges and new experiences. The marathon gave us an opportunity to create something authentic to the brand while also creating long-term value for Kasese, its people and Uganda’s tourism sector,’ she says.

The first edition, held in September 2022, was a challenging adventure. Runners battled rain, mud and demanding terrain. The conditions were unforgiving, but they also became part of the event’s identity. The local community embraced it immediately. Villages transformed into cheering stations. Roads filled with spectators. Businesses opened their doors to visitors arriving from across Uganda and beyond. And when the race ended, another experience began; the after party.

The after-party, the Tusker Lite Neon Rave, is mad. Picture thousands of people from across the world dancing in the streets the whole night, chugging beer and sharing street food. One boda boda rider told me he had worked for 17 hours straight, arriving at his workstation a few hours after the marathon, he worked all evening and all night without resting. A story is told that on the night of the second edition, Kasese ran out of chicken.

By the third edition, the event had secured World Athletics course certification, giving athletes such as Abel Chelangat access to internationally recognised times and opening pathways to bigger opportunities abroad. Yet while the athletic success stories are impressive, the transformation of Kasese itself may be even more remarkable. A study by the Makerere University Tourism Research and Development Centre estimated that the marathon generated more than Shs3.5 billion for the local economy during the 2023 event weekend alone. Hotel owners, bartenders, street food venders, bodaboda riders, everyone benefits from the influx of visitors. But the impact extended beyond economics.

Every year, thousands of people who may never have considered visiting Kasese find themselves spending a weekend there, discovering the Rwenzoris, exploring Queen Elizabeth National Park, visiting local attractions and experiencing the warmth of the community. Now, as the event prepares to mark its fifth edition on August 22, a $1 million (about Shs3.6 billion) prize kitty was announced, further elevating its profile. Party hunters from across the country are twitching impatiently. Five years ago, the idea was to organise a marathon. Today, it has become launchpad for pro athletes, for tourism, for local enterprise and unsurprisingly, wild party town.

Men are always told to stay strong, keep moving and carry their burdens quietly. Yet beneath the jokes, bravado and everyday routines often lie fears, doubts, pressures and emotions that rarely make it into conversation. In this candid edition, media personality Gaetano Kagwa reflects on vulnerability, stress, loss, self-doubt and the unspoken ways men navigate their mental wellbeing.

When was the last time you laughed so hard you cried?

Quite recently, actually. It happens a lot on the morning show with Lucky. At least once a week, there will be a moment where we laugh so hard there are actual tears involved.

How would you describe your current mental state?

With the way the world is right now, my mental state is one of amusement and fear at the same time. My current state of mind is basically; try and stay alive, stay coherent, stay organised and keep moving because the world is in such a messed-up place.

What are your silent thoughts made of?

Mostly wondering how much more money URA plans to take from me. Every time I blink, there is a new tax somewhere. At this rate, they are about to start taxing us for breathing.

A mosquito buzzing in your ear or your woman saying, ‘We need to talk’?

The mosquito buzzing endlessly. Every single time!

They say big boys do not cry. How do you deal with loss,Gae?

First of all, thankfully I am not a big boy. But seriously, men cry too. We may have grown up being told to toughen up, but we are still human beings. When things get hard, the tears come. Maybe not publicly, maybe not often, but they come.

What emotion do you find hardest to express?

Vulnerability. Opening up can feel risky because once people know where you are vulnerable, it can be used against you. So sometimes it is easier to keep certain emotions tucked away.

Wama, are men stupid?

Absolutely. We were born that way and we will probably die that way. Men have this incredible talent for taking the simplest things and turning them into complicated puzzles for absolutely no reason. They say men cannot multitask, and when we try, it can be a complete train wreck. But we are also capable of brilliance. Men somehow manage to be the smartest and the dumbest people at the same time.

What is the weirdest thing you have worried about that turned out to be nothing?

Leadership. For years, I thought managing people was not for me. I worried I would be exposed as someone who did not know what he was doing. Yet every time I have been put in a leadership role, I have handled it pretty well.

Who is the first person you call when you need to talk?

Funny I have never had to do that. I try to figure things out on my own first. However, if I absolutely had to call someone, it would probably be one of my brothers.

What is a completely harmless thing that stresses you out?

Monday. Every Sunday morning, I start thinking about Monday and immediately become stressed. Then Monday comes, I get through it and realise it was not that bad.

What is your go-to emotional release practice?

Either I will watch something hilarious like a comical movie or something on my phone, or I will go play squash. A few games of squash can clear my head faster than almost anything else. Other times, I want complete solitude so I can think, reflect and clear the mental clutter.

What makes you feel safe?

Family. Even when I do not say anything, they somehow know when something is off. They show up when I need them, even when I have not asked. It is comforting knowing they are always there in the background.

Which version of yourself brings you the most joy?

Friday evening Gaetano. That is the version that is about to have a cold one or two or three or four with the boys, unwind, laugh and enjoy life with zero judgement and zero pressure. It is beautiful.

‘The little things.’ What does that mean to you?

‘The little things’ are often not so little in reality; they quietly add up into something significant. For me, it starts with something as basic as waking up and being able to move through my day freely. Freedom can feel ordinary because it is part of everyday life, but it is actually one of the greatest things we have. You do not always recognise its value until you see people who have lost it.

The girls say when they call just to check on men, you tell them, ‘Come home.’ True or false?

A little true. Physical presence is comforting. It is nice talking on the phone, but when someone is actually there, it is different. You can talk, connect and simply enjoy being in each other’s company.

What do you wish women understood more about men?

We are generally quite simple. We do not enjoy overcomplicating things, we prefer clarity, solutions, and moving forward. If plans are made, we would rather just follow through than turn them into something heavier or keep revisiting issues that were already settled in 2010. At the core, it is the basics that matter most: feed us, clothe us, ensure the children and the family is good, engage us in things we enjoy, and we are usually okay.

Would you rather never be stressed again or never self-doubt again?

Never be stressed again. A little self-doubt can sometimes help you improve. Stress, on the other hand, just comes with headaches, grey hairs and problems nobody asked for.

Would you rather know what people think about you or never be bothered at all?

Never be bothered at all. I have reached a point in my life where I am comfortable with who I am.

What is the most misunderstood emotion men experience?

It has to do with how we as men love. Men love differently. Not less. Differently. I think there is often this expectation that men should love the same way women do, but we are not the same biologically. Women experience emotions differently, and men do too. Hormones play a role in that, so the way we process and express love is not identical.

What mental health hill would you die on?

I believe in treating others the way you want to be treated. If you do not want people to treat you a certain way, then do not treat them that way. It is really as simple as that. I will do the best I can in whatever I take on, but I do not believe in forcing what I cannot give. If I canno do something, I cannot do it. I would rather be honest about my limits than pretend. Otherwise, I would be lying to myself and to you as well. So, I try to live by that principle. Do right, be real, and let things be what they are.

What mental health coping habit should men get more credit for?

We are not really used to asking each other, ‘What is wrong?’ or ‘Are you okay?’ People often say men should open up more emotionally, and maybe that is true in some cases, but in our circles, we do not usually get too deep into each other’s personal struggles unless it is really necessary.

There is a kind of unspoken understanding among men. We know people go through things, but we do not always sit and unpack it with each other. Sometimes you only speak up when things really get to a point where you cannot manage on your own.

Some people may see that as a flaw, but it works in its own way. It is like a quiet system we understand. We do not overstep into each other’s personal space unnecessarily.

Hit us with your most totally random thought. Extra points if it could get you cancelled.

If I fart and it does not smell to me… does that mean it does not smell to anybody else? Or is my nose just used to my own farts?

Next week on June 30, two USA-based organisations, Project Syndicate (www.projectsyndicate.org) which prides itself as ‘The World’s Opinion Page’, and the Meliore Foundation, will host conversation on the topic: ‘Can democracy survive without independent journalism?’ The conversation will cover three areas, namely:

Without Fear or Favour – protecting journalists from legal and political intimidation.

The Accountability Business – finding a new model to sustain serious journalism that holds power to account.

Unflooding the Zone – safeguarding the shared factual basis on which democracy depends. Had this meeting been organised by Africans here in Africa, perhaps the question would have been framed the other way round: ‘Can independent journalism survive without democracy?’

From our side of the universe, the former feeds off the latter. In Africa, it is democracy that protects independent journalism. Without democracy, independent journalism has always been bludgeoned, leaving a trail of blood and tears. Whichever way, both are in many ways akin to the proverbial chicken and egg question. What came first? The chicken or the egg? Independent journalism supports the healthy functioning of democracy while a vibrant democracy guarantees independent journalism. Uganda has over the years witnessed spurts of both. One of the lowest moments of the independent journalism was in January 1973 when Fr Clement Kiggundu, then editor of Munno newspaper was abducted by military men and killed in cold blood. His body was found two days after his disappearance, dumped in Namanve forest near Kampala.

This was just in the nascent stages of Idi Amin’s military dictatorship – two years after he had grabbed power in a putsch.

His ‘crime?’ According to the article, ‘African Witnesses: Fr Kiggundi, In Defence of the Truth’ (www.comboni.org), ‘When then President Idi Amin decided to expel all the Indians from the country, Fr Kiggundu had the courage to write in the newspaper that it was an unjust decision. In defence of the expelled Asians, Fr Kiggundu insisted that all those expelled were not only businessmen, but they included women, children and the elderly.’

Another of his ‘crimes’?

‘It was also believed that besides criticism of the expulsion of Asians, Amin was annoyed with the newspaper’s publication of a litany of complaints by women whose husbands had disappeared without trace. The women organised a meeting in Kampala in November 1972. During the meeting, they accused the government of kidnapping their husbands and taking them to unknown places. Others were discovered dead while those whose freedom was bought were found tortured.’

‘During that meeting, the women appealed to government to stop arresting and torturing innocent civilians. They also asked the authorities to release those in captivity. Government media outlets such as Radio Uganda and the Uganda Argus newspaper shunned the meeting and never gave it publicity. Munno stepped in and gave the women’s concerns prominence.’

Yet another ‘crime’?

‘Fr Kiggundu was covering the killing of Kiwanuka, and Amin was afraid that he might discover too many things.’ One of former Prime Minister Benedicto Kiwanuka’s sons recalls his father talking about a conversation he had with Fr Kiggundu during a lunch, shortly before both were abducted and killed by armed men linked to the State. Kiwanuka reportedly said: ‘We cannot abandon our country because we are menaced. If we have to die, better to die as martyrs.’

Fifty three years on today, Uganda’s independent journalists are back to covering the same stories of abductions of citizens. Of mothers and wives wailing about their missing sons and husbands. Some of the abducted citizens are missing after five or so years on (presumably dead), others are languishing in prisons in stalled trials, and others are seen (or out) with stories of torture.

Are we learning the same lessons?

Clearly, our journalism – and our democracy (or whatever we want to call it) – may not be where it was in 1973 – at least not yet. But the parallels in the stories are not lost. If journalists are writing the same stories of abductions, torture, disappearances, mothers and wives wailing, etc and facing (or not facing) the same risks, is this what is sometimes described as a time warp? Whatever the case, journalism and democracy live in a symbiotic relationship which makes the question of whether one can survive without the other neither here nor there.