Category: Daily Monitor

As Uganda heads to the 2026 polls, Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago has unveiled 15 priorities for the city if granted another five-year term, promising to combat land grabbing, exploitation of the poor, and enhance infrastructure for residents.

Addressing thousands in Kisenyi II on Friday, Lukwago said he would continue defending the rights of communities in markets, schools, housing, and transport, emphasizing support for boda-boda riders, taxi operators, and the health sector.

‘I have rescued several markets from being stolen by selfish individuals like Owino, Bugolobi, Nakawa, Nakasero, Nateete and Rufula. I continue to be your shield,’ he told voters, drawing cheers as he detailed his plan.

Lukwago’s infrastructure pledges include upgrading 325 km of city roads, including Mukwano Road, Kitgum House, and Oasis Mall roundabouts, and signalizing 25 junctions under the Kampala City Roads Rehabilitation Project, Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area Urban Development Program, and related initiatives. He promised strict adherence to KCCA Service Delivery Standards, including defined price ceilings for road construction: Shs3.5 billion per lane-kilometre for arterial roads, Shs2.7 billion for collectors, and Shs1.5 billion for local roads.

‘I will ensure the installation of 25,000 streetlights, including in crime hotspots under the French Development Agency and government projects, and push for integration of lighting in all major road designs,’ he said.

Lukwago also pledged to fast-track decommissioning of the Kiteezi landfill, develop a modern sanitary landfill at Buyala, implement a waste-to-energy policy, and provide one garbage truck per parish. Compensation for victims of the Kiteezi waste slide is included in his agenda.

On opposition unity, Lukwago said activists continue to face arrests, citing NUP deputy spokesperson Alex Waiswa Mufumbiro, Edward Ssebuufu, Achilleo Kivumbi, Sauda Madada, and Tasi Calvin. ‘When we visited Dr Kizza Besigye in prison last week, he advised the opposition to unite against ‘dictator’ President Museveni. We are still in engagement talks to let every position have a dedicated commander,’ Lukwago said.

Key issues affecting Kisenyi community

Medard Turyahikayo, Kisenyi II, decried unemployment, high crime, and poor waste management. ‘We live in slums, but we take years without seeing the garbage trucks; many people litter water channels that end up causing floods and diseases,’ he said. He also criticized public toilets, which are meant to be free, for charging fees that drive residents to dispose of waste in waterways.

PFF councillor Annet Acilah urged women’s vocational empowerment, citing skills in hairdressing, tailoring, and soap-making. Boda-boda rider Stephen Zziwa criticized inflated motorcycle loan prices and extortion on roads. Kiosk owner Scovia Nabwiire called for government support for small businesses facing floods and high taxes.

Lukwago’s seat is contested by NUP’s Ronald Balimwezo, NRM’s Moses Kizito Nsubuga, FDC’s Ibrahim Kasozi, DP’s Beatrice Mao, and independent candidate Nabila Nagayi Ssempala. In 2021, Lukwago won his third term with 194,592 votes against Ssempala’s 60,082 votes.

Other Lukwago Key Priorities

Stewardship of the city transformation caravan to revitalize the functionality of the city governance structure.

Upgrading all eight KCCA health facilities to City Community Hospital status.

Revamping and revitalizing KCCA schools to restore their former academic excellence.

Fast-tracking the decommissioning of the Kiteezi Landfill.

Vigorously pursuing the implementation of the Kampala Drainage Master Plan 2016 to renovate eight key drainage channels.

Offering a dexterous and dignified leadership that embodies the will and aspirations of the people of Kampala.

Implementing robust livelihood and empowerment programs targeting youth, women, older persons, persons with disabilities, and refugees.

Completing Phillip Omondi Stadium and developing community sports facilities.

Implementing all relevant policy instruments.

May 2006, just before the soccer World Cup in Germany. Eight O’clock. About 20 of us were in the waiting room at the United States embassy in Kampala, waiting for visa interviews. The telly was on. The morning show on UBC TV had legendary sports presenter James Opoka, bless his soul, together with my lovely lawyer friend, Jane Kasumba.

They were interviewing comedian Jimmy Okoth, a real crazy cat, better known as Olanya Columbus. Talking about the ‘Samba Boys’ (Brazil’s national team), Opoka asked him, ‘On which continent is Brazil?’ Olanya, spotting a very large straw hat, paused ever so slightly, then, with disarming innocence, quietly said, ‘It depends…’

Until that point, I was under the illusion that I was the only one watching the show with interest. Turned out I was wrong, because just then, everyone burst out laughing! It broke the ice in the room and eased the tension that comes with waiting for American visa interviews. Folks – strangers to each other – began to relax and were soon talking freely. I remembered this incident two days ago when a friend sent me a message of anguish. His daughter – a very sharp lawyer whose work I deeply respect – recently passed interviews for some government job.

Turned out, lawyers that she comfortably beat – and who scored 30s – got the jobs. He also said all those lawyers came from a certain geographical area. Now, which one was it? Mercy me! Anyway, I’m sure my memory will improve soon. I called back, laughing, and told him, ‘Welcome to Uganda.’ Olanya was spot-on. In Uganda, nothing is straightforward; everything, even the otherwise most obvious, really depends on a lot of things. Like American Jerry Lee Lewis sang in the 1950s, ‘There’s a whole lotta shakin’ goin’ on!’ There’s lots and baskets full of stuff happening behind the scenes. What an exciting time to be alive!

Here’s the code for those who are still trying to figure out Kampala and Uganda. Don’t get excited easily. Be calm. Don’t count your chickens before they hatch.

Coming top in an interview doesn’t mean you will get the job; interviews count for nothing. Absolutely nothing, when it comes to working in government. Take a quick survey. Ask anyone who has competed for a job in government. Check out the parastatals and tell us how many of the top dogs came top in the interviews.

In fact, check every job – then sit down and make yourself a cup of black tea and sip it slowly, in silence, as you appreciate why a cow that is black, eats grass that is green and produces milk that is white.

Interviews serve accountability purposes – that interviews were conducted. But beyond that, nothing, really. Oh, and by the time you see an advert up in the papers for this or that position, trust me, nine and a half times out of 10, a decision has already been made. Sometimes the person is even already working…quietly – and poor you, the son of your mother, are busy reading up for the interview. Let’s sum it up like this. Being jobless doesn’t always mean you’re incompetent, and having a job doesn’t always mean you’re competent. It depends. Excelling in an exam doesn’t mean you will pass it, and performing badly doesn’t always mean you’ll fail it. Even passing a pre-entry test into university doesn’t mean you’ll be admitted. It depends.

Being arrested doesn’t always mean you committed a crime. And not being arrested doesn’t mean you are clean. It depends. Committing a crime doesn’t mean you will be arrested, and if you are arrested, it doesn’t mean you’ll be prosecuted. It depends. Winning an election doesn’t always mean you’ll be sworn in…and losing an election doesn’t mean you won’t be sworn in. It depends. The court records testify. When a nation institutionalises cheating, theft, and the disregard of merit, several destructive dynamics emerge.

Meritocracy vanishes: talent is sidelined, innovation stalls, and ambition erodes when ‘technical know-who’ matters more than technical know-how. Trust in institutions sinks; degraded governance breeds social fragmentation, cynicism, and, inevitably, instability. Inequality deepens as elites capture the benefits while the vulnerable are left behind, which damages cohesion and the long-term sustainability of the nation. Put simply, a culture of ‘it depends’ becomes a trap – it doesn’t just slow development, it fundamentally distorts the social contract and compromises a nation’s future.

The parliamentary race for Samia Bugwe South has taken a twist after Independent candidate Mr Bwire Robert Ngwabe, who captured national attention last month when he arrived for nomination by helicopter, has withdrawn from the race, citing ‘poor health’ and ‘family pressure’.

Mr Ngwabe communicated his decision in a November 19 letter to Busia District Elections Administrator, Ms Joan Aduru, bringing an unexpected end to what had been one of the constituency’s most talked-about campaigns.

‘After extensive consultation with my family, medical advisors, close associates and due to pressing health-related concerns, I have deemed it necessary to step down from the race,’ his letter reads in part.

‘The demanding nature of parliamentary duties requires full physical and mental readiness and in my current condition, it would be irresponsible to continue.’

His withdrawal comes just days after the Uganda National Examinations Board (Uneb) notified authorities of anomalies in the academic documents he submitted during nomination.

How the controversy unfolded

Shortly after the close of parliamentary nominations on October 24, Busia voter and lawyer Mr Victor Odwori petitioned Ms Aduru to verify the academic documents of all candidates for Samia Bugwe South, as permitted under Section 32 of the Parliamentary Elections Act.

Mr Odwori said his interest was specifically to ascertain whether Mr Ngwabe possessed the minimum academic qualifications required for election to Parliament, an A-Level certificate or its equivalent, as per Article 4, Chapter 177 of the law.

Initial scrutiny showed that Mr Ngwabe claimed to have sat for his O-Level and A-Level exams at Gulu High School in 1996 and 1998 respectively, under UNEB centre number U0015. However, Mr Odwori raised doubts about these records and wrote to UNEB on November 3 seeking clarification.

On November 10, UNEB Executive Director Mr Dan Odongo responded, indicating that the board had no record of any candidate named ‘Bwire Robert Ngwabe’ under the index numbers he submitted. Instead, they found a candidate named ‘Amone Fredrick Opwonye’, among other inconsistencies.

Mr Odwori told Monitor that the withdrawal over ‘health reasons’ was only intended to avoid public embarrassment.

‘Mr Ngwabe used fake academic documents for his nomination as MP aspirant for Samia Bugwe South Constituency, and his withdrawal on grounds of poor health is simply a cover-up,’ he said. ‘He is trying to escape an embarrassing situation.’

The chopper entry that set Busia buzzing

Mr Ngwabe got onto the national limelight when he arrived for nomination in Busia aboard a helicopter that flew him from Kajjansi Airstrip along Entebbe Road to Madibira Primary School playgrounds in the eastern border town.

Crowds gathered as he disembarked to board a waiting Land Cruiser that drove him to the nomination centre. His dramatic entrance dominated local talk and social media for days.

At his nomination, he declared himself ‘the man Busia District was missing’ and promised to ‘address leadership challenges, improve education and tackle household poverty.’ He later flew to Lumuli Primary School, where he pledged to construct a pit latrine.

Who remains in the race?

With Ngwabe stepping aside, five candidates remain:

Freddy Egesa Achoka (NUP)

Julius Maganda Wandera (NRM)

Justus Okumu (FDC)

Patrick Egesa (DP)

Godfrey Were Odero (Independent – incumbent)

Samia Bugwe South is one of Busia District’s four constituencies, alongside Samia Bugwe North, Samia Bugwe Central, and Busia Municipality.

In Masaka, voter Abubaker Ssenabulya confronted Democratic Front (DF) President Mathias Mpuuga, questioning his decision not to endorse National Unity Platform (NUP) Presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (Bobi Wine).

Abubaker Ssenabulya took a swipe at Mpuuga and Bwanika for not endorsing and mobilising for Kyagulanyi for president.

He attended a rally featuring Mathias Mpuuga Nsamba, Abed Bwanika, and Juliet Kakande Nakabuye.

Ssenabulya requested the microphone and expressed his displeasure with the DF for not backing the NUP presidential candidate. He said Kyagulanyi is the most suitable challenger against Museveni.

ý”In the last general elections, you walked with NUP and you were categorical for mobilising other opposition candidates to back Kyagulanyi, a direct indication that you trusted him. What is stopping you now from campaigning for him since you did not present a presidential candidate?” he bitterly inquired.

ýýHe said it is not logical for the Democratic Front to remain silent about its presidential candidate as the polling day nears

ýHowever, bitter utterances and demands did not go down well with Abed Bwanika, who, in response, scoffed at NUP leaders and supporters for continuing to blackmail the Democratic Front instead of forging unity among the opposition players.

He castigated the NUP top leadership for promoting hate speech and inciting voters against the Democratic Front. He wondered why they wanted to coerce them to declare support for Kyagulanyi.

Bwanika told the voters in Masaka City to thoroughly assess all opposition presidential candidates and make decisions based on how they comprehend their campaign messages and agenda.

Mathias Mpuuga Nsamba said that their support for Kyagulanyi cannot be won through blackmail or coercion.

He wondered what the NUP supporters had to offer in the pursuit of political transition, apart from hurling insults and demobilising the change-seeking forces.

ýHe observed that for the opposition to defeat President Museveni, it needs an organized front, which he prided himself on doing within his political party.

The NUP leadership and the DF have repeatedly been engaging in altercations, something that has frustrated efforts to build cohesion as the opposition.

ýLast week, the NUP Deputy President in charge of Buganda, also MP for Butambala Constituency, Muhammad Muwanga Kivumbi, while campaigning in Masaka, described the DF as an irrational political party and called upon the electorate to reject its candidates.

A report by the Finance ministry has revealed that in October 2025, total revenues and grants amounted to Shs2,573.09b, representing a performance rate of 89.2 percent against the programmed target of Shs2,884.89b.

The report shows that this translated into a shortfall of Shs311.80b, largely arising from lower-than-expected domestic revenue collections and less than programmed grant disbursements.

‘Total domestic revenue collections during the month amounted to Shs2,529.64b, achieving 94.4 percent of the target. This translated into a shortfall of Shs151.10b attributed to lower-than-expected receipts from both direct and indirect domestic taxes,’ the report shows.

It notes that direct domestic taxes posted a shortfall of Shs38.13b primarily due to lower collections from Pay as You Earn (Paye) and Treasury Bills.

The report adds that the shortfall in Paye was mainly on account payroll systems transition challenges as some local governments transitioned to the new Human Capital Management (HCM) system, while the shortfall on Treasury Bills was due to lower interest rates than projected.

Indirect domestic tax collections posted a shortfall of Shs13.40b.The underperformance was attributed to lower collections in excise duty particularly on beer, soft drinks and phone talk time.

The report adds that taxes on international trade amounted to Shs1,037.69b above target of Shs1,028.24b, hence registering a surplus of Shs9.44b. The over performance was largely driven by higher collections from petroleum duty, import levies and infrastructure levies.

Cumulatively, total domestic revenue collections for the period July to October 2025 amounted to Shs10,164.35b against a projection of Shs10,618.29b, registering a cumulative shortfall of Shs 453.94b.

Govt response

Finance ministry Permanent Secretary and Secretary to the Treasury Ramathan Ggoobi says government expenses during October 2025 amounted to Shs3,272.03b, reflecting a 104.3 percent performance rate against the planned Shs3,136.08b for the month.

‘This performance was mainly driven by higher than planned spending for the purchase of goods and services, as well as grants, particularly to Local Governments.’

Police in Mbarara City have intercepted 10 buses carrying 817 suspected trafficked persons, including 441 males and 376 females.

According to police, the interception which took place at Biharwe police checkpoint on the night of November 21, 2025, was intelligence-led.

The buses, which included Tausi buses, KR Coaches, Bapakasi buses, Jamah Express, and Savanah bus, were escorted back to CPS Mbarara and impounded.

According to police, the victims revealed that they were lured by agents of Alliance in Motion Global from different parts of the country with promises of finding them jobs in Mbarara City at a fee of up to Shs1.5 million per person.

“The victims were on their way to Kampala City for an annual Alliance in Motion Global meeting that was being held at Freedom City Building on Saturday,” said SP Samson Kasasira, the Rwizi Regional Police Spokesperson.

The victims were cautioned and released to go back to their homes, as investigations into the matter are still ongoing.

“We urge the public to be vigilant and report any suspicious activities to the authorities,” SP Kasasira said.

This is a continuation of my series of articles on the performance of Uganda’s Judiciary in constitutional transformation. A fortnight ago, I illustrated the complete breakdown of the rule of law during the time of former president Idi Amin.

Today, I want to focus on the post-Amin period. I intend to answer the question: Did the post-Amin Judiciary (1979 – 1986) learn anything? However, before answering this question, I would like to appreciate Mr Rogers Magala for his article published in the Daily Monitor of November 17, ‘Prof Mbazira underestimates the Judiciary’s constraints in post-independence Uganda’.

Mr Magala paints a faultless Judiciary, on account of the colonial approach. In effect, Mr Magala says it was inevitable for the Judiciary to uphold an unconstitutional change of government. Space does not allow a detailed rejoinder. All I can say is that his argument does not explain the approach of the Judiciary in subsequent periods. In these series, I demonstrate that, since the 1966 Crisis, the Judiciary has only sparsely stood for constitutionalism and constitutional transformation. The ghost of Ex parte Matovu still rules the streets of courts and shows up whenever it deems it fit.

Back to the post-Amin era, the period after the overthrow of Amin is recorded as one of the most dramatic periods. Amin was overthrown by a consortium of exiles, under the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF), with the firepower of Tanzania. The battle started at the border area of Mutukula and ended with the Tanzanians taking over Kampala. Amin fled into exile, and the UNLF took over. However, the UNLF never immediately reverted to the pre-Amin 1967 constitutional legal order. Instead, Legal Notice No. 1 of 1979 was published on May 8, 1979.

It mirrored the Amin Legal Notice suspending the 1967 Constitution. The UNLF Constitution became the law in large measure. It should be acknowledged that this was for transition purposes. The Legal Notice suspended parts of the Constitution relating to Executive and Legislative power. The National Executive Committee (NEC) assumed Executive authority.

The National Consultative Council (NCC) took over the legislative role. Prof Yusuf Lule was installed chairperson of the UNLF and chair of the NEC and, therefore, president of the Republic. His presidency was outlived though; it lasted only 68 days, he was removed by the NCC on June 20, 1979. In Lule’s place, Godfrey Binaisa was installed.

The opportunity for the Judiciary to fix things came with the case of Andrew Lutakome Kayiira and Anor vs Rugumayo and Anor (Constitutional Case No. 1 of 1979). The petitioners contested the removal of Lule.

They asserted that the supreme law of Uganda remained the 1967 Constitution and not the UNLF Constitution or the minutes of the Moshi Unity Conference, where the UNLF made the resolutions being followed. They also argued that the procedure followed in removing the Lule as NEC chairperson, and thus as president, was unconstitutional. That NCC had no power to remove the president from his office.

The petitioners made the argument that when deciding upon matters of national interest, the NEC should have sat as the legislature and been governed by the 1967 Constitution. What is clear though is that, based on Ex parte Matovu, the petitioners never intended to question the legality of the government which replaced that of Lule. The court thus clarified: the ‘suit does not seek to declare illegal or to question the legitimacy of the government which came into being after the removal of Lule’.

The Chief Justice, Wako Wambuzi, clarified that their role was to determine the legality of the proclamation that contained Legal Notice No. 1 of 1979 suspending the Constitution. The decision of the court was laced with what appears to be deliberate avoidance, declining to directly answer the questions before it.

Ambiguous manner

Uncharacteristic of Chief Justice (CJ) Wambuzi, he proceeded in an even more ambiguous manner. Regarding the UNLF proclamation, the CJ held that although the proclamation was not law within the definition of the interpretation decree, it had been made as a pronouncement of the sovereign with the intention that it be obeyed and therefore assumed the force of a law.

In effect, something not intended to become law was certified as one. The CJ completely ran away from answering the question regarding the legality of the removal of Lule. While referring to the case of Ex parte Matovu, the Chief Justice stated as follows: ‘From my conclusion on this issue, I find it unnecessary to deal with arguments as to whether the removal of YK Lule as chairman of the National Executive Committee and President of Uganda was the result of a coup d’état or a successful revolution or due to State necessity. For the same reasons, I am unable to inquire into the procedure followed by a political body in a purely political matter. I think that is a matter for the politicians to decide.’

Once again, the ghost of Ex parte Matovu took the day. The court was not prepared to rule that a government in power had taken steps contrary to the Constitution. Parts of the Constitution dealing with the presidency were now certified by the court as ‘deadwood’, political rather than legal considerations took precedence. The political turmoil of 1979 was to be sorted through the 1980 multi-party elections. The elections were, however, marred by a number of irregularities. Some intending candidates were prevented from being nominated, with some being prevented from accessing nomination centres on time.

There were also many cases of ballot stuffing. Midway through the elections, the Military Commission, led by Paulo Muwanga, took over electoral processes, away from the Electoral Commission. Only the chairperson of the Commission would declare results and even validate the elections in any individual constituency. This was in effect a coup. Indeed, in spite of these irregularities, no one dared challenge these actions in court.

This could have been informed, among others, by the loss of confidence in the courts. Would-be litigants could have known that there was no way the courts would annul the elections. On its part, the short-lived Obote II government did not do much to reinvigorate judicial power. Following its controversial ascendency to power, the tenuous government had to keep the Judiciary in continuous check. In conclusion, looking at the UNLF fracas, the post-Amin judiciary forgot and learnt nothing.

OPPORTUNITY

The opportunity for the Judiciary to fix things came with the case of Andrew Lutakome Kayiira and Anor vs Rugumayo and Anor (Constitutional Case No. 1 of 1979). The petitioners contested the removal of president Yusuf Lule.

When the two Uganda’s female boxers Fatuma Nabikolo and Angel Katushabe were excluded from the 6th Islamic Solidarity Games in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia due to lack of mandatory genetic sex test certificates, the Uganda Boxing Federation (UBF) quickly accused the Uganda Olympic Committee (UOC), the Islamic Solidarity Sports Association (ISSA) and World Boxing (WB) of not communicating such an important matter.

But after revisiting the matter that left two medal hopefuls frustrated and confused, Daily Monitor understands that all parties, except the victims-the boxers-share the blame.

Female boxers from Uganda, Egypt, Sudan among other countries were locked out because they lacked the genetic sex tests certificates, a new requirement for any competition organised or sanctioned by WB.

This rule, introduced August 20, 2025, sparked fury after 12 female boxers from France, Philippines, Fiji, Dominican Republic and Nigeria, were ruled out of the World Boxing Championships in Liverpool in September. They did the SRY tests in Leeds but the results returned past the entry deadline.

Now the technical handbook for the Riyadh Games 2025 explicitly says that boxing at the Games will be conducted in accordance with the latest World Boxing Competition Rules and Regulations, including but not limited to Wada Anti-Doping Rules, World Boxing Anti-Doping Rules.’

WB replaced the International Boxing Association-IBA-is the new international boxing governing body recognised by the International Olympic Committee).

The UBF feigns ignorance of these guidelines, faulting the UOC denying them information regarding the mandatory sex tests for female boxers ahead of the Riyadh Games.

UOC president Donald Rukare refutes the allegations, saying different sports have different rules and standards and thus the respective federations-not the UOC-must know these rules better and do the needful.

Rukare, also the interim president of the Commonwealth Games Sports Federation, cited that weightlifters had to pay license fees for the Riyadh Games. ‘Hadn’t we known this on time, they would have missed the competitions.’

But UBF president Moses Muhangi denies any culpability, insisting that the UBF submitted whatever the National Olympic Committee (NOC) ‘asked of us.’

But how true?

Muhangi claims the Chef de Mission (CDM) did not send UBF the boxing competition manual for the Riyadh Games. But Daily Monitor has seen evidence of the email sent by UOC’s Jonathan Wangolo to the UBF email address, Muhangi himself, and his deputy Sula Kamoga, among others. Rukare and Sadik Nasiwu, the CDM, were in copy.

The initial communication was from ISSA, explicitly saying boxing at the Islamic Games 2025 would follow WB rules.

The UOC had received it on October 21, 2025 and sent it to UBF, Muhangi and co. at 1:19pm on the same date.

The email also reminded the parties to ensure full compliance and eligibility to the rules. But UOC says the UBF had no queries about it.

Nasiwu briefly told Daily Monitor that UBF were just looking for excuses. Muhangi said if Nasiwu is telling the truth ‘let him share the screenshot of the sent email.’

But when we told Muhangi about our evidence of UOC’s email, he went mute.

Muhangi also claimed that WB’s sex test policy applied to only the Liverpool World Championships. ‘It does not state anywhere that it will also apply to other WB sanctioned events like these Riyadh Islamic Games. So it was very important that the conduit to the Games, that’s the NOC, to share with us all the necessary information regarding the Games to enable us to prepare better.’

But the NOC/UOC communicated WB’s position on the Games rules on October 21, as a reminder following the August 20 announcement to all WB member federations that the sex eligibility policy would first apply at the Liverpool event in September. And Section 4.1. states that the policy would apply to all ‘international-level competitions owned or sanctioned by WB.’

However, Muhangi’s first response to the saga was telling the media, on a WhatsApp group, that: ‘The Islamic Games are not a competition owned by WB, and it is not sanctioned by WB.’ He later asked: ‘Why are men not tested?’ These inconsistencies present Muhangi as either negligent or diversionary. Because he later admitted that WB sanctioned the Riyadh Games. And Section 7 of the Sex Eligibility Policy clearly states that male boxers must present sex test results by January 1, 2026.

Muhangi went on: ‘we are not the ones that put ineligible athletes on a plane to Riyadh. The NOC through the CDM should have double-checked to verify the eligibility of the boxers even before they secured travel documents for them since the NOC had all the information about the eligibility requirements.’

That is fractionally true. And Rukare admits: ‘We trusted federations too much. We should have double-checked. And going forward, we are going to be stricter.’

But that should have prevented one problem: ferrying ineligible boxers to the Games. But UBF will have failed in its role to conduct the sex tests, which, according to WB, is a mandate of national federations, not NOCs.

It goes back to one point: ‘The primary responsibility to know the nitty-gritty of their sport, athletes and rules is on federations,’ Rukare insisted.

UBF also seeks defence in the fact that not only Uganda was affected. ‘You mean all the other federations were negligent?’ a pro-Muhangi journalist asked.

Simple: if all boxing federations couldn’t be negligent, why should we think all NOCs of the affected countries did not play their role?

This is not the first time boxers are missing action at international events. In March 2024, Shafick Mawanda didn’t fight at the World Boxing Olympic Qualifiers in Busto Arsizio, Italy.

The UBF accused the UOC of delaying the team’s travel. But it was later revealed that the boy and his two coaches had missed the mandatory weigh-in, when they were already at the venue.

Window for flexibility

Could WB or ISSA have done better? Maybe. While the technical handbook clearly said that the Riyadh Games will be run by WB rules, the latest edition of these rules (November 2024) did not capture the Sex Eligibility Policy which was passed August 20, 2025.

More so, the Riyadh Games handbook of 12 pages and 3748 words does not mention the gender/sex tests. Where it requires boxers’ eligibility ‘in compliance with all WB regulations, including but not limited, World Boxing Anti-Doping Code, it further embedded a link to the World Boxing Anti-Doping Rules.

Maybe a link to the Sex Eligibility Policy would have silenced the excuses of ‘we didn’t know,’ ‘they didn’t communicate officially.’

The other eligibility requirements mentioned, included admitting ‘elite boxers from recognised national federation members of World Boxing, who hold WB record books.’

But we understand that the record books used in Riyadh were IBA record books, because WB-formed in 2023-only started competitions in 2024, and many IBA members-including Uganda-were at first reluctant to join.

Couldn’t the same flexibility about record books apply to sex tests, a completely new requirement in boxing?

And before you conclude ‘that maybe because it was mostly African countries affected in Riyadh,’ remember the same rules, barely two weeks old, knocked out all five French women in Liverpool.

The media also neglected its watchdog role. Had they asked the right questions in time, perhaps ineligible boxers would not have travelled to Riyadh.

‘We all dropped the ball. And sadly, it’s the athletes who suffered. But let’s pick lessons and do better going forward,’ Rukare said. But Muhangi is not sorry for anything.

SEX ELIGIBILITY POLICY

Announced: May 2025

Passed: August 2025

Debut: World Championship, September 2025

For the first time in the political history of Bujenje County in Masindi District, flags and campaign posters of the political Opposition are either flying or pasted alongside those of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM).

Such visibility would have been unthinkable a few years ago because the county had always been an impenetrable fortress of the NRM.

The Opposition, for example, never bothered to field candidates here in the 2021 General Election. That was deemed as testimony to the NRM’s strength and stranglehold on the constituency. This time round, it is a different story.

Two Opposition candidates, Mr Phillip Kyamanywa of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) and Mr Wycliff Rogers Kasaija of the National Unity Platform (NUP), were nominated to challenge the incumbent, who is also the NRM’s flag-bearer, Mr Kenneth Kiiza Nyendwoha.

That the Opposition is showing its face in Masindi is being looked at as a sign that the NRM fortress is finally being penetrated. ‘In this election, we see that the Opposition has raised two candidates. That is a sign that the Opposition is about to penetrate our inner Bujenje, which has always been predominantly NRM,’ Mr Samuel Samiya, a resident of Kabango Town Council, says.

The two are, however, not the only ones who have come up to challenge Mr Nyendwoha for the seat. There are three other contestants, all of them standing as Independents. They are Mr Patrick Paddy Kasumba, Mr Wilson Tugume and Mr Fred Safari.

Mr Kasumba is a familiar face, having represented the constituency in Parliament between 2016 and 2021. The lawyer, who is also a retired Lieutenant in the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), was the NRM’s flag-bearer in 2016, having beaten the former Minister for the Presidency, Ms Kabakumba Matsiko in an October 2015 NRM primary.

Ms Kabakumba polled 6,000 votes against Mr Kasumba’s 11,772.

Mr Kasumba, however, could not hold onto the constituency during the last election cycle, even though he was the NRM’s candidate in the race. Mr Nyendwoha, who contested as an Independent candidate, won it with 16,301 votes against Mr Kasumba’s 10,277 votes. The other candidates, both Independents, were Mr Fulgensius Ntegeka, who garnered 1,426 votes and Mr Phinehas Kyotasobora, who garnered 874 votes.

Role reversals

There has been an interchange or reversal of roles ahead of the 2026 polls. Whereas Mr Kasumba was the NRM’s candidate in the 2021 elections, he is this time round an Independent candidate. Mr Nyendwoha is the NRM’s candidate after he resoundingly won the NRM primary with 8,081 votes against Mr Kasumba’s 2,069 votes. The other contestant, the Masindi District chairman, Mr Cosmas Byaruhanga, garnered 2,319 votes.

Mr Kasumba, who disputes the outcome, insists that the process was ‘flawed and unfair’, which explains his decision to contest as an Independent candidate.

All the candidates have their own unique stories. Mr Kasaija is an economist, agriculturalist and entrepreneur. He is quite well known across the county because of his involvement in the grain trade and milling of maize.

The 36-year-old boasts of having created some employment opportunities for the youth in Buliima Town Council and the surrounding areas. The NUP candidate says his decision to enter the race was driven by a desire to give voice to the marginalised in a community that has for a very long time been treated as a one party zone.

‘We can’t continue to believe that development belongs to one political colour. Bujenje needs representation that puts the farmer, the teacher, and the ordinary youth at the centre of national decision-making,’ Mr Kasaija argues.

Mr Kasaija’s manifesto emphasises equal representation, agricultural innovation, and improved health and education services as the main pillars.

Speaking in Kiina Village after nomination, Mr Kasaija says he plans to lobby for improved access to credit facilities for small farmers, introduce technology-driven farming practices, and to advocate for agricultural market linkages that can raise farmer incomes.

”Together, we grow Bujenje’ is my slogan, and it explains my preparedness to develop my constituency,’ he notes.

Reform

Mr Kyamanywa of the FDC brings a message of inclusion and practical reform. The teacher-turned-community mobiliser, who is contesting for political office for the first time, hopes to inject what he calls a new voice of accountability into the politics of a county that is perhaps best remembered as the county of Princess Kabakumba.

Ms Kabakumba resigned from Cabinet in December 2011 amid claims that her radio station had stolen equipment from the State-owned broadcaster.

Mr Kyamanywa believes politics should be about tangible outcomes, not mere promises.

His campaign focuses on increasing household incomes through farmer cooperatives, enhancing sports programmes for the youth, and improving access to healthcare in rural areas.

‘We have farmers who produce good crops, but they lack markets. We have young people with energy, but without opportunities. My mission is to bridge those gaps,’ Mr Kyamanywa told a rally that he addressed in Nyantonzi recently.

Some of Mr Kyamanywa’s political agents in Kikingura Village believe his presence on the ballot is a sign that FDC, which has in recent times been in turmoil at the national level, is undergoing some kind of rebirth.

Questions

Given the extent of defeat that he suffered in the primaries, questions abound whether Mr Kasumba’s challenge will amount to much. His defence is that the outcome was influenced by irregularities.

He further points to his development record, notably extending piped water services in Buliima Town Council; supporting education through weekly school exams; and advocating for the upgrading of some health centre IIs to health centre IIIs.

‘Some people in Bujenje are still benefiting from the coffee seedlings I distributed while I was MP. That shows that my leadership was not like passing wind. It had a lasting impact,’ Mr Kasumba proudly told supporters at a recent rally.

Mr Nyendwoha, the incumbent, says he is the right candidate for the seat because he has deep-rooted structures and loyal supporters, having won the 2021 General Election with 10,276 votes. Mr Nyendwoha goes adds that he has delivered steady development, noting that his is a record of commitment and consistency.

‘I have served Bujenje with a clear plan and honest leadership. The progress we have made is not by luck but by hard work,’ he says.

He argues that his experience makes him the most reliable candidate to push the constituency’s interests at the national level, adding that many community projects have come up through persistent lobbying.

‘I know the needs of my people and I know how to follow up until results come. I have always stood for Bujenje and I will continue doing so. We have started important projects that must be completed. I am asking you to trust me again because I have the experience, the vision and the ability to deliver more for Bujenje,’ Mr Nyendwoha says.

Dark horses

Mr Martin Lindali, who teaches social science and humanities at Uganda Pentecostal University, says this election could test Nyendwoha’s dominance since the rise of Opposition candidates and disgruntled independents could fragment the NRM’s traditional vote base, making the race tighter than ever before.

‘I see the infiltration of Opposition parties into Bujenje as a microcosm of a national trend, the slow but steady weakening of the NRM’s monopoly in regions that were once politically sealed,’ the academic offered.

The Independent candidates, Mr Tugume and Mr Safari, seem to be the dark horses in this race, but they have also been putting in a shift.

Mr Tugume, who like his counterpart, is a first time contender, says his focus will be on education and health. Mr Safari is campaigning for equal legislation in Parliament.

He says laws must reflect the realities of ordinary Ugandans. Mr Lindali says the population of Bujenje is more politically aware than ever before.

People, he says, are no longer satisfied with leaders who feed them on empty political rhetoric and sloganeering. They are more focused on getting leaders who understand service delivery.

He might be spot on. At the grassroots people are no longer holding discussions about party colours and slogans, but about who has delivered and who can do more.

Youth groups are organising sports, religious and cultural leaders are calling for peace and civil society groups are monitoring voter education and transparency. This promises not to be business as usual.

The 19th-Century Scottish writer, historian, and philosopher Thomas Carlyle originated the ‘Great Man’ theory. The theory argues that history is ‘shaped by the actions of exceptional individuals with innate, heroic qualities, rather than by social or environmental forces.’

Popularised in his 1840 lectures, published as On Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in History, the theory suggests that leaders are ‘born, not made,’ and their superior attributes and will have a decisive, historical effect.

This argument has proven to be problematic by the way it ignores exogenous forces, which animate social realities. Indeed, these forces compose the anti-heroic traits in society, which give rise to superstition, stupidity, vanity, ignorance, vengeance, betrayal, dishonesty, violence among others.

The theory also finds little utility in timing, which is essential for political ascendancy. To be sure, if President Museveni had chosen to go to the bush in 1985 instead of 1981, we could be paying allegiance to Milton Obote’s heir as rebel Museveni cools off somewhere in The Hague.

In Uganda, however, politics subsists on the ‘Great Man’ theory. All the political leaders who have national appeal are viewed by their followers as indispensable to decisive leadership.

President Museveni, for one, is widely credited with restoring peace and security to Uganda after years of civil war and the brutal regimes of Idi Amin and Milton Obote in the 1970s and early 1980s. A cult of personality has grown around him, deifying his every utterance or action (even inaction).

President Museveni’s current adversary, Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, frequently comes across as more cult than political leader.

He gained a large following as a musician and was nicknamed the ‘Ghetto President’ for his music that resonates with the struggles of the masses.

Although Ugandan voters prefer looking for better leaders than becoming better followers, there seems to be a nigh imperceptible shift towards the opposite of the Great Man ethos in our politics.

The Antihero Theory

This theory defines ‘a character who subverts traditional heroic archetypes by lacking conventional heroic qualities like courage or a strong moral compass, often acting for selfish reasons, and making morally ambiguous choices. These characters can be cynical, reckless, and flawed, but the audience often relates to them because of their relatability and their struggle against a flawed world’.

It seems to be gaining traction as we witness the rise of Mubarak Munyagwa, currently serving as the president and presidential candidate for the newly-established Common Man’s Party (CMP) in the upcoming 2026 General Election. He has created excitement with his comic timing instead of his heroic pacing.

‘Common Man’s Party is like a submarine. When a submarine moves, you only see the small periscope above the water, yet it is huge inside. Common Man’s Party will surprise many people,’ he said while barnstorming.

He added: ‘We shall ban Swahili as our national language… we need French instead. French has a wider coverage: Burundi, Congo, Rwanda, Gabon, and the Central African Republic speak French. We need English and French.’

The CMP president might have a point about French, but he forgot to mention Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Mali, Senegal, and Côte d’Ivoire as well as Chad as Francophone countries. He also forgot to mention that those countries speak French because they were either colonised or influenced by imperialism.

Thus his stance on our lingua franca implies that the submarine he claims his party is maybe a French submarine such as nuclear-powered Suffren-class and the Le Triomphant-class nuclear ballistic missile submarines, potentially torpedoing Ugandan independence with not so much as a ‘Bon Voyage.’

In a humorous exchange, Muhoozi Kainerugaba himself tweeted: ‘Hahaha!’ He accompanied the ‘Hahaha!’ with three laughing emojis for good measure, before adding: ‘Honourable Mubarak Munyagwa should relax!

The Muhoozi army will not arrest him when we are in command.’ To which Mr Munyagwa reportedly replied that he would not return the compliment and would arrest Muhoozi as soon as he (Munyagwa) is ‘in charge.’

Lootocracy dynamics

Then we have Abraham Luzzi, Kampala Central MP candidate. He has a masterplan to save Uganda from the lootocracy that has given our national purse strings enough rope to hang us with. The masterplan introduces the death penalty by hanging for anyone found guilty of ‘causing gross public financial loss or embezzlement of public funds. This includes offences such as deliberate contract delays, bribery in awarding tenders or contracts, or any form of mismanagement of public funds.’

The message is clear: the fight against corruption requires responsibility and accountability from every citizen like never before. Consequently, Mr Luzzi has quickly become one of the most talked-about political figures in Kampala. Entrepreneurs like Amos Wekesa have given him the non-National Resistance Movement thumbs up for being ‘logical’, as many others follow suit by paying court to Luzzi’s politics.

Mr Luzzi’s transformative manifesto is built on six pillars: zero-tolerance anti-corruption policy; minimum wage and employment protection; public sector professionalisation; local business empowerment; fast and fair justice system; urban economic transformation. Mr Luzzi’s focus on corruption control, fair wages, efficient governance, and local business empowerment has sparked hope among youth, professionals, and business leaders.

Still, on his X handle, he declared: ‘Even if you abuse me or vote me out, your struggles will persist, and I’ll keep thriving. Nonsense! I will not kneel for any voter!’

He added: ‘I have chosen a digital approach because I don’t want people to gather, some come with diseases, and others start begging.’ Incidentally, Mr Luzzi is an Italian surname with several possible meanings, most commonly linked to the Latin word lux, meaning ‘light’. This implies that he could be providing his followers the vision so that they do not rely on his vision.

This is a dramatic departure from the ‘big man syndrome,’ describing a style of leadership characterised by a single leader’s omnipotence, personal rule, and dominance over state institutions. It is prevalent in Africa and complements the Great Man theory.

The fact that people are paying attention to Mr Luzzi as he defies this syndrome is indicative of an antihero switch in our politics.

Elections in Uganda

Although Ugandan voters prefer looking for better leaders than becoming better followers, there seems to be a nigh imperceptible shift towards the opposite of the Great Man ethos in our politics.