Category: Daily Monitor

When a rescued orphan chimp leapt into Betty Angucia’s arms two decades ago, it sparked a bond that would change her life, and redefine what it means to care. For six months, Ikuru lived with Angucia and her children. She ate and played with them.

The year is 1960. In the green slopes of Gombe National Park, Tanzania, a young British primatologist named Jane Goodall makes a discovery that would alter science and perhaps redefine what it means to be human. Goodall observed a chimpanzee bending a twig, stripping it of its leaves, and using it to extract termites from a mound. She had just proven that tool-making was not the preserve of humans.

‘We must now redefine man, redefine tool, or accept chimpanzees as humans,’ her mentor Louis Leakey, famously remarked. That moment would change Goodall’s life forever, cementing her as the world’s leading voice in primate research and conservation until she died this year.

Similarly, but decades later, in a rather quieter manner another chimpanzee would transform a woman’s life in ways no one could have imagined. Her name was Ikuru, meaning ‘the happy one’ in the Lugbara (one of the languages spoken in the West Nile region). And just as Goodall’s chimpanzees changed the course of scientific understanding, Ikuru altered the destiny of a Ugandan woman named Betty Angucia, a mother and caregiver who is now one of the best chimpanzee caretakers in the country.

A child of war

Ikuru’s story begins in the late 1990s, in the thick, haunted jungles of eastern Congo, a landscape scarred by war. During the height of conflict, rangers found her clinging to the lifeless body of her mother.

Around her, the forest was silent except for the distant echo of gunfire and the crackle of burning underbrush. She was just about four years old, her tiny fingers wrapped around her mother’s bloodied fur.

‘She had burn marks on her body when she arrived,’ recalls Angucia. ‘She must have been caught in the aftermath of a forest fire caused by fighting.’

Ikuru’s story could easily have ended there, another casualty of human cruelty had she not been brought across the border to Arua District and later to the Uganda Wildlife Education Centre (UWEC), then still known as Entebbe Zoo.

At the time, Angucia was a young woman living at the zoo with her husband, who worked as a security guard.

‘I was just a housewife then,’ Angucia says. ‘I used to help Debbie Cox, an Australian primatologist, with small chores during the day, cleaning, washing, and sometimes running her errands, then return to my family in the evening.’

The day Ikuru arrived

News spread around the centre that a rescued chimpanzee was being brought in from the border. Staff gathered around the holding area as a pickup truck pulled in carrying a small transportation cage. Inside was a frail, trembling figure, a young chimp with patches of burnt fur and fear in her eyes.

‘When they opened the cage, she looked around and then suddenly leapt at me,’ Angucia recalls. ‘She clung tightly to my body and refused to let go. I froze. It was my first time being that close to a chimpanzee. Everyone was surprised, even the vet.’

That moment, unplanned and unexplainable, became the beginning of a bond that would last more than two decades.

‘The vet wanted to examine her, but she would not let anyone touch her except me,’ Angucia says. ‘So Debbie Cox told me, ‘Let her stay with you. She feels safe.”

The chimp would spend nights with Cox and days with Angucia.

In the days that followed, as the chimp began to recover, Angucia was asked to give her a name.

‘She was rescued near my home in Arua, so I thought it was right that her name be from there,’ she says.

‘Despite the wounds on her side and the fear in her eyes, she was playful. She wanted to hold things, to smile, and move around. I thought to myself, this one wants to be happy again. So I named her Ikuru, which means the happy one in Lugbara.’

For six months, Ikuru lived with Angucia and her children. She ate with them and played with them.

‘My youngest son, Jovan, was four at the time,’ she recalls. ‘They became inseparable. Sometimes, I carried her on my back like a baby. She was my child.’

Even after Ikuru was transferred to Ngamba Island Chimpanzee Sanctuary for proper care, that connection never broke.

‘Every time I visited, she recognised me immediately,’ says Angucia. ‘She would pant-hoot and come running to the fence. Even after 20 years, she never forgot me.’

When Ikuru died last month, Angucia says she felt as though she had lost one of her own. ‘Every good thing I have in life, I owe to her,’ she says. ‘I didn’t go to school, but through her I found my purpose.’

The calm one

At Ngamba Island, where more than 53 orphaned and rescued chimpanzees now live, Ikuru became known for her gentle, almost diplomatic nature.

‘Chimpanzees can be quite aggressive,’ says Innocent Ampeire, the assistant sanctuary manager, who has cared for chimps at Ngamba for 15 years.

‘But Ikuru was the exception. She was always calm, peaceful, never looking for fights.’

He describes her as ‘the diplomat’ in the troop. ‘Even when challenged by dominant males, she never reacted violently. She would simply move away or groom another chimp to ease the tension.’

Visitors loved her, too.

‘She was one of those chimps who connected easily with people,’ Ampeire adds. ‘If you came near the enclosure, she would clap her hands to get your attention, especially when food was being prepared.’

A sudden silence

In October this year, caregivers noticed something unusual. Ikuru failed to appear during feeding time. ‘Sometimes, chimps prefer to spend a night in the forest,’ says Ampeire.

‘But two nights in a row was unlike her.’

A search was launched. Caregivers combed through the dense forest on the 95-acre island until they found her, lifeless beneath a canopy of trees.

‘It was a hard moment,’ says Dr Aaron Bataamye, the sanctuary’s resident veterinarian.

‘She had two deep cuts on her leg. From the evidence, she might have been attacked by another chimp or injured while fleeing from conflict.’

The post-mortem revealed she had suffered severe blood loss, likely leading to anaphylactic shock.

‘Fights among chimps are not uncommon,’ Dr Bataamye explains, ‘but fatal injuries are rare. For Ikuru, it was just unfortunate timing.’

Her death left a void not only among the staff but also among the chimps she had bonded with for years.

A life remembered

Born around 1995 in the forests of eastern Congo, Ikuru’s life mirrors that of many orphaned chimps rescued from war, logging, and the illegal pet trade. When she first arrived at Ngamba in 1999, she was fragile and traumatised, her stomach bloated, her baby teeth missing, her fur falling out. Over the years, she healed, physically and emotionally.

‘She was among our first residents,’ says Dr Joshua Rukundo, the executive director of Chimpanzee Trust. ‘Her journey from a war-torn jungle to a life of peace symbolises what Ngamba stands for.’

Ikuru’s personality made her stand out. She was a meticulous cleaner, often searching the feeding area for leftover food. She used tools cleverly, poking sticks through gaps in the electric fence to reach fruit and was known to clap her hands to summon caregivers for help.

‘She was funny, intelligent, and deeply observant,’ Dr Rukundo says. ‘She reminded us that chimpanzees are not just animals, they are individuals, each with emotions, memories, and a sense of belonging.’

Even in her later years, Ikuru preferred calm over chaos.

‘She was not dominant, but she was respected,’ Ampeire says. ‘When younger chimps fought, she would often be seen grooming one of them afterwards, as if offering comfort.’

Jailed Opposition leader Kizza Besigye and his aide Obeid Lutale applied to be released on bail five months after their Nairobi abduction and eventual remand to Luzira prison.

Their first bail application was heard and rejected by Justice Rosette Comfort Kania in April this year. By then, he had spent 147 days in incarceration following his arrest in Nairobi on November 16, 2024. In their maiden bail application, some of the grounds raised for release included; being of advanced age of 68, and therefore not able to manage the harsh conditions of jail; being in unlawful detention for over 150 days at the time of filing the bail application, and yet he hadn’t been committed to the High Court for trial, hence his pre-trial remand period was unknown.

But presiding judge Kania, on April 11, would go on to deny bail to Dr Besigye and Mr Lutale. The jurist reasoned that although Dr Besigye and his co-accused had met the threshold for bail, they would not regain their temporary freedom. She cited two reasons for the denial of there being a high likelihood for Dr Besigye and Mr Lutale to interfere with the incomplete investigations, given their high standing in society, and also that the charges of treason they face are grave in nature.

But following Justice Kania’s denial of bail to Dr Besigye, several constitutional lawyers poked holes into the ruling.

They claimed Justice Kania’s bail ruling was not premised on any law of the land before suspecting that she could have been influenced by the powers that be.

But Dr Besigye and Mr Lutale didn’t relent. The following month, they moved to Nakawa Chief Magistrate’s Court to release them on mandatory bail, reasoning that they had clocked 180 days on remand without trial. The presiding chief magistrate on May 29 ruled that she lacked jurisdiction in line with the 2022 bail guidelines to release suspects who face capital charges like treason, which Besigye is battling. She reasoned that such powers are vested in the High Court.

Still, Dr Besigye and Mr Lutale didn’t relent as they made a similar application for mandatory bail release before the Criminal Division of the High Court.

The file was allocated to Justice Emmanuel Baguma. In his ruling on August 8, Justice Baguma held that Dr Besigye and his co-accused hadn’t made the 180 mandatory days on remand without trial. He observed that as far as he is concerned, the counting of remand days in the treason case started running on February 21, 2025, the day they were charged with treason before Nakawa Chief Magistrate’s Court and that there was nothing on court record to show that they had been in incarceration from November 16, 2024, when they were arrested in Nairobi.

Dr Besigye had argued that he had been in continuous detention from November 20, 2024, when they were first charged before the General Court Martial and remanded to Luzira prison, hence a ripe candidate to be released on mandatory bail having clocked 180 days on remand. But Justice Baguma held, ‘The evidence available before this court to enable it to calculate the time spent on remand is the lower court file from Nakawa. It shows that the charges were read to the applicants on February 21, 2025.’

At the same time, Dr Besigye and his political aide had filed another bail application, and this time, not based on mandatory bail release but as a rebound after Justice Kania had rejected the earlier one. The same bail application is still pending determination before Justice Baguma. Not much headway has been made since the defence lawyers have rejected Justice Baguma, accusing him of alleged bias, and he has also insisted on hearing the same.

In the December 1980 presidential election, whose result was disputed and forced President Museveni to launch an armed rebellion, the central region, predominantly Baganda, fielded two candidates: Paul Ssemogerere and Jehoash Mayanja Nkangi. The two men have since passed on. Ssemogerere, who died in November 2022, was the candidate for the Democratic Party, and Nkangi, who died in March 2017, represented the Conservative Party.

Ssemogerere did very well in the election, unlike Mr Museveni and Nkangi. Had it been free and fair, he would have been declared the next president. But the Military Commission, headed by Paul Muwanga – he died in 1991 – prevented the Electoral Commission from announcing the results. It declared Uganda Peoples Congress’ (UPC) Milton Obote the winner, and Muwanga went on to become vice president and minister of Defence. Meanwhile, Mr Museveni pressed ahead with his Bush War for five years and seized power in January 1986. Uganda did not hold presidential elections for a little more than 10 years.

And when it did in 1996, political parties were not allowed to field candidates. Ssemogerere, who had served as a senior Cabinet minister in Mr Museveni’s government, holding the portfolios of Internal Affairs, Foreign Affairs and Public Service, stood for president again. But he polled just 23.6 percent of the vote (he even lost at the polling station in Nkumba where he voted) against Mr Museveni’s 74.3 percent. To date, National Unity Platform (NUP) president Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, remains Buganda’s most successful politician despite being in politics for only eight years. He is credited with launching a movement, People Power, that has evolved into the biggest Opposition party.

Out of the seven candidates challenging Mr Museveni’s re-election bid, Bobi Wine is arguably the most formidable, going by the huge crowds attending his campaign rallies – and what he achieved in 2021. While there are other candidates Ugandans take seriously, such as former army commander, Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu, the leader of the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT), those candidates have not clearly demonstrated broad political appeal comparable to Bobi Wine’s.

In Bobi Wine, as I wrote several years ago in this paper, the Baganda, who have complained about being used by politicians from other regions and were once labelled political condoms, have their best chance of having one of their own leading Uganda. Now, let me be clear: Uganda is for every Ugandan, not only Baganda. But we cannot run away from the fact that the Baganda would be happy seeing a qualified, elected Muganda leading Uganda. They are supporting Bobi Wine in part because he is like them, just as the people of Ankole/western Uganda have supported Mr Museveni for decades.

To be fair to Bobi Wine, he is not a Buganda candidate. Thousands of people outside Buganda like him. Everywhere he has been on his campaign trail – central, east, north, south, west – he has been greeted by enthusiastic, cheering crowds eager to hear what he has to say. His popularity beyond Buganda is the reason NUP’s treasurer, Benjamin Katana, told NTV on November 10: ‘There was a notion that Kyagulanyi’s support was limited to central Uganda, but that has been disproved by the masses welcoming us from across the country.

The growing popularity of our candidate, especially in the Ankole region, has made the government afraid, and they are now acting with impunity.’ Uganda has to be proud of Bobi Wine. He has laid bare the sham that is NRM’s democracy. Each time people say Bobi Wine can win but he will not get power, they are basically saying Uganda has zero democracy. Another reason Uganda should be proud of Bobi Wine is that it takes bravery to challenge Mr Museveni because he has made it not just hard but extremely risky.

Opposition Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) leader Jimmy Akena recently blamed President Museveni and his government of ‘systematic failure’ during the official launch of the party’s manifesto in Lira City. ‘For nearly 40 years, we have seen promises recycled, the same speeches repeated, and the same excuses made. Our people are tired. They deserve better,’ he was quoted by Nilepost as having said. ‘The dream of our forefathers was a country that belongs to all of us, not a few. We are here to finish what they started-a Uganda where justice, equality, and dignity are not privileges but rights,’ he added.

The son of former prime minister and president Milton Obote left nothing in the proverbial chamber as he attacked the ruling group in scorching terms. Considering this, Mr Akena has come full circle. In the 1990s, he would often appear in pictures alongside his father whenever the latter sought to remind Mr Museveni how ‘gormless’ he was. Hard-bitten, Obote became something of a Boswell by chronicling Mr Museveni’s every move. He was a man possessed with the messianic need to dispossess the president of his power.

To him, Mr Museveni was a usurper. To make his case, Obote would use all the parts of speech (verb, noun, adjective and adverb) to take Mr Museveni’s regime apart rhetorically, tearing it limb from limb. His criticism of the ruling regime was always unsparing and often prescient. ‘It is most inconceivable that those who claim or propagate that Museveni’s Uganda is peaceful or that there are no gross violations of human rights have not heard of Museveni’s wars in the north and east and now in the west in Kasese District. What of the arrests of hundreds of Ugandans now in jails accused of treason?

Some 150 people from Buganda alone and some desperate groups are presently in jails awaiting trial on that charge,’ Obote wrote in his 1990 pamphlet, ‘Notes on the Concealment of Genocide in Uganda.’ His ringing words reflect our times so closely that one would assume that he was time-warped to 2025 in 1990.

Mr Akena seemed to always be by his side whenever Obote required someone to hold his cup of tea before another dustup with Mr Museveni.

As you might imagine, then, it was surprising to many of us who knew him and his father to be conjoined twins, politically speaking, to hear him temporise where his father demanded immediate action. In 2016, Mr Akena publicly stated he would not “abuse” President Museveni and expressed a willingness to work with him for a “smooth transition of power” to avoid ‘national problems’. This stance has been interpreted by some within his own party as evidence of a pact or alignment with the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) and Mr Museveni.

Indeed, you are most likely to hear the noun ‘transition’ when listening to NRM persons. True opponents of the ruling NRM prefer the verb ‘change’. Mr Akena’s father did. Today, Akena does too. However, like his father, he grossly underestimated President Museveni. They thought they could make short work of Mr Museveni’s glaring shortcomings, forgetting that he is strongest where he appears weakest. Now, Mr Akena must reap the whirlwind.

Uganda’s Opposition politicians, who have been variously roughed up, detained, tortured, or had their comrades shot dead, despise those who trivialise their pain by suggesting that they (the politicians) deliberately provoke the security forces to treat them shabbily so that the National Resistance Movement (NRM)-controlled State may appear undemocratic and barbaric.

It would be a reckless strategy, considering the weapons the State appears constantly ready to turn against the Opposition. Anyhow, both the lowest grade of fanatical regime supporters and some elitist opportunists have been parroting the propaganda that Robert Kyagulanyi and his National Unity Platform (NUP) must have rejoiced when they were recently beaten up by NRM goons in western Uganda.

But let us suppose that the propagandists are correct.

Would the Opposition seek political capital out of NRM barbarism if the regime had not already established a pattern of intolerance dating back to the physical attacks on the late Paul Ssemogerere in 1995/6 (again in western Uganda), through numerous experiences involving Dr Kizza Besigye, to the current victims on the block, Kyagulanyi and his NUP?

The way it looks, NUP perhaps could only avoid these attacks by not heading west on its campaign.

In our folly, we thought that the debate on the issues of chaotic governance, poor service delivery, horrendous corruption, mindless inequality and repeated constitutional mockery was the basis on which voters would form their electoral preferences. But now we understand that the debate is secondary. Instead, the capacity to physically injure or block the free movement of opponents is more important.

If the victims earn some sympathy votes, we assume that these votes are a dividend the NRM has calculated it can forego. In their different party and security formations, the political establishments in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda seem to be converging into a closer fraternity guided by a soft fascism. A tired authoritarianism masquerading as democracy. Now, the diminished freedom created by these establishments is the backdrop from which Zohran Mamdani emerged, maintaining a low political profile in Uganda where he was born and is a citizen, before hitting the American scene and blossoming into the mayor-elect for New York City.

By coincidence, former US President Barack Obama is also associated with East Africa because his father was a Kenyan who got married to an American woman in Hawaii. Kenyans rejoiced, just as Ugandans have rejoiced, when their ‘son’ became president. The intuitive feeling is that the two men have made East Africans feel proud. Well, a feeling is a feeling. And it can change. After some reflection, we may feel ashamed.

Why are we as countries so wretched that our sons and daughters can only act freely and decently when they are thousands of miles away? Repeat, freely. Repeat, decently. Obama was only 55 when he left the White House in 2017. If he had attempted to stay even one day longer than his eight years of service, the country – the system – would have fought him. He did not bring out guns or metamorphose into a giant tick to cling to America’s back.

The budget of New York City (not state) is bigger than the budgets of Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda combined. There are more chances that Mamdani will not embezzle New York’s money than that he will. If he is re-elected, he will vacate office at 42, leaving all that behind, and turn to other things. The East Africa Obama and Mamdani are associated with is not shining because of them and their smiles. It looks even darker and uglier because of the contrast.

A suspected food poisoning incident has left a 10-year-old pupil dead and eight others hospitalised in Luuka District, police said, as investigations into the tragedy continue.

The deceased, identified as Shariah Namugogo, a resident of Kibuutu Village, Bulongo Sub-county, has been taken to Luuka Health Centre IV mortuary for a postmortem examination.

Her father, Hamidu Mugogo, expressed shock and grief, urging authorities to hold those responsible to account.

“That’s how we’ve reached losing lives under unclear circumstances, to people who are really heartless,” he said.

Preliminary police investigations indicate the incident occurred on November 14, 2025, when a Primary Two pupil at Telik Junior School shared food from home with classmates, triggering severe illness.

“Shortly after eating the food, several kids got severely ill with vomiting and diarrhoea, and were rushed to Kiyunga Health Centre IV for help,” said Samson Lubega, police spokesperson for Busoga North.

Eight other pupils remain under treatment, police added. The condition of the hospitalized children has not been disclosed.

Authorities have taken into custody two unnamed school management officials to assist with ongoing inquiries aimed at determining their level of responsibility.

“Let’s stay calm as police specialists, including Scene of Crime Officers and medical personnel, investigate to determine the substance and circumstances behind the poisoning,” Lubega said.

The incident has prompted calls from the community for stricter food safety measures in schools to prevent similar tragedies.

By press time Sunday evening, Telik Junior School officials had not yet issued a statement regarding the incident.

Police investigations are ongoing, with authorities seeking to identify the cause of the suspected poisoning and ensure accountability.

As opposition leader Kizza Besigye marks a year in detention over treason charges, focus has shifted sharply to High Court judge Emmanuel Baguma, whose repeated refusals to recuse himself have become a central feature of the long-running legal standoff. Over the past months, the courtroom has seen a series of confrontations, applications and letters, all centred on whether Justice Baguma can continue presiding over a case in which the accused have filed a pending complaint against him before the Judicial Service Commission (JSC).

On October 15, the judge declined, for the second time, to step down from the treason trial, insisting there was no valid reason to justify his withdrawal. ‘I have scrutinised the entire lower court record. In my view, the Criminal Division is a division of the High Court and, therefore, has jurisdiction to handle this case,’ he ruled, rejecting the defence argument that the file belonged to the International Crimes Division.

He dismissed the allegations of bias as unfounded.

‘The denial of bail at one stage does not mean that the judge is biased or will never grant bail in the future,’ he said. He added: ‘It is not proper for parties to use decisions that are not in their favour to allege bias against a judge.’ Defence lawyers-led at various stages by Ernest Kalibbala, Fredrick Mpanga, Martha Karua and Erias Lukwago-argued that Justice Baguma should not preside over the case while a complaint seeking his removal from office is pending. But the judge was unmoved, ruling thus at one point: ‘The filing of a complaint seeking the removal of a judge from office is not a bar to him continuing to hear a case.’

Shortly after that decision, the defence asked the court to refer the matter to the Constitutional Court, arguing that the question of judicial impartiality raised fundamental issues under Article 28. Mr Kalibbala submitted thus: ‘The specific problem is whether a judge who is a respondent in a complaint before the JSC can try to sit in a matter to determine the innocence of the persons complaining against him.’ Chief State Attorney Richard Birivumbuka opposed the request, saying no constitutional issue requiring interpretation had been established. ‘The premise of the application is the alleged complaint to the JSC. There is no copy of that complaint. and even then, it is the duty of the JSC to serve it to the judicial officer,’ he argued.

On November 6, Justice Baguma ruled on this application, again declining to halt the proceedings. ‘In the final result, it is this court’s finding that counsel for the accused persons have not made out a prima facie question of law to warrant reference to the Constitutional Court,’ he said. ‘I accordingly decline to refer the proposed question of law to the Constitutional Court and direct that the matter be fixed for scheduling and plea taking.’ He added that allegations of bias were speculative, noting thus: ‘The allegations that the accused persons will not get a fair trial are an imagination because Article 28. lays down the principles of the right to a fair hearing, which this court is mandated to observe.’

The defence asked for time to consult with their clients, and the matter was adjourned to December 4.

Away from the formal applications, tension between the judge and the accused escalated on October 4, when Dr Besigye wrote a three-page letter demanding to know the law preventing him from speaking directly in court while represented by counsel. ‘Being a person accused of a serious offence, I find it strange and oppressive if I cannot raise a concern directly in open court,’ he wrote, adding: ‘If each time a written submission. has to be made and time fixed for your response, the case may never be concluded.’

Dr Besigye asked the judge ‘to point me to the provisions of the law that bar an accused person from orally raising concerns in court.’ This followed a heated exchange on October 1 in which the judge insisted that only lawyers could address the court unless they formally withdrew. He later allowed Dr Besigye to speak, but only through written submissions. Tension over recusal had been evident earlier on September 9 when Dr Besigye and Mr Lutale refused to appear for their second bail application.

Their lawyer, Mr Lukwago, told court that his clients would not appear before a biased judge, citing earlier remarks by Justice Baguma and arguing the case file was wrongly before him. The judge, however, ruled that the recusal matter had already been determined on August 19 and scheduled further proceedings. Throughout, the judge has maintained that he remains the proper judicial officer to preside over the case, while the accused insists he should withdraw until the JSC complaint is resolved.

Reply

Throughout, the judge has maintained that he remains the proper judicial officer to preside over the case, while the accused insists he should withdraw until the JSC complaint is resolved.

Educationists have urged Ugandans studying abroad to return home after completing their education, warning that the country continues to lose valuable talent when young people settle overseas instead of reinvesting their skills in national development.

Speaking at Kabojja International School’s 18th graduation ceremony for Year 11 and Year 13 students in Kampala on November 15, the school’s director, Mr Ahmed Lwasa, said international education offers world-class exposure and strong professional values, but these gains become meaningful only when applied to Uganda’s needs.

‘Studying abroad is one of the best things, learners pick real life values, integrity, discipline and work ethic, but these values should be brought back to build our country. When the children stay outside, Uganda loses energy and innovation it requires,’ Mr Lwasa said.

He added: ‘Let them get master’s degrees and PhDs but encourage them to come back. When these values are integrated in our communities, we all benefit.’

Guest of honour Justice Tom Chemutai, the Resident Judge of the Moroto circuit, told graduates that the future is defined by the choices they make and the values they uphold.

‘The future is not something that simply happens. It is built by decisions one step at a time. You plant commitment and you harvest excellence, you plant integrity and you harvest trust,’ Justice Chemutai said.

He urged young people to embrace responsibility and accountability, saying they hold the potential to uplift their communities and shape a country anchored on fairness and integrity.

‘Your talent becomes meaningful only when you share it with the world,’ Justice Chemutai said.

The school’s principal and Chief Executive Officer, Mr Sam Turya, said academic excellence must go hand-in-hand with communication, creativity, collaboration and critical-thinking skills. He warned graduates against isolating themselves from others as they navigate their careers.

‘You must learn how to collaborate with others for you to be successful, as you move out, know that the basic principles of life are what life gives. That you must be able to collaborate with others, independent of their backgrounds or their faith,’ Mr Turya said.

He added: ‘When you face a situation, you must think out of the box. We have given you values to get out of here, to be an ambassador of Kabojja, raise our flag high but please, and reflect the values you have learnt from here.’

Mr Turya highlighted recent milestones at the school, including participation in the World Scholars Cup finals in the United States and the establishment of a wellness centre to improve learner wellbeing.

‘We know the world is changing now but we are keen at promoting the mental health in this institution. We have a department of counseling and we are keen on the wellness of learners and our staff as well,’ he said.

A report by the World Bank has revealed that the current trend of granting tax exemptions, particularly to large firms and now to new small businesses by the government, poses a significant threat to Uganda’s tax revenues.

The report shows that exempting large firms, which typically contribute a substantial portion of total tax revenues, leads to budget deficits and reduced funding for public services.

‘This creates an uneven playing field, disadvantageously compliant, tax-paying firms and fostering resentment. The proposed Income Tax Amendment Bill, 2025, which intends to exempt new small businesses for three years, further exacerbates this issue,’ it indicates.

It further states that when both the largest and smallest firms are exempt, the tax burden disproportionately shifts to middle-compliant firms. The report adds that exemptions form a significant portion of the corporate income tax base.

This means the government must rely more heavily on the remaining tax-paying firms to meet revenue targets. It adds that this leads to more frequent audits, and higher penalties for these firms, contributing to the perception of URA’s ‘high-handedness’.

Mr Qimiao Fan, the division director for Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, and Uganda Africa Region, says the tax holiday was intended to stimulate new investments or reinvestments by large firms, but has not succeeded in fostering growth in firms’ fixed assets.

‘Beneficiaries’ depreciation allowances are 2.6 to 3.3 times higher than those of comparison group firms, indicating that benefiting firms are more likely replacing worn-out assembly lines or adding minimal infrastructure rather than significantly expanding assets,’ he said, adding that the Ugandan government should rethink its tax exemption policy.

Continuing the current path risks undermining the integrity and sustainability of the entire tax system. Specifically, eliminating the 10-year tax holiday could improve tax revenues by a minimum of Shs101.57b or 0.1 percent of GDP.

As the uncertainties in the global economy continue to spread worries in the national economies, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has directed that central banks, including the Bank of Uganda (BoU), to preserve price stability.

Ms Kristalina Georgieva, the IMF managing director, said the global economy is undergoing a profound transformation, and uncertainty runs high.

Major policy shifts across several countries-spanning trade, digital money, immigration, and spending priorities, including national security and foreign aid-are reconfiguring global markets and redefining policy frameworks.

‘These changes bring prolonged uncertainty and associated risks but also present opportunities, including to build more resilient supply chains and diversify trade relationships. Navigating this transition will hinge on the strength and integrity of core national economic institutions, which are critical for effective and credible policymaking,’ she added.

In Uganda, BoU said in its State of the Economy report that it is imperative to maintain a flexible policy framework underpinned by key measures such as sustaining adequate foreign exchange reserves and ensuring sufficient liquidity in the foreign exchange market.

‘These actions are essential to sustaining investor confidence and enhancing the economy’s resilience to external and domestic shocks,’ the BoU report read in part.

Work cut out

Uganda’s central bank explained that in the face of elevated global risks, such as geopolitical instability, volatile commodity prices, climate shocks, and still tight global financial conditions, monetary policy must strike a balance between price stability, financial sector resilience, and supporting growth.

Amid a shifting global environment that presents both opportunities and risks, Uganda’s lender of last resort remains vigilant to challenges such as falling commodity prices, declining aid inflows, and rising geopolitical tensions.

To cushion Uganda against these shocks, economists in BoU stressed that the Bank will ensure foreign exchange reserves remain adequate and liquidity in the financial system is sufficient to support macroeconomic stability. As of August 2025, Uganda’s gross foreign reserve stood at $4.711b (Shs17.04 trillion) up from $4.3b (Shs15.55 trillion ) in June,an increase by 9.55 percent.

‘This requires a moderately tight, flexible, and forward-looking monetary policy that protects against inflation, stabilises the exchange rate, supports financial system health, and remains agile in responding to external shocks. By preserving price stability, boosting investor confidence, and shielding the economy from external risks, the Bank is laying the foundation for Uganda’s tenfold growth strategy,’ BoU explained.

The strategy prioritises agro-industrialisation, tourism, minerals (including oil and gas), and science, technology and innovation (ATMS) to drive industrialisation, foster inclusive growth, and enhance value addition.

However, the report stated that while the Central Bank’s commitment to macroeconomic stability remains critical in unlocking the full potential of these sectors for long-term transformation, continued progress in economic diversification, structural reforms, and building resilience will be critical to maintaining growth momentum in an increasingly uncertain global environment.

Independence

Ms Georgieva of the IMF said history has shown that central bank independence and clear communication are essential for keeping inflation in check and preserving financial stability. Monetary policy credibility can also support fiscal stability by helping reduce risk and foster more stable interest rates.

Building public trust also requires further enhancing the quality of inflation forecast, which has been more challenging in a shock-prone world. In countries imposing tariffs, central banks will likely face a sharper trade-off between price stability and output.

‘Conversely, in countries facing tariffs, gradual easing may only be feasible once disinflation is firmly established. Exchange rates should continue to act as a shock absorber, where applicable. Where exchange rate movements become disorderly, the Integrated Policy Framework (IPF) provides country-specific guidance on exchange rate interventions and capital flow measures,’ she said.

Ms Georgieva added:’Our monetary policy advice to countries remains grounded in rigorous analysis.

The World Economic Outlook (WEO) examines the price effects of higher tariffs, drawing lessons from past episodes. It also highlights the cost of political interference in central banks, finding that this tends to loosen policies, weaken currencies, and raise inflation and inflation expectations-often accompanied by higher risk…and impaired market functioning.”

Related research shows that rising fiscal risks-high debt and deficit-compromise the credibility of monetary policy. Financial sector policies must guard against rapidly evolving risks.

Recent market developments have exposed risks from abrupt asset price corrections, disruptions in sovereign debt and FX markets, and the growing link between banks and non-bank financial institutions (NBFIs), which play an increasingly important role in sovereign and private debt markets. Ms Georgieva said this calls for enhanced oversight, including systematic liquidity stress testing, and for bolstering capitalisation of weak banks, with full implementation of internationally agreed standards.

Strengthening the resilience of bond markets requires reducing fiscal risks, along with enhancements to market structures. Furthermore, better data collection, coordination, and analysis- including cross-border cooperation-will be pivotal for effective oversight of NBFIs and digital assets.

The IMF is closely monitoring risks across financial markets and emerging macrofinancial vulnerabilities, including from climate risks where macrocritical.

‘The latest Global Financial Sector Report (GFSR) examines risk and resilience in global FX markets and the evolving landscape of emerging market (EM) sovereign debt. Meanwhile, our Article IVs and Financial Sector Assessment Program (FSAP) provide in-depth country-specific advice to strengthen financial sector resilience,’ she said.