Category: Daily Monitor

National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu has promised the people of Bukedea District that a by-election for the Woman Member of Parliament seat would be held if he defeats President Museveni in the 2026 General Election.

Mr Kyagulanyi made the pledge following the controversial blocking of three aspirants from being nominated for the Bukedea Woman MP race, a move that critics say was engineered by security agencies and the Electoral Commission to give the incumbent, Speaker of Parliament Annet Anita Among, an unchallenged path back to Parliament.

Mr Kyagulanyi addressed a crowd on Saturday at Kongunga Primary School playground in Bukedea District as part of his nationwide campaign tour.

‘This is our candidate, Mercy Marion Alupo. But because Anita Among is scared-just like Museveni is scared-they made sure to remove her from the register. Tell Anita Among that after we remove Museveni, there will be a by-election in Bukedea,’ Mr Kyagulanyi said.

The musician turned politician accused the ruling elite of monopolising public resources at the expense of ordinary citizens.

‘Are we going to have champagne for a few people or clean drinking water for everyone? Are we going to allow one person to hoard wealth meant for millions, or are we going to invest that money in schools and hospitals?’ he asked.

Mr Kyagulanyi urged residents to seize what he described as a historic opportunity to end decades of poor leadership.

‘For 40 years, we have suffered from bad leadership and poor service delivery. We now have a chance to change that. But we cannot get to the Promised Land unless we work together,’ he said.

He further accused the government of deliberately blocking opposition leaders from accessing voters.

‘They try to stop us because they know that when we reach you, your eyes and minds will open,’ Mr Kyagulanyi said, likening President Museveni’s leadership to colonial-era tactics.

He also slammed Mr Museveni for his unfulfilled promises to compensate communities in Teso for stolen cattle.

‘Every five years, Museveni promises to return your cows. Decades later, nothing has happened. Now he says he will give five cows to everyone if you vote for him. If he wants votes, let him first bring the cows now,’ Mr Kyagulanyi said, drawing loud cheers from the crowd.

Kyagulanyi reminded residents that last year he signed a memorandum of understanding with Teso elders, committing to fast and fair compensation for all claimants.

‘We want a new Uganda-where everyone is equal before the law, where jobs are not given based on tribe or religion, and where corruption has no place,’ he said.Mercy Marion Alupo, the blocked aspirant for Bukedea Woman MP, urged young people to reject intimidation and support change.

‘Bukedea belongs to us, the young generation. How long shall we accept being denied our rights? Support Kyagulanyi and vote for change so that peace and justice return to Bukedea,’ she said.

Julius Ocen, the NUP candidate for Kapelebyong County, told residents that Kyagulanyi represents hope for communities that have long been ignored.’A leader ready to serve all Ugandans is here. Give him your vote so that the cries of Bukedea are finally answered,’ Ocen said.Isaac Ogwang, a resident of Bukedea, said Kyagulanyi’s message resonated with many who feel marginalised.

‘For years we have been intimidated and denied our rights. This message gives us hope. Imagine not voting for ten years because someone fears competition-that is unacceptable,’ Ogwang said.

As Mr Kyagulanyi concluded his address, he reiterated his vision of a united Uganda founded on justice, equality, and accountable leadership-an appeal that drew sustained applause from the crowd.

Honestly eh, now that I am living through winter, a lot of the Christmas cards and movies I have seen finally make sense.

If you are anything like me then Christmas, apart from the socialising and festivities, also means tuning in to those Hallmark movies about Christmas romances.

It is silly fun, watching complete strangers fall for each other for the flimsiest of reasons in the course of a week (in movie time, this must equal to one year per day).

But, I have also begun to notice some things that just are not possible. For example, how do they get their actors to look cute in winter clothing?

Let me tell you, winter is not about looking good-we all look like overfed penguins and waddle a bit too, trying to keep our balance on the snow and ice.

Do not forget the dry lips as the cold, harsh wind sucks every drop of moisture out of them (think of this as the stars of the movie lean in for that final kiss, ha ha ha).

But in real life, I hope that you are all going to have a beautiful Christmas.

For those who will be facing awkward conversations over things they haven’t accomplished yet:

When are you starting your Masters?

When are you getting married?

When are you having children?

When are you building your own house or do you plan to rent forever and make your landlord rich?

When are you getting a promotion? When . do not fret.

A few days before Christmas, buy a sparkly, transparent ball and a long, thin bamboo stick.

Keep the ball nicely covered under a cloth, somewhere you can easily access it during the festivities.

Any time one of these questions comes your way, lead your interrogator over to the ball. Uncover it and ask it the same question in an otherworldly voice, striking it viciously as you do so.

Interpret the results however you wish. If that does not spark some joy in your day, I do not know what will!

Happy Christmas, brethren, and may God’s blessings and joy and peace be yours all the way into 2026.

‘Therefore, the Lord shall give you this sign: the Virgin shall conceive and bear a son, and shall name him Emmanuel’- Isiah 7:14

It has been observed that man is religious and political by nature. To that effect, our religion influences our politics. It is also a given that all people have a worldview relating to their faith convictions. Faith convictions are either theological (divinely transcendent) or ideological (humanly immanent) in nature. Hence, we cannot logically function in society without these assumptions.

The Christian religion gives birth to a Christian worldview that reflects the moral and ethical values of God’s Ten Commandments, Christ’s Sermon on the Mount, and the apostles’ teaching. Uganda, being a Christian country, its Constitution is largely the political manifestation of a Christian worldview.

If we claim the Christian faith but adhere to a political scheme that is contrary to a Christian ethic, we need to do some serious soul-searching. It means that our true religion is not Christianity but something else entirely.

In the Scripture portion quoted above, Ahaz of Judah is known to have been one of the cruelest kings Israel ever knew. Ahaz even offered his own son as a burnt offering to the Canaanite pagan god Moloch (2 Kings 16:3). His action is said to have been motivated by profound apostasy and a desperate attempt to gain favour from the pagan god, during military and political distress. Ahaz was the opposite character of King David, who was sincerely a man after God’s heart and so much endeared to the people.

Prophet Isaiah went to King Ahaz with words of warning against his pagan conduct. He assured him that the God of Israel would definitely protect His people, and told Ahaz to ask for a sign to prove it. But, pretending to be righteous, Ahaz refused to ask for a sign, as he preferred to rely on his allies rather than to trust God’s providence.

Ignoring the disloyal king, however, Isaiah went ahead and told Ahaz of the birth of an ‘Immanuel-child’ who would be the sign that God remained with the people. Responding to a proud and conniving ruler who depended only on political alliances, God worked through a simple young woman whose vulnerable child possessed the power to undermine well-armed, determined bullies.

That is to say, God dwells with people through their very own. As Mary would express in her song, known as the Magnificat, God overcomes the haughty through the humble (Luke 1:46-55).

Matthew 1:23 reinterprets Isaiah’s prophecy, applying it to the coming of Jesus, the Emmanuel. His statement that Mary was “found with child through the Holy Spirit” coincides with Isaiah’s announcement about Emmanuel. The name Jesus actually means ‘God saves’ by conquering evil and death. ‘God draws near to humanity, entering into our history in the vulnerability of a child’, says Pope Leo XVI.

Matthew’s portrayal of Joseph is also of great significance. It reveals what is often entailed in collaborating with God. Like Mary, Joseph had to be willing to give up everything for the sake of God’s mysterious plan. Giving up everything, in this context, includes all those things by which we cherish and tend to identify ourselves.

Through His life, death and resurrection, Christ draws people of goodwill into realising their true identity in Himself. In other words, when we choose to embrace this reality, our sense of identity changes, along with choices. Christians must be good stewards of their society and promote justice and righteousness, which includes electing leaders who embody these virtues.

‘When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice. But when a wicked man rules, the people groan’ (Proverb 29:2).

Even though the ongoing election exercise tends to be violent and commercialised, the good news is that we serve a God who has everything under control. All we have to do is trust Him and His word, and do the right thing. In the end, it is Christians who are called to become the sign through which the world can encounter Emmanuel, by demonstrating love, kindness, forgiveness, justice and peace, patience, etc, in daily life (Galatians 5:22-23).

Thirty one years ago, a fortnight ago, Committee Five of the Constituent Assembly (CA) passed and recommended to the plenary an amendment that provided for the structure of the Movement.

The amendment was passed on December 7, 1994.

The document was the product of concerted efforts of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) caucus in the CA, the NRM Secretariat and President Museveni.

According to The Monitor of December 9, 1994, the amendment, which established a 1,400-member National Convention, a Standing Committee of the Convention, a Movement Secretariat, Resistance Councils and Committees, and also opened a window for Parliament to create other organs which could be added to the said structure, was tabled by Lt Noble Mayombo.

Mayombo was one of the National Resistance Army (NRA) delegates to the Assembly. He died on May 1, 2007, aged 42 and at the rank of a Brigadier.

The amendment also provided for the functions of the various organs of the Movement that had been proposed. However, according to the newspaper, the committee had earlier rejected an amendment tabled by another NRA delegate, Maj Gen David Tinyefuza (now Sejusa).

“The national convention and all its sub-committees shall perform such functions, duties and roles which concern the movement save those functions, duties and roles specifically assigned to Parliament, the Executive and the Judiciary under this constitution,’ Gen Sejusa had proposed.

The newspaper reported that in a move that looked like one aimed at constitutionalising the status quo, Mr Mwesigwa Rukutana, who was the CA delegate representing Rushenyi County in Ntungamo, and Col Kahinda Otafiire, who was the delegate representing Ruhinda County in Bushenyi, now Mitooma District, moved an amendment to Article 96 of the draft constitution.

The Article in question read that, ‘During any period when the Movement is in existence, political parties shall not endorse, sponsor, offer a platform to, or in any way campaign for or against a candidate for any public election.’

They moved that it be amended to read that, ‘During any period when the Movement is in charge of the governance of the country, political parties shall be kept in abeyance and in particular they shall not:-

(a) Open party branch offices (b) hold delegates’ conferences (c) sponsor, offer a platform to, or in any way campaign for or against a candidate for any public election.’

The amendment further proposed that, ‘However, subject to the provisions of this constitution, the parties may during the said period, (a) operate headquarter offices (b) own newspapers and other publications (c) hold national executive meetings shops (d) hold seminars and workshops (e) subject to the provisions of this Article carry out any other activity as may be authorised by law.’

According to the newspaper, Mr Rukutana argued that the amendment was consequential to what had already been passed and that it would provide clarity when one system is in governance.

“The two systems may co-exist, but cannot co-operate (operate at the same time) otherwise there would be confusion and chaos,’ he said.

The lawyer-turned-politician also argued that the amendment was aimed at allaying the fears of those who had previously claimed that the Movement was set on killing political parties.

“Parties can operate using means that do not interfere with the peace,’ Mr Rukutana argued.

According to the newspaper, the amendment was supported by Ms Mary Nsangi Kakembo, who was the Woman delegate representing Kalangala District.

‘I cannot imagine two political systems operating in the country at the same time,’ she said.

Ms Kakembo was elected to represent Kalangala in the 6th Parliament and served as State minister for Youth and Children’s Affairs. She quit elective politics in 2006.

Quorum issues

According to the newspaper, even after the structures had been passed, there were concerns about what looked like a consistent lack of quorum, which was pegging back the work of the committee.

The newspaper reported that by 11am on December 08, 1994, when the committee’s chairperson, Mr Sam Kutesa, adjourned, only 15 delegates were in attendance.

The situation, according to the newspaper, prompted Mr Edward Francis Babu, the Delegate for Kampala Central, to chip in a word before the adjournment.

Mr Babu proposed that the committee adopt more stringent measures to handle this lack of quorum, one being to adjourn after only one hour in case there was no quorum.

Mr Amama Mbabazi, the delegate for Kinkizi West, proposed naming and shaming members of the committee who were skipping sessions.

‘We should so that their people and the population devise a method of exposing them know that the people they sent here are not doing their job,’ he said.

Amama said when the Bill to extend the life of the CA was tabled before the National Resistance Council (NRC) on December 7, 1994, it was received with some hostility.

‘There was some hostility because of the way we conduct ourselves generally in the CA. And of course, Committee Five has not been a leading example of exemplary conduct,’ he said.

Mr Kutesa revealed that he intended to write to all the delegates who had been persistently absenting themselves.

“We shall name them here, and I shall revive my radio announcement theory so that people know what they are doing [or not doing],” he said.

Mr Peter Akure, the Delegate for Jie County, asked for the telephone numbers of all members of the committee so that he could contact them every morning.

“If we begin to relax, I don’t know how far we shall go with this committee… Yesterday in the NRC, it was a war, and our committee was identified as one of those which are lazy,’ he said.

The lack of quorum was partly due to the decision by members of the National Caucus for Democracy (NCD) to stay away.

On December 7, 1994, it was agreed in a meeting between the chairperson of the CA, James Wapakhabulo, the chairperson of the Committee Five, Mr Kutesa, the chairperson of the Legal and Drafting Committee, Prof George Kanyeihamba, and members of the NCD that the controversial Articles which led to the walkout would be revisited.

There had been indications that the dissenting delegates would then resume attending committee sessions, but that was not the case.

Army stays

Meanwhile, a day before Committee Five passed the Movement structures, the question of whether the army should be allowed to remain in politics or be confined to the barracks was reported to have provoked a heated debate in Committee Two of the CA.

The debate was triggered by a proposed amendment made by Mr Daniel Omara Atubo, who was the delegate for Otuke County, then a part of Lira. The county has since been elevated to district status.

Mr Atubo’s proposed amendment to Article 131 of the draft constitution has sought to remove the army from the list of interest groups that were to be represented in Parliament. The other groups in the draft were the women, youth and persons living with disability.

He argued that the army is not an interest group, but an administrative arm of the State and that “they have no justification whatsoever to elevate themselves to be represented in Parliament’.

“We have police, prisons, judges, civil service [etc], all are specialised arms of government, and none of them is being represented,’ he said.

Quoting Article 231 passed by Committee Three, Atubo said the army was supposed to be non-partisan and subordinate to civilian rule and that under a multi-party system, “who is the army [representatives] going to support in Parliament?”

According to the newspaper, Dr Crispus Kiyonga, who was the CA delegate for Bukonzo West, warned against locking the army out of politics.

“It cannot be denied that the army everywhere in the world plays a role in politics, applying useful but sometimes dangerous weapons,’ he argued.

Dr Kiyonga said if the army felt that it had been left out, it could react badly by staging a military coup.

The newspaper further reported that Mr John Eresu, who was the CA delegate for Kaberamaido County, described the army as a means of coercion used to entrench a system in power.

He argued that the peace that Ugandans were enjoying was still fragile and warned that the army which ushered in the little peace could be the same army to remove the peace if it is excluded from the political process.

Eresu did not mind the army being in Parliament as a temporary interest group, “so that as time goes by and we consolidate our democracy and peace, the interest groups could well be phased out”.

The motion was lost on eight votes for and 27 against.

That, according to the newspaper, meant that civilian legislators had to find a way of comfortably sitting next to men and women in uniform.

In Uganda, the hearing of a presidential petition is often regarded as one of the most significant cases that a Chief Justice will ever handle.

Justice Samuel Wako Wambuzi, who made history by serving as the topmost person in Uganda’s Judiciary three times-from 1972 to 1975, 1979 to 1980, and 1986 to 2001-never had the opportunity to preside over a Supreme Court bench that would decide on a presidential petition.

His successor, Justice Benjamin Odoki, was responsible for overseeing two consecutive presidential petitions filed by Opposition doyen Kizza Besigye, challenging the electoral victory of his former boss, President Museveni.

In both cases, Odoki ruled in favour of Museveni, reinforcing the belief that a Chief Justice may ultimately be hesitant to rule against the individual who appointed him to the position. In fact, in 2001, despite ruling against Besigye, Odoki had found that indeed Museveni, backed by the security apparatus, had rigged elections.

‘The evidence adduced on ballot stuffing is credible, although some is exaggerated and based on hearsay. There is sufficient evidence to support the allegation. My finding is that the petitioner [Besigye] has proved to my satisfaction by the evidence adduced that the second respondent’s agents [EC] failed to comply with the provisions and principles of Section 30 (7) of the Act and that there was a ballot stuffing as this infringed the principles of fairness and transparency,’ Odoki ruled.

Odoki also accepted Besigye’s evidence of security operatives intimidating his agents, describing the evidence as ‘detailed, consistent and credible’.

‘The denials and explanations in the respondents’ evidence have not sufficiently rebutted the various allegations of intimidation made by the petitioner. It is not disputed that the army was deployed throughout the country at the time of voting. It is also not disputed that the PPU [Presidential Protection Unit, now known as Special Forces Command (SFC)] was stationed in Rukungiri throughout the period of the election campaign and during the polling,’ Odoki ruled.

‘I find that the highest concentration of intimidation, violence, and harassment took place in Rukungiri, Kanungu, and Kamwenge. The intimidation interfered with the petitioner’s campaigns in those districts. In Rukungiri and Kanungu, it was perpetuated mainly by the PPU. In Kamwenge, it was done by UPDF soldiers.’

The intimidation of agents and supporters, Odoki said, extended to closing branch offices and tearing of posters, dispersing of consultative meetings and rallies, abduction, arrest, and causing injury or death to agents and supporters.

‘On polling day, intimidation consisted of ordering voters to vote for the first respondent [Museveni] and harassing the petitioner’s [Besigye] polling agents,’ Odoki said.

Odoki’s successor, Justice Bart Katureebe, presided over the Supreme Court bench that heard the 2016 petition filed by Museveni’s former prime minister, John Patrick Amama Mbabazi, who had turned into his competitor in the 2016 presidential petition.

The result was the same, only that, unlike in the previous petitions, where a couple of justices dissented on Katureebe’s bench, which had nine judges, all agreed to dismiss Mbabazi’s petition. When he retired in 2020, Katureebe was replaced by Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo, who is retiring in January.

It was in 2021 when Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, alias Bobi Wine, filed a petition, challenging Museveni’s 2021 presidential election victory. Justice Owiny-Dollo and his seven-member bench, however, weren’t given a chance to determine the petition because Kyagulanyi decided to withdraw the petition before the hearing could take place. The decision was taken on the grounds that the judges had allegedly not only exhibited apparent bias, but also had personal relations with Museveni.

Kisaakye fallout

Kyagulanyi’s petition came against the backdrop of a public fallout between the rest of the bench, led by Owiny-Dollo, and their colleague, Justice Esther Kisaakye. There were accusations and counter-accusations, with justices accusing Kisaakye of refusing to share her rulings, contrary to an unwritten rule of Uganda’s apex court. On her part, the now exiled Kisaakye accused Owiny-Dollo of confiscating her files.

The fallout resulted in Museveni’s institution of a tribunal to investigate Kisaakye, a move that the judge has since rubbished as illegal. In her dossiers on social media, Justice Kisaakye wrote to Justice Owiny-Dollo thus: ‘Your failure to admit your lies later misled President Museveni, the President of Uganda to (a) defer acceptance of my early retirement from the Supreme Court of Uganda in October 2023; and (b) to appoint an unconstitutional tribunal of inquiry in February 2025, to inquire into the very statements you had already admitted in April 2021.’

Owiny-Dollo, who represented Ogago County both in the Constituent Assembly (CA), which midwifed the current Constitution, and the Sixth Parliament, started his journey as a judge in 2008 when he was appointed as a judge of the High Court. In his seven-year tenure as a High Court judge, he served as resident judge of the High Court in Fort Portal; he headed the Execution and Bailiffs Division of the High Court; and he also had a stint at the International Crimes Division (ICD) of the High Court.

Terrorism case

After seven years at the High Court, in 2015, Owiny-Dollo was promoted to the Court of Appeal. However, he couldn’t take his seat at the court immediately because he was still tied up at the High Court Criminal Division, hearing a terrorism case in which 13 men were accused of killing 76 people in twin bombings in Kampala.

In one of the most high-profile cases in Uganda’s history, Owiny-Dollo, denounced the terror attacks as ‘the execution of a heinous plan before finding eight of the suspects guilty, and five not guilty’.

Those that Justice Owiny-Dollo convicted, thus handing them a life imprisonment sentence, included Issa Ahmed Luyima, a Ugandan; Hussein Hassan Agade, a Kenyan; Edris Magondu, a Kenyan; and Mohmed Ali Mohmed, a Kenyan.

The others-Hassan Haruna Luyima, a Ugandan, and Selemi Hijar Nyamandondo, a Tanzanian-are serving 50 years in prison. Those that Owiny-Dollo let go included Yahya Suleiman Mbuthia, a Kenyan; Mohamed Hamid Suleiman, a Kenyan; Dr Ismail Kalule, a Ugandan; Omar Awadh Omar, a Kenyan; and Abubakari Batemyetto, a Ugandan.

In acquitting the five, Owiny-Dollo dismissed charges of belonging to a terrorist organisation, concluding that al-Shabaab, which the suspects were linked to, isn’t a designated terror organisation in the Ugandan law books.

Age limit case

If the terror trial that Owiny-Dollo presided over was satisfactory to both the State and the defence-since neither side appealed-it had no direct political implications. However, the next significant case handled by the former junior minister of the Northern Uganda Reconstruction Programme in Museveni’s Cabinet had major political ramifications.

Once he wore the gown and the judicial robes of the Court of Appeal, which serves at the Constitutional Court, Owiny-Dollo-who has a Master’s of Arts Degree in Conflict Resolution from Bradford University-was quickly appointed as Deputy Chief Justice in 2017, replacing the scandal-ridden Justice Steven Kavuma, who had retired.

Being the Deputy Chief Justice meant that Owiny-Dollo had to lead the panel that heard the petition that challenged the move by the ruling party, National Resistance Movement (NRM) legislators, to remove presidential age limits from the Constitution. If the NRM MPs hadn’t edited out the age limit, Museveni, who shot his way to power in 1986, would have ended his presidency in 2021.

Eliminating the age limits gave Museveni the all clear to rule until he dies, something that Owiny-Dollo, together with justices Remmy Kasule, Elizabeth Musoke and Cheborion Barishaki, didn’t find to be unconstitutional. Only Justice Kenneth Kakuru, who has since passed on, found it to be unconstitutional.

Again, by ruling in favour of upholding this amendment, which many said was the last nail in the coffin of the Ugandan Constitution, Owiny-Dollo had lent credence to the narrative that the judges can’t go against Museveni when it matters most.

‘That is for everyone to see when the stakes are high, the judges can’t go against Museveni. That has been demonstrated through presidential petitions and the presidential age limit petition,’ constitutional lawyer Peter Walubiri said.

Military tribunals

After the age limit judgement, Owiny-Dollo was promoted to replace Katureebe as Uganda’s 10th Chief Justice, setting a centre stage for him to make his views known on whether it’s constitutional to try civilians in the General Court Martial (GCM) or not.

The military tribunal has, for several years, become a key cog in the political machinery of the NRM regime. As the 2021 elections were approaching, the Ugandan government took a drastic step of gazetting the red beret-which is one of the symbols of the Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP)-as part of the UPDF insignia. Section 160 (c) of the same Act stipulated that any person who receives any military clothing or equipment would be sentenced to life imprisonment.

With that, armed men in plain clothes, moving in vans infamously referred to as drones, abducted and took many NUP supporters to unknown places where they were held incommunicado. A handful of them were paraded before the dreaded court martial, where charges of being in possession of government stores (i.e. a red beret) were preferred against them.

The Constitutional Court, upon a petition filed by Micheal Kabaziguruka, ruled in 2021 that trying civilians in the court martial was illegal. The General Court Martial was, therefore, deemed to be a specialised court set up by Parliament, with Justice Kakuru noting that it ‘clearly is not part of the Judiciary’. It is part of, he added, ‘the Executive arm of government established under Chapter 12 of the Constitution, which provides for the country’s defence and national security’.

Kakuru further noted thus: ‘Several attempts by the Executive to place the General Court Martial on the same footing as courts of judicature has, in my view, originated confusion and discord among jurists, legal practitioners, and scholars. It’s simply trying to fit a square peg in a round hole.’

The judgement couldn’t be implemented following an appeal by the Attorney General Kiryowa Kiwanuka, who insisted that it was constitutional for civilians to be tried in military courts, which have no regard to civil procedures. Kiwanuka’s boss, Museveni, had made it clear that the GCM is critical to his politics when he gave the military tribunal a Kinyankore name-Ekyokyeero (reinforcement).

With Besigye and his aide Obeid Kamulegeya were charged at the GCM, pressure was mounted on Owiny-Dollo to pronounce himself on the matter. This as the Supreme Court in January of 2025 ruled on the constitutionality of military tribunals.

‘Anyone without any professional training can become a judge in army courts, which is akin to picking any lawyer in town and taking them in theatre to operate patients, yet the lawyer might not know the difference between a kidney and liver,’ Owiny-Dollo said in the last judgement of a judicial career that has spanned 17 years.

Taking stock

Though Owiny-Dollo ordered that all files at the GCM should be taken to the High Court’s Criminal Division, the State didn’t fully comply with the order.

NUP supporters charged in 2021 at the GCM-such as Yasin Ssekitoleeko, alias Machete; Musa Kavuma; Anthony Agaba, alias Bobi Young; Umar Kato; Abdallah Gibusiwa; Sharif Kalanzi; Abdallah Kintu; Abdallah Bongole; Gaddafi Mugumya, alias Gen Gadaffi, and Grace Wakabi, alias Smart wa Bobi-are still languishing in jail.

Instead, the NRM regime reacted to the landmark Supreme Court judgement by quickly passing through an amendment in Parliament that reinstated the GCM, which is now headed by Brig Richard Tukachungurwa.

As private lawyers get ready to go through another process of challenging the newly constituted GCM, should the matter end up in the country’s apex court, the Chief Justice’s gavel will be in the grasp of someone else.

As Uganda’s 10th Chief Justice prepares to walk into the sunset on January 18, 2026, nearly a year after superintending over the landmark decision on the GCM, in an interview, he told this writer that no one can question his impartiality.

‘I don’t know why people doubted me because nobody can influence me. There shouldn’t have been any doubts on that matter,’ he said.

This, however, was not the impression that Bobi Wine gave in February of 2021 when he withdrew his petition at the Supreme Court, challenging the re-election of Museveni nearly a month earlier.

Bobi Wine said thus: ‘The Supreme Court said, we could only submit, in this our petition, for 30 minutes. Now, that was clear, one, the Supreme Court did not want this matter to attract so much attention. So, for that matter, for the reasons we’ve given above, we have decided to withdraw from their court. The courts are not independent; it’s clear that these people are working for Mr Museveni.’

Little wonder, observers say, that the legacy of Uganda’s 10th Chief Justice will, in many respects, be mixed. Some contend that the verdict that Francis Gimara, a former president of the Uganda Law Society (ULS), passed during this year’s Benedicto Kiwanuka memorial lecture held on September 19, speaks volumes.

Gimara expressed, ‘a growing recent concern that the courts are losing’ their bravery on Chief Justice Owiny-Dollo’s watch.

To which the jurist responded: ‘One could have talked of courage if it were true that out there is someone, for instance, the Executive, the head of State, the minister of Justice, the Attorney General was always breathing on my neck from behind and say, ‘you must write judgment in this case to the right or to the left’. Then maybe one would have said I had the courage to defy the President, to defy the Attorney General, to defy the minister of Justice.’

A section of candidates contesting for political office in Rukungiri District have raised alarm over alleged threats to their lives, attacks on campaign staff and widespread destruction of campaign posters, ahead of the January 2026 elections.

The complaints were raised by Ingrid Turinawe of the opposition People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) party and Dr Wallen Nuwagaba, an independent candidate, who are both contesting for the Rukungiri Municipality parliamentary seat against General (Rtd) Henry Tumukunde of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party.

‘I have been receiving threatening messages from one of my political competitors. On my nomination day, he provoked me in public and I kept quiet. Two days ago, co-ordinator one Dickson Nampumuza was badly beaten by the same candidate. Yesterday I was followed by close people of the same candidate up to my home,’ Turinawe told a press conference held at her home in Western Division of Rukungiri Municipality on December 20, 2026.

‘All these actions put my life at a great risk. It is from this point that I want to ask the police and other security agencies to come to my rescue before the situation gets out of human control because I may lose my life,’ she added.

Turinawe said several of her campaign posters had been defaced or stolen, describing the damage as costly and deliberate.

‘Some of her campaign posters have also been defaced and they are very expensive so I ask the police to quickly intervene,’ she said.

The opposition activist listed three large billboards at the Rukungiri town roundabout among those destroyed, while posters in Marumba Kyatooko, Omukareere, Rwentondo, Katoobo, Bwoom and Nyakibale were allegedly removed.

‘I think my opponents are behind the defacing of her posters but I want to inform them that I can’t be intimidated by such actions,’ Turinawe added.

Other candidates whose posters were reportedly defaced include Midius Kaharata, an independent candidate for Rukungiri Woman MP, Betty Muzanira of PFF, and Mary Paula Turyahikayo of NRM.

Dickson Nampumuza, a PFF candidate for Western Division directly elected councillor, alleged he was assaulted by supporters of Gen Tumukunde.

‘On December 18, 2025, as I was returning home from my campaigns I was badly beaten by a group of people from Rtd Lt Gen Tumukunde team because of supporting Ingrid Turinawe,’ Nampumuza said.

‘After being beaten, they stole my phones and they also left their cap at the scene of crime. I later went to the police and reported the matter. After reporting, I was advised to go for medical treatment,’ he added.

Police said they had opened investigations.

‘We have started investigations of the matter but I want to assure the public that their security is guaranteed and we shall make sure peace and order is maintained within the district during and after elections,’ Rukungiri District Police Commander SSP Brian Ampire said.

The case of simple robbery was registered at Rukungiri Central Police Station under reference SD REF 78/17/12/2025.

Efforts to obtain comment from Tumukunde’s campaign team were unsuccessful by press time Sunday morning.

JEEMA party president and Bugiri Municipality MP Asuman Basalirwa has rejected allegations linking him to the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), calling the claims false and politically motivated.

Basalirwa spoke at a press conference on Saturday at his offices in Kataawo Zone, Bugiri Municipality, responding to claims made by his former political assistant, Abdul Rahim Masamba, who reportedly wrote to security agencies accusing him of aiding the rebel group.

‘These claims are baseless and meant to intimidate me and tarnish my reputation,’ Basalirwa said, adding that the accusations had also resulted in threats against his bodyguards and supporters.

The ADF is an Islamic State linked rebel group considered active in Uganda and eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, known for attacks on civilians and security forces.

Basalirwa further dismissed accusations by some opposition leaders that he had betrayed the opposition and acted as an agent of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM).

‘I have faced attacks from both sides, but my focus has always been on ensuring that my people benefit from government programmes,’ he said.

He explained that, as the only JEEMA MP, he maintains a working relationship with the ruling party to lobby for development projects in his constituency.

‘I remain in the opposition, but I cannot isolate myself from those implementing government programmes. Hostility would only deny my people services,’ Basalirwa said.

On development priorities, Basalirwa said his next term would focus on economic empowerment, particularly for women, persons with disabilities, and the elderly.

‘These groups are often left behind, yet they form the backbone of our communities,’ he said, adding that health, education, road maintenance, and household income improvement would remain central.

He pledged to closely monitor the Uganda Support to Municipal Infrastructure Development (USMID) project, noting that Bugiri Municipality is expected to benefit in the 2026/2027 financial year.

‘We want quality tarmac roads, security lighting, and proper drainage systems,’ he said, noting that a municipal USMID committee had been constituted to oversee the project.

Residents, however, voiced ongoing concerns over service delivery. Ms Sarah Kagoya, a vendor at Bugiri Central Market, said the market faces persistent problems such as poor garbage collection and delayed construction, though she acknowledged Basalirwa’s Shs5 million donation to the market vendors’ SACCO.

Kataawo Zone chairperson Musa Bazibu called for the upgrading of more health centres to ease congestion at Bugiri General Hospital and praised Basalirwa for lobbying for Bugiri Health Centre III and staff housing.

Basalirwa is contesting for re-election against four other candidates, including Mercelino Egesa Mangeni (NUP), Nalongo Phoebe Catherine (Independent), Brian Mukwaya (Democratic Party), and John Francis Oketcho (NRM).

The Electoral Commission (EC) has defended its decision to cancel the candidature of Mathias Walukagga, insisting that he did not meet the minimum academic qualifications required to contest for the Busiro East parliamentary seat.

In an affidavit in reply filed before the Civil Division of the High Court in Kampala- a copy of which has been accessed by our reporter- the Commission maintains that Walukagga lacked the requisite academic qualifications at the time of nomination, contrary to the provisions of the Parliamentary Elections Act.

The affidavit was sworn by Abubaker Kayondo, a Legal Officer at the Electoral Commission, in response to Walukagga’s appeal challenging the Commission’s decision to nullify his nomination.

Mr Kayondo states that the mature age entry certificate presented by Mr Walukagga for nomination had expired by October 23, 2025, the date on which he was nominated.

He adds that upon evaluation of the evidence and submissions presented during proceedings before the Commission, it was established that Mr Walukagga did not satisfy the minimum formal education requirements prescribed under Section 4(1)(c) of the Parliamentary Elections Act.

The Electoral Commission further argues that it acted within its constitutional and statutory mandate. According to the affidavit, the Commission is empowered under Article 61(1)(f) of the 1995 Constitution and Section 15 of the Electoral Commission Act to hear and determine complaints relating to a candidate’s qualifications prior to nomination.

‘The Commission had the authority to inquire into whether Mr Walukagga Mathias possessed the required academic qualifications prior to his nomination,’ Kayondo states.The Electoral Commission has asked the court to dismiss the appeal with costs and to uphold its decision. The response, which was submitted electronically, comes as the High Court prepares to deliver its judgment in the matter on Monday, December 22, 2025.

Earlier this week, Justice Simon Peter Kinobe fixed the judgment date after hearing submissions from all parties and issuing strict timelines for the filing of responses and rejoinders, citing the urgency of the electoral calendar.

Mr Walukagga, the National Unity Platform (NUP) flag bearer for Busiro East, filed the appeal through his lawyers Alex Luganda, Erias Nalukoola, Jonathan Erut, and Aua Napala. The Electoral Commission is the first respondent, while voter John Lubowa Kilimiro-who initially petitioned the Commission to challenge Walukagga’s nomination-is the second respondent.

The appeal arises from a decision by the Electoral Commission to cancel Walukagga’s nomination following Kilimiro’s complaint challenging his academic qualifications. The Commission heard the complaint over several sittings in November before reaching its decision.

Under Ugandan law, a person seeking nomination as a Member of Parliament must possess a minimum of an Advanced Level certificate or its equivalent.

In his appeal, Walukagga argues that the Commission acted without jurisdiction, contending that his academic qualifications had already been equated and verified by the National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) in collaboration with the Uganda National Examinations Board (UNEB).

Mr Walukagga maintains that he was duly nominated on October 23, 2025, on the basis of a mature age entry certificate issued by the Islamic University in Uganda in June 2023. He argues that although such certificates are ordinarily valid for two years, his was used within that period to enrol for further studies, a fact he says preserves its validity.

He further states that in June 2025, NCHE equated his mature age entry qualification to Advanced Level standard and issued him with a certificate confirming completion of formal education at that level, which formed the basis of his nomination.

However, the Electoral Commission insists that despite the NCHE documentation, the certificate presented for nomination had expired and did not meet the legal threshold at the time of nomination.

Justice Kinobe directed during the previous session that the judgment would be delivered electronically through the court’s Electronic Case Management Information System (ECCMIS), and parties were advised against returning to court for a physical ruling.

The High Court’s decision is expected to determine whether Walukagga’s name will be reinstated on the ballot as the country heads to the polls on January 15, 2026, to elect Members of Parliament and the President of Uganda.

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In the third part of our summary, capturing what all 25 witnesses said in a case where Molly Katanga is being tried for the murder of her husband, Henry Katanga, on November 2, 2023, we capture what experts from the Uganda Police Force said while on the stand.

Molly Katanga is facing trial together with her daughters, Martha Katanga and Patricia Kakwanzi, as well as a medical worker, Charles Otai and long-serving Katanga shamba boy, George Amanyire. The latter four are facing charges relating to evidence tampering and being accessories after the fact.

The court will render a decision on February 19, 2026, as to whether the prosecution has established a prima facie case against the accused persons. Below is a summary of what witnesses 11, 12 and 13 told the court.

Derrick Nasawali

He is the lead ballistics expert in the Uganda Police Force. He tested the gun that fired the shot that killed Henry and told the court that indeed the gun in the court’s possession was the killer gun. The killer gun, according to Mr Nasawali, was a Black Zastava Pistol, serial number: UG 1622200061 CZ99.

There had been earlier arguments in this case when defence lawyer MacDusman Kabega put it to Andrew Mubiru, the director of Forensics Services in the Uganda Police Force, that police form 17A indicated that the killer gun was a CZ999, not CZ99, which is a completely different gun.

Mr Nasawali was unequivocal on this. He said it was a CZ99, and the extra 9 was merely a clerical error.

Mr Nasawali accounted for 30 rounds of ammunition found in the Katanga household, including a bent projectile that he said is most likely the one that killed Henry.

He said the projectile was bent, perhaps, because it hit a hard surface on exiting Henry’s head. He pointed to a bullet mark on the ceiling of the Katanga bedroom as a place where this projectile most likely hit.

Mr Nasawali admitted under cross-examination that it was doubtful Molly could have fired the fatal shot, considering her fractured arms and broken index fingers.

He noted that only a highly trained individual could fire a gun in such a state, which Molly was not. He could not rule out suicide as a possibility in Henry’s death.

Mr Nasawali acknowledged that the evidence, a single shot fired with no sign of additional bullets, did not conclusively prove homicide.

Mr Nasawali touched upon certain aspects of gunshot residue (GSR) analysis but acknowledged that he was not an expert in this field.

The defence tried to expose flaws in the reliability of the GSR results. Nasawali admitted GSR elements could come from common sources like perfumes, lotion, or hospital gloves; not just firearms, undermining the reliability of positive test results.

Mr Nasawali used testing methods that did not align with the 2023 police crime scene manual. When pressed by defence attorney Elison Karuhanga, he dismissed the manual as outdated, but the defence countered that his superior, Mr Mubiru, testified that the manual was still in use, highlighting procedural inconsistencies.

When challenged, Mr Nasawali admitted he had not been formally appointed as a ballistics expert by the minister through a statutory instrument, as required by law. The defence, therefore, prayed to strike all his expert testimony from the record.

Dr Jaffar Kisitu, PhD

He is a Superintendent of Police. He is the deputy head of the Department of Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear, Explosive Residue Analysis (CDRNe-A) in the Directorate of Forensic Analysis in the Uganda Police Force. He is the lead examiner in the department.

He is an Erasmus Mundus scholar who holds a Master’s of Forensic Science, jointly studied at the universities of Cordoba (Spain), ISCESM (Portugal) and Lincoln (UK). He also holds a Doctorate in Computational Toxicology from the University of Konstanz in Germany.

Dr Kisitu told the court that he conducted GSR analysis on the samples taken from the gun as well as Molly’s hands and clothes.

GSR analysis confirms discharge to the firearm in the vicinity of the individual on whom residue is found. It doesn’t prove with certainty that said individual fired the gun.

Dr Kisitu said GSR analysis works by identifying unique particles from primer; lead, barium, antimony. He said analysts can test for either inorganic or organic components of gunpowder.

Dr Kisitu told court that he tested for components of gunpowder but admitted that he did not have a clearly written and approved manual (work instructions) for conducting the experiments for which he was in court.

He instead told the court that he used a student’s research paper on soil samples in Amuru District as his laboratory protocol for doing GSR analysis.

He said he found GSR on Molly’s dress but the same dress, oddly, didn’t have any of her DNA. The Katanga shamba boy Amanyire’s statement on court record stated that he found Molly naked and bleeding profusely on the floor of a room adjacent to the couple’s bedroom, so it’s unclear as to which dress the police tested.

Dr Kisitu admitted to not finding any GSR on Molly’s hands but on re-examination by Chief State Attorney Jonathan Muwaganya, he said he found some components of GSR on one hand and other components on another.

He then told presiding Judge Rosette Kania that a combination of the two could then prove that Molly Katanga had GSR on her hands.

The defence, which was allowed to cross examine him after the re-exam, got him to admit that there is no laboratory standard procedure to back up the method he used to draw this conclusion.

He conceded that the method he used to test for organic components of GSR wasn’t approved by any major forensics body in the world.

Dr Kisitu said the presence of GSR on an individual wasn’t conclusive proof that said individual touched or fired that gun. It was merely proof that the individual was in close proximity of a discharged gun.

He also said the gun powder as swabbed from the muzzle of the alleged killer gun had no exact match with what was found on any of the tested items.

Resty Alexandra Nazziwa

She is a criminal toxicologist at the Directorate of Government Analytical Laboratory (DGAL), under Criminalistics and Lab Services.

Ms Nazziwa told Justice Kania that she holds a BSc in Industrial Chemistry and an MSc in Chemistry and has been a Government Analyst since 2017.

During an examination-in-chief led by a calm, measured Chief State Attorney, Anna Kiiza, Ms Nazziwa told the court that her role entails receiving, preserving, extracting, analysing materials, then drafting reports and providing expert witness in courts of law if/when needed.

Ms Nazziwa’s laboratory received samples of Henry’s stomach contents, liver, kidney, bile, blood and vitreous humour, with the aim of conducting toxicology tests to rule out intoxication.

In a swift examination-in-chief, cross-examination and re-examination, the court learnt the following:

Firstly, Henry didn’t have any intoxicants in his body. No alcohol, no cocaine, no cannabis, no heroin, no methamphetamines, no benzodiazepines, no barbiturates, no antidepressants.

He was basically fully sober when he, per the defence’s account, beat his wife and cracked her skull, broke her bones in both arms, etc, a beating that sent her to International Hospital-Kampala (IHK) for a litany of reconstructive surgeries that had her get more than 50 stitches to the head.

It was during this convalescence, while she was fighting for her own life, that the State charged her with murder on November 21, 2023.

Secondly, Ms Nazziwa’s testimony made it clear that police were investigating suicide, but didn’t pursue it much further. She had a police form 17A that indicated the authorities were investigating the possibility that Henry ‘shot himself after a domestic wrangle.’

It remains unclear as to why police dropped this line of investigation and opted for homicide.

Thirdly, in what looked like an attempt to understand why investigators in this case opted to use the police Forensics Laboratory for most of the investigations as opposed to the licensed and fully internationally certified/accredited DGAL, defence attorney Karuhanga asked Ms Nazziwa whether they had a department that deals with firearms and GSR, computer forensics, etc, to which she answered affirmatively.

The police lab is under-resourced, isn’t fully licensed or ISO certified. This has been a recurring theme in this case, with the defence team accusing the state of opting for an unlicensed laboratory with the aim of ‘cooking up results’ as opposed to going with DGAL, which is used in most such cases and has the capabilities and licences to conduct all required forensics tests in this case.

Forensics and Ballistics

Forensic science is the application of science principles and methods to support decision-making related to rules or law, generally specifically criminal and civil law.

During criminal investigation in particular, it is governed by the legal standards of admissible evidence and criminal procedure. It is a broad field utilizing numerous practices such as the analysis of DNA, fingerprints, bloodstain patterns, firearms, ballistics, toxicology, microscopy, and fire debris analysis.

Forensic scientists collect, preserve, and analyze evidence during the course of an investigation.

Ballistics is the field of mechanics concerned with the launching, flight behaviour and impact effects of projectiles, especially weapon munitions such as bullets, unguided bombs, rockets and the like; the science or art of designing and accelerating projectiles so as to achieve a desired performance.

A ballistic body is a free-moving body with momentum, which can be subject to forces such as those exerted by pressurized gases from a gun barrel or a propelling nozzle, normal force by rifling, and gravity and air drag during flight.

The earliest known ballistic projectiles were stones, spears, and the throwing stick.