Cubs start with bang in Ethiopia

Tanzania and Uganda have made their intentions known after kick starting their AFCON U-17 CECAFA Zonal qualifying campaign with huge Group B wins in the city of Dire Dawa.

In the opening match, Tanzanian humbled Sudan 6-0, while Uganda collected a 4-0 win against Burundi in matches played at the Dire Dawa International stadium.

In the first match Tanzania started pressing early for goals and were already three goals up by the 21st minute.

Dismus Athanasi scored a quick brace in the 10th and 16th minutes, while Nhingo Luzelenga added the third to take a 3-0 lead.

After recess Tanzania showed their intent and thirst for more goals as skipper Kassim Juma also netted two more goals.

Sudan were outpaced by the fluid flowing Tanzania forwards who created good spaces and chances. Soann Shabani and Hamisi Barbara would then score in the 74th and 80th minute.

Tanzania coach Elieneza Nicolaus termed the victory as a result of a well prepared team that has taken time to build across a year and he expressed positivity of great performances in next lined up match against Djibouti.

In the second match, braces from Thomas Ogemba and team Captain Owen Mukisa were enough to see Uganda defeat Burundi 4-0.

Kingston Laryea, the Uganda Cubs coach said he was happy to start with a good win.

Group B action continues in Dire Dawa on Tuesday as Uganda face Sudan, and Tanzania take on Djibouti.

Group B table standing

P W D L GF GA GD Pts

Tanzania 1 1 0 0 6 0 6 3

Uganda 1 1 0 0 4 0 4 3

Burundi 1 0 0 1 0 4 -4 0

Sudan 1 0 0 1 0 6 -6 0

Nam Blazers hand City Oilers first blow

Namuwongo Blazers wiped the floor with City Oilers in the fourth quarter of the marque National Basketball League game to win 60-54 and condemn the champions to their first defeat of the season.

Led by Joseph Chuma, Paul Odongo and Peter Cheng, the Blazers brought the fight to the Oilers and despite trailing for the larger part of the game, finished strong to end the fans into wild celebrations.

Stephen Nyeko’s charges had relied on Chuma’s jumpers to stay within touching distance in the first half. The former Oiler, limited by foul trouble in the second half, short seven for 12 from the field on the way to a game high 18 points.

Titus Lual had drained threes to give Oilers early offence as they led 36-28 at the half but it was the Blazers who came back from the locker room stronger for the win.

As Chuma watched on from the bench, team captain Odongo and Cheng took matters into their own hands. The two attacked the basket to draw fouls and punish City Oilers from the free throw line.

Odong and Cheng shot four for seven and five for eight respectively from the charity line as the Blazers outscored City Oilers 32-18 to show their title credentials.

Odong would end the game with 12 points and seven rebounds while Cheng got a double-double of 12 points and 10 rebounds.

Things fall apart

City Oilers head coach Andrew Tendo attributed the defeat to fatigue amongst his key players, who were with the Silverbacks side that competed in the first window of the Fiba Afrobasket Qualifiers in Monastir, Tunisia.

‘We are a better team than this and we’ll bounce back,’ Tendo said in the aftermath of his first defeat as Oilers head coach.

Lual, Tonny Drileba, Ivan Muhwezi and Fayed Baale are the players who represented Uganda and all struggled to impress on the night as things fell apart for the nine-time champions.

Only Lual (13) and Mer Maker (11) managed to score in double figures for an Oilers side that was outrebounded 58-44.

The Blazers picked up the momentum in the fourth quarter and not even the delay caused by a cup of beer thrown onto the floor by an excited fan could stop the bleeding.

National Basketball League

Results

Women

JKL 75-68 UCU L. Canons

A1 Challenge 57-43 Kampala University

Stormers 62-4 UPDF

Men

Nam Blazers 60-54 City Oilers

Ndejje 61-73 JKL

UCU Canons 65-69 KCCA

New ultrasound brings hope for Wakiso expectant mothers

A newly donated ultrasound machine and other medical equipment are set to improve healthcare services for expectant mothers at Kasanje Health Centre III in Wakiso District, officials said.

‘The scanning machine is going to go a long way in offering good service to the people. We have been referring some of the expectant women to Entebbe Referral Hospital, yet there is a distance from here to Entebbe and you have to take a ferry,’ said Mr Adam Mbayi, the facility in-charge.

He received the equipment, valued at Shs 62 million ($16,700), from the Rotary Club of Kampala East and the Church of Latter Day Saints over the weekend.

‘Some mothers have been going to Mpigi Health Centre IV, about 11 kilometres away, but with the scanner now, we shall be able to observe whether the baby is safe or if there is a complication with the pregnancy,’ Mr Mbayi said.

The facility has faced challenges when expectant mothers arrive in labour with complications, often detected late due to the absence of scanning services, he added. Staff have been identified for training to operate the new equipment.

‘I am sure the one who is going to be helping us might not be coming every day, so we shall get two staff members trained so that from Monday to Friday, we put the machines to good use,’ Mr Mbayi said.

Mr Rodney Twagarukaho Bagamba, President of the Rotary Club of Kampala East, said the donation followed community outreach findings that mothers lacked essential maternal and child care support.

‘We found they barely had electricity or machinery, yet women were coming from different areas seeking support,’ he said. ‘There was a need for an ultrasound machine, a blood counter, foetal dopplers, and proper medical waste disposal. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints generously donated $18,000 worth of equipment for this project.’

Mr David Mutesasira, a counselor with the Church, said the contribution aims to reduce prenatal deaths, a persistent challenge in Uganda.

‘When approached, we provided funds through our humanitarian aid program to equip the health centre with the basics needed to support life and help mothers,’ he said.

Kasanje Town Council Mayor Jonathan Gayiira said the equipment will benefit residents across all 37 villages of the town council.

‘People were struggling, especially mothers needing scans. Many were forced to go to private facilities at high costs. This equipment will greatly improve local healthcare delivery,’ he said.

NRM hurt by Amin-style forced disappearances

In December 2010, the United Nations adopted the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. In the same text, August 30 was gazetted as International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances, starting in 2011. Earlier in December 2006, the UN detailed that when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed at any civilian population, a ‘forced disappearance’ qualifies as a crime against humanity and is not subject to a statute of limitations. This gives victims’ families the right to seek reparations and demand the truth about the disappearance of their loved ones.

In Uganda, two recent cases have left a stain on the conscience of the Judiciary. In October 2023, High Court Judge Esther Nambayo dismissed a case filed by the National Unity Platform (NUP) seeking to force the Executive to produce dead or alive its 18 supporters missing before and during the 2021 election campaigns. The judge cited insufficient evidence to enforce the demands. During the court hearings, the Attorney General (AG) argued that the victims’ disappearances were not reported to the police as relatives allege.

The AG attached separate search requests from the National Identification and Registration Authority, Interpol, Police Forensic Laboratory, and Directorate of Citizenship and Immigration Control. All results showed ‘record seen,’ ‘no record found,’ ‘not availed,’ ‘many matches found could not zero to one’. The court didn’t say the people never existed but rather relied on the AG’s opinion, based on police assertions that the people have never been in any police register.

Shadow State

Amid the heightened kidnapping of civilians and Opposition supporters between 2019 and late 2021 by a motley gang of security personnel riding in ‘drones,’ the victims’ relatives often accused police of shirking their responsibility to inquire into the matter. During various press conferences, police authorities often feigned ignorance about the kidnappings and urged the victims’ relatives to report to the police. To date, the whereabouts of the 18 NUP supporters remain unknown. NUP specifically points fingers at the Defense Intelligence and Security, formerly Chieftance of Military Intelligence and the Special Forces Command (SFC) for the abductions.

Last month, High Court Judge Simon Peter Kinobe dismissed the habeas corpus petition filed by local human rights lawyers seeking the release of two Kenyan activists, Bob Njagi and Nicholas Oyoo. The lawyers filed the petition on October 6, seeking the release of the duo, who were abducted by armed men ahead of a campaign rally of NUP presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, on October 1.

The police and military consistently denied their whereabouts, and the Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) director for joint staff legal services, in his affidavit, responded that inquiries had been conducted across all detention facilities under the control of the army and military intelligence, confirming that the applicants are not held in any of these facilities. Justice Kinobe dismissed the case 15 days later, categorising it as case of missing persons. A fortnight later, Ngagi and Oyoo were handed over to Kenyan authorities following intense pressure on Kampala and back-door diplomacy.

Blast from the past

Last Sunday, President Museveni revealed that ‘we have two Kenyans whom we arrested. They came, they were working with Kyagulanyi’s group that they are experts in riots.’ Such flip-flopping followed the November 2020 protests. November 18, 2020, started like any other day. The two main presidential candidates were slated to campaign in Kamramoja and eastern Uganda: Mr Museveni in Moroto and Mr Kyagulanyi in Luuka District. By noon, hell had broken loose. In spontaneous acts that broke out in parts of the country, Mr Kyagulanyi’s supporters barricaded roads as news of his arrest in Luuka for ‘flouting’ Covid-19 rules filtered through.

As police engaged in running battles with the demonstrators, seemingly overwhelmed, military reinforcements joined in, including a motley gang of security operatives dressed in civilian attire that went about shooting brazenly. After two days of riots, it was a macabre tableau. A police inquiry into the matter would put the official death toll at 54, of whom 49 were running for cover. Scores were injured, and close to 1,000 arrested. When he weighed in on the matter in an address on November 28, the President, who scoffed at the protesters he claimed were lapdogs of foreign forces whose agenda was to fan the flames of violence, attributed the fatalities to ‘stray bullets.’

The President then directed police to probe the phenomenon of the stray bullets and publish their findings. Half a decade later, mid this week, neither the findings of the incident have ever been made public nor has any trigger-happy officer been brought to book. In the subsequent address on the state of security on August 14, 2021, the President appeared to contradict himself, saying it is unacceptable for security forces to kill anyone for any reason. In his address on key national issues at the Mbale State Lodge last Sunday, Mr Museveni flip-flopped, saying the [youthful] protesters had been misled.

‘I must warn those who are misleading these children. Because sometimes these children, like when we had those riots of November 2020; that Kyagulanyi has been arrested and there will be riots to ‘kwokya’ [burn] Kampala, then the army intervened and crushed them…So the ones who are doing that in Uganda will end up badly,’ he said, in a thinly veiled warning against possible youth-led protests that nearly threw Kenyan President William Ruto off-balance and elsewhere have toppled governments in Madagascar and far away in Nepal.

The President also divulged the arrest-kidnappings of the Kenyan activists, who told Kenyan media, that they rotated around military facilities, including one run by SFC in Entebbe. There, the duo claim they found about 150 detainees, including NRM mobiliser in Mbarara City Amos Rwangomani, who is said to have been abducted by security personnel in mid-September just like activist Sam Mugumya.

Teach leaders how to run public resources

By the end of February 2026, the country will have a whole set of newly elected leaders. The election will be the first since the release in February of a report by Afrobarometer, which worryingly revealed that 66 percent of the respondents believe that corruption has increased, 55 percent of them saying it has increased ‘a lot’.

About 68 percent of citizens believe that ‘most’ or ‘all’ police officials are corrupt. Some 59 percent saw widespread corruption among tax officials, 57 percent saw it in the civil service, 56 percent in the Judiciary. At least 47 percent perceive ‘most’ or ‘all’ MPs as corrupt.

This is a vote of no confidence in our civil service, the Judiciary, Legislature and by extension the Executive. It also points to the feeling that there is no will to fight corruption. A few days ago, the Directorate of Public Prosecutions ‘lost interest’ in cases of alleged corruption that were before the courts. We are by no means suggesting that the people who were before court were guilty. We just think that the processes should have been allowed to run their course. The courts would have, in any case, been able to prove the accused innocent.

Such developments feed into the narrative that there is selective application of the law and selective prosecution of cases of alleged corruption. There is need for us to have a serious conversation on the fight against corruption and abuse of office and public resources. Failure to prosecute cases of corruption and abuse of public resources is fueling impunity and eroding public confidence in public institutions and offices. The need for radical action to restore public confidence cannot be understated.

That the manifestos of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) and of the Opposition parties, the National Unity Platform (NUP); the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) and the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) are emphasising the need to fight corruption and abuse of public offices and resources is testimony that the country badly needs that action. The problem is that promises to fight and stamp out corruption are never fulfilled. That is the first point at which the fight is being lost.

Part of the problem is that some elected leaders are not fully aware of what is required of them. The process of conscientisation must begin immediately after the elections. The lessons should go beyond educating them about their roles and functions under the Constitution, to include lessons on morality, etiquette and rules of decorum. That should help us take our first steps in the fight against corruption.

Happiness in Rutare was the rarest thing

It was a cold Thursday night, in 2014. I had been writing poetry for public consumption on social media for about five years. Thus, in the poetry circles, I was known as the proverbial coming man. That Thursday, at a Kampa suburb of Bugolobi bar and restaurant called Gatto Matto, I was slated to perform.

My only issue here was that I had never performed poetry; I only wrote it. Moreover, I had never written poetry for an exclusively poetry audience. Facebook, my primary vehicle for sharing my poems, was a mishmash of famous unknowns, friends, poets, poetasters, mischief-makers, and trolls. They loved my poetry because they mistook it for something of a lesser vintage. Erotica, possibly.

At Gatto Matto that Thursday, Kwivuga Poetry Session was staging its Christmas show. The place was packed to overflowing. Linda Butare Umuringa, affectionately known as Nunu, invented Kwivuga in partnership with the late Cedric Babu and some other ‘cat’ called Agaba Tumusiime. Their names were already a fixture in Kampala’s blue book, its social register. So, the show was full of people who knew them, people who knew of them, alongside poetry and party lovers. There must have been 1,000 people in attendance, if I am to understate matters.

First impression

A sorority of sashed and sashaying female ushers channeled the flood-tide of attendees to where they could take in the verse of Kagayi Ngobi, Jason Ntaro, Lindah Nabasa, to name but three. Poets were typically backed up by a band and often accompanied by a musician and a microphone. Each performer grew 10 feet tall after every performance, indicating that the stage was not for those short on performance skills. Yet there I was, going for my freshman stage performance with no notes or memory of what I had written in my notes. In short, I was going to have to read my poem on a stage where nobody read unless they were reading the room.

Terrified, I clutched my precious poem. I was sixes and sevens about what to say and what to leave unsaid. I had not read the room, hoping for a recital, not a performance. Big mistake. After prior performances by better-known performance poets, I was left shaking in my boots. Literally. Beads of sweat collected on my brow like some liquefied ornament, crowning my starkest fears. That’s when David Mulindwa Butare, Nunu’s younger brother, sidled over to me as I stood by the bar, petrified.

‘Matogo, what’s up?’ he asked. ‘Man, bro, I don’t know. I am damn scared,’ I replied. ‘Eh, my poet. Let’s take a shot of tequila. It will calm your nerves. My treat,’ David said. After assenting, I gulped down the tequila. I was hoping for calm to wash over me. It did, momentarily. But the fear resurged to stoke the maelstrom within anew. ‘Take another,’ David offered, after he saw that tequila had as much impact on my sobriety as a Mirinda Fruity. I gulped down another.

One shot too many

Again, my fears defined me wholly. David offered a third. I was apprehensive about that because of a certain phrase. The phrase is the title of a song that humorously refers to drinking multiple shots of tequila until you fall. It has been used in multiple songs, such as ”1 Tequila, 2 Tequila, 3 Tequila, Floor” by JD Walker and Mark Cooke, and ‘3 Tequila Floor’ by Josiah Siska. Still, since my abject fear was a clear and present danger, David bought me a third tequila. At this rate, it was either the audience or I that would be floored, performance or no. After knocking back the third, the MC, Agaba Tumusiime, announced it to me. David escorted me partway to the stage, then I climbed onto it and completely fell flat; performance-wise.

The MC said my performance approximated a frightened man reading the news on a very slow news day. I was crestfallen. David, on the other hand, reassured me that first-time performers usually crashed and burned on stage. This emboldened me. To him, I was a diamond in the rough. For some reason, his opinion of me shaped my opinion of myself. His enthusiasm was that infectious. It was on this basis alone that I decided to try my hand at performance poetry again. That’s when David’s faith in me was parlayed into fine but somewhat forgettable performances. At that time, the mantra was ‘poetry is performance’. So, my becoming a performer turned me into a poet, all thanks to David. If you think that’s a stretch, try going on stage without a wingman like David. You’ll rue the day you never came close to being floored by tequila.

Troubled mind

That’s the sort of friend David was. Someone who knew my craziest stories but would be a part of them with a comedic twist. He lightened the mood. To be sure, he had dreams of becoming a stand-up comedian. Even though his sister, Nunu, gave comedians stage time and thereby boosted their careers, David only took advantage of this opportunity once. The rest of the time, he was just like me on that sweat-swept Thursday night in 2014. I tried to encourage him the way he encouraged me.

But I couldn’t reach him the way he reached me. He had the gift of friendship that I lacked. A good guy to the core, I felt he was often too hard on himself when he felt he fell short of the values that imbued his self-worth. This sent him on a downward spiral toward unrestrained self-harm. I wondered what made him essentially sad. Losing both his parents might have played a role. Being fatalistic could be closer to the mark. David spoke about death as an unavoidable release. He didn’t talk to me about the hereafter, but you could see it preoccupied his mind to the extent that he viewed this life as a straw not worth clutching to. ‘Happiness in intelligent people is the rarest thing I know,’ wrote American writer Ernest Hemingway, which is a fitting epitaph for David Mulindwa Butare.

Friendship

He had the gift of friendship that I lacked. A good guy to the core, I felt he was often too hard on himself when he felt he fell short of the values that imbued his self-worth. This sent him on a downward spiral toward unrestrained self-harm.

Brief biography

David Mulindwa Butare was born on May 10, 1983 to Tito Butare and Rosette Kyampaire Butare. He died on November 3 and was buried in Kasangula- Namungo, Mityana District on November 6. He is remembered as a ”great brother, father, uncle, and friend”. Also described as ”a warm spirited man! Kind and loving and passionate about children”.

He had two children. Mulindwa Butare attended Kampala Kindergarten, Nakasero Primary School,Kabojja High School, Green Hill Academy, Namasagali College and University of Pretoria, South Africa.

Mulindwa Butare worked as a business developer at DHL International Ltd.

The future we hand over

Every generation dreams of success. Parents work hard to build a better life for their families. Entrepreneurs take risks to grow their firms. Leaders strive to improve the lives of their people. Yet when all is said and done, the true measure of success is not how much we achieve in a lifetime, but whether that success endures beyond it. No matter how strong, talented, or visionary we are, one truth unites us all: we are mortal. Life has its seasons. Each of us has our moment to build, lead, and nurture – and then to hand over.

Accepting our mortality is not defeat; it is wisdom. It reminds us that the work we do is part of a longer journey, and that our greatest achievement lies in preparing others to carry it forward. We often speak about investment – in capital, labour, or technology. But there is another kind of investment that determines whether families, businesses, and nations survive the test of time: investment in continuity. Continuity means preparing the next generation to sustain and build upon what has been achieved. Without it, every generation starts afresh – and the cost of rebuilding is always greater than the cost of maintaining.

Across Uganda, we see examples of both promise and loss. A parent builds a business, educates their children, and lifts the family out of poverty. Yet a few years after the parent passes away, the business folds, the property is divided, and the family struggles again. The problem is rarely lack of money. It is the absence of values, discipline, and long-term vision – the very foundations that created that success in the first place. The knowledge and culture that produced prosperity were never passed on.

Money can run out; good values cannot.

The most successful firms in the world – from Japan’s centuries-old family manufacturers to Europe’s cooperatives – have survived for generations because they are built on culture, not just capital. They invest time in mentoring, documenting processes, and preparing successors long before the founder retires. Continuity is not left to chance; it is built into the institution’s DNA. In Uganda, many enterprises grow rapidly under visionary founders but often struggle to maintain the same momentum once leadership changes.

The lesson is clear: planning for continuity should not be treated as a luxury, but as part of sound management. The same logic applies to families and communities. A parent’s true legacy is not the land, cars, or bank accounts they leave behind, but the habits, work ethic, and unity that enable their children and grandchildren to thrive. Education is important, but it must be anchored in values – honesty, humility, and respect for work. Continuity also matters for communities. When local leaders, religious institutions, and associations invest in building trust and collective responsibility, they create resilience that lasts beyond personalities. Continuity in action.

At the national level, the same principle defines sustainable development. Economies grow when institutions are stronger than individuals – when systems of service delivery, fiscal management, and justice remain stable across leadership transitions. That is what attracts investors and builds long-term confidence. It is not enough to launch programmes or build infrastructure; what matters is the ability to maintain and improve them over time. Sustainability depends not only on how much we build, but on how well we preserve it. The lesson for all developing economies, including Uganda, is that long-term prosperity depends on systems that endure and continue improving over time.

Continuity is both an economic and moral responsibility. Every generation holds resources – whether natural, financial, or institutional – in trust for the next. Passing them on stronger than we found them is how we live forever. Failing to do so is, in a sense, a quiet form of envy – a wish that those who come after us should not surpass us. But true leadership, whether at home, in business, or in government, is about creating conditions where successors can perform even better than we did.

Continuity is where economics meets ethics. It demands not only efficiency but empathy – the awareness that our actions today shape opportunities for people we may never meet. It requires humility: the ability to share knowledge, delegate responsibility, and allow others to grow. It is not weakness to prepare successors; it is wisdom. To ‘live forever’ is not a metaphor. It is a principle of sustainability. We live on through the institutions we build, the people we mentor, and the values we pass on.

We are all mortal. What gives meaning to our brief time on earth is not the wealth we gather, but the future we prepare for others. The future we hand over will define who we really are. If we can teach our children not only how to earn, but how to build; not only how to consume, but how to sustain – then we will have invested in something more valuable than money. That is how individuals, institutions, and nations truly live forever – through the future they prepare, and the future they hand over.

COP30 kicks off amid African compromise on agenda

This year’s global climate summit, COP30, kicked off on Monday morning in the Amazonian city of Belém in Brazil, amid a warning from Simon Stiell, the United Nations climate chief, that the world is not doing enough to combat the crisis, and strategic compromises over the elements of the official agenda of the summit.

The day before, after hours of tense exchanges on the agenda, delegates finally agreed on the compromises and resolved sticky matters.

Experts from Power Shift Africa (a Nairobi-based think tank) on the ground in Belem understand that the suggestion for the inclusion of Africa’s ‘special needs’ in the agenda did not make the cut, and that this will instead be handled through informal consultations led by the COP Presidency.

Other key items under discussion on last Sunday evening included Article 9.1 of the Paris Agreement, which outlines finance obligations of the Global North to the Global South, national climate plans known as Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), the European Union’s proposal on biennial transparency reports, and the developing countries proposal to discuss restrictive universal trade measures.

Meanwhile, a special session on Africa’s unique climate interests was announced, together with a promise for the agenda to be taken up more fully at COP32, which will be hosted in Africa and for which Ethiopia has placed a strong bid. Despite the usual first-day wrangling, negotiators portray this as a smooth and cooperative start, a signal from the Presidency that multilateralism is alive and well. With anti-climate lobbies waiting to exploit any sign of gridlock, the Brazilian COP30 Presidency is eager to demonstrate unity and progress.

At the opening plenary, Simon Stiell, the UN Climate Change Executive Secretary, said the world is not moving fast enough to confront the climate crisis but was quick to note that global cooperation had at least prevented ‘an impossible future’ of runaway heating.

‘We have so much more work to do. We must move much, much faster; both in reducing emissions and in strengthening resilience,’ he told delegates. Stiell credited the Paris Agreement, adopted ten years ago, with bending the curve of projected global heating from as high as 5°C to below 3°C, saying ‘it is still perilous, but it proves that climate cooperation works.’ He said success now depends on two interlinked pillars: stronger, more credible national climate plans, the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs); and the financing to make them possible. ‘Plans without finance cannot reach their full potential,’ he said.

Finance is the great accelerator

Stiell pointed to the Baku to Belém Roadmap, a new initiative that seeks to increase global climate finance from about US$300 billion a year to US$1.3 trillion by 2035, describing it as a shared investment in ‘stability and prosperity,’ and noting that countries acting fastest on clean energy would reap the greatest economic benefits. ‘Every dollar invested in climate solutions brings multiple dividends; jobs, cleaner air, better health, resilient supply chains, and stronger energy and food security,’ he said.

Supporters hailed the roadmap as an ambitious but necessary step to close the gap between climate pledges and real-world funding.

Mukhtar Babayev, Azerbaijan’s Minister of Ecology and President of last year’s COP29, said it offers ‘a rare opportunity to transform promises into tangible progress.’

Brazil, hosting COP30 under President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, described the roadmap as ‘a blueprint for collective resolve.’ The Brazilian delegation urged negotiators to focus on fairness and delivery rather than rhetoric.

‘The science is clear, the moral imperative undeniable. What remains is the resolve,’ they said.

Mohamed Adow, the founder and director of Power Shift Africa, said, ‘COP30 must deliver the priorities for Africa and the wider developing world which are clear: we need a fair deal that delivers finance for adaptation in vulnerable countries and supports a just transition to renewable energy.’

He added that these are not acts of charity, but investments in a stable, liveable planet. ‘We need to see the sharing of clean energy technology by the global north with the global south, and we need to see more national climate plans published by all countries, laying out how we are going to accelerate the momentum towards a safe and prosperous planet for us all,’ he explained.

Speaking on the adoption on the agenda, he added: ‘It is good to see the agenda formally adopted and the start of the COP underway in a reasonably orderly fashion. It suggests that countries recognise the importance of this summit and the need for international cooperation if we are going to tackle the climate crisis.’

Adow stressed that saving the multilateral UN process does not mean we are guaranteed to save the planet. To do that, we need to see actual steps taken in Belem to boost climate finance to help vulnerable countries adapt to the impacts of the climate crisis. ‘We also need countries to commit to the just energy transition by moving away from polluting fossil fuels and investing much more in clean renewables. The world has spent the last ten years agreeing to the rules of the international climate regime. We now need to see countries acting on the regime they signed up to, not just speaking warm words,’ he noted.

Fatigue and distrust

Sandra Guzmán, the Director General of the Climate Finance Group for Latin America and the Caribbean (GFLAC), warned that ‘private and philanthropic funds must complement, not replace, the obligations of developed countries.’

The COP30 Presidency is understood to be positioning the summit as a political reckoning that will test whether the Paris Agreement, the crown jewel of international climate diplomacy, can still deliver results at scale. Since 2015, global emissions have plateaued but not fallen fast enough.

The 1.5°C target, the threshold scientists warn the world must stay below to avoid catastrophic consequences, is slipping out of reach.

The Belém conference comes amid growing fatigue and distrust in the global climate process, particularly over financing and equity.

The Baku to Belém Roadmap aims to restore faith by setting a long-term financing goal, but key questions remain unanswered: who pays, how much, and under what terms. Omar Elmawi, the convener of the Africa Movement of Movements, noted: ‘We cannot keep sailing blindly into a climate apocalypse while pretending everything is merry. COP30 must be the turning point, where words become action, and promises become justice. Over eight billion people globally are looking at Belém to be the moment we will all look back to and celebrate, not one we curse.’

Brazil’s Presidency of the COP is attempting to shift the focus back to justice and implementation, linking climate action to forests, energy transition, and sustainable industrialisation.

Hosting the talks in the Amazon, the planet’s largest carbon sink, is both symbolic and strategic, a reminder that global climate progress hinges on protecting ecosystems and empowering the communities that depend on them.

For Africa, COP30 is a moment of reckoning. The continent contributes less than four percent of global emissions but bears the heaviest costs of climate change, from droughts and cyclones to collapsing agricultural yields and energy insecurity.

African negotiators have consistently argued that without predictable, affordable finance, developing nations cannot deliver on their commitments. The Baku to Belém Roadmap could be transformative if implemented fairly, ensuring that new funds reach life-saving adaptation projects in vulnerable communities, not just emissions reductions in middle-income economies.

African countries are also demanding a rebalancing of the climate finance equation to include more grants, fewer debt-driven instruments, and direct access for local governments and institutions. The hope is that the roadmap will address long-standing inequalities that have left Africa sidelined when it comes to green investment.

Optimism

Across Kenya, Rwanda, Morocco and South Africa, governments are already investing in electric mobility, renewable energy, and green manufacturing, practical examples of how climate action can drive growth and jobs if backed by finance and technology transfer.

Despite the challenges, Stiell insisted the Paris framework remains valid.

‘The framework created by the Paris Agreement is still sound. But the next decade will determine whether it delivers in full. History will not ask what we intended. It will ask what we achieved,’ he said.

How the world was affected

The India-Pakistan heatwave began unusually early, in April this year. By June, temperatures had reached a peak of about 48C (118.4F) in the Indian state of Rajasthan. Hundreds of lives were lost, and crops were decimated. Europe also faced extreme heat this year.

Over the summer, the region endured a heatwave that pushed cities like Lisbon past 46C (114.8F). In London, a prolonged period of elevated temperatures in late June caused an estimated excess 260 deaths.

Turkiye suffered one of its worst droughts in decades, hitting agricultural areas. Rainfall dropped by up to 71 percent in some areas compared with the previous year, stressing ecosystems and energy and food production.

Essential care guide every woman needs for sisterlocks

It has been four years and three months since Charlotte Mbabazi began her sisterlocks’ journey. Her care regimen consists of a gentle wash every seven to 10 days, depending on the dust situation in Kampala. After washing, she pats the locs dry or wraps them in a towel until all the excess water is absorbed.

Locs, in their various forms, have become a beloved hairstyle for many women, and sisterlocks are the latest trend. Praised for their light yet sassy look, they are making waves. However, how can one ensure these stylish locs do not turn into a nightmare?

Cleaning the scalp

Dr Abraham Mukalazi, a dermatologist at Mildmay Hospital, emphasises the importance of keeping the scalp clean, especially since the hair is worn long-term.

‘You can easily get a build-up of dandruff or scaling,’ he explains. ‘That requires one to clean the hair at least every one to two weeks, depending on their predisposition to dandruff. One will need to use a medicated shampoo, say, an antifungal such as ketoconazole or selenium sulfide. It reduces the risk of dandruff and controls the development of Malassezia aspergillus, a fungus that naturally lives on the skin.’

Sandra Mondo, who has been on her sisterlocks journey for two years, shares that she now feels more confident with her hair and washes it weekly.

‘Previously, I washed my hair twice a month, but that changed when a trichologist diagnosed me with seborrheic dermatitis. Today, I wash it with a medicated shampoo and follow up with a moisturising shampoo.

I also use cool water because I learned that hot or warm water is not great for the scalp,’ she says.

Mondo avoids applying oil directly to her scalp, explaining, ‘It clogs the pores and creates an environment that feeds yeast. I used to believe I had to oil a dry scalp, but after the diagnosis, I learnt that this just makes the condition worse.’

Mbabazi considers herself lucky to have never experienced dandruff. She believes hydration plays a key role: ‘If you are not internally hydrated, your skin will become dry and flaky. So, I drink lots of water and juice, and eat lots of fruit to keep my skin and scalp supple. Moringa oil from Qwezi also hydrates the skin and scalp, keeping dandruff at bay.’

Dr Mukalazi also notes that people who sweat a lot or are physically active should wash their hair more frequently to prevent odour.

‘And once you wash your hair, make sure to dry it well to avoid any unpleasant smells.’

Mbabazi says she air-dries her hair when the weather is hot, but uses a hairdryer during the rainy season.

Moisturising

Dr Mukalazi cautions against the use of heavy moisturisers.

‘Jelly-like moisturisers are heavy and create build-up,’ he warns. ‘Use light oils, and moisturising should not be too frequent, maybe once or twice a week, preferably right after washing. Some of the light oils include pure olive oil, while heavy ones such as shea butter should be avoided.’

Mondo’s routine includes spraying her hair with a leave-in conditioner and sealing it with a small amount of almond oil. She also creates herbal teas such as rosemary and lavender, which she sprays onto her hair two to three times a week.

‘Due to the size of the locks, all products have to be light to avoid build-up in the strands,’ she explains.

Similarly, Mbabazi applies a little Moringa oil by Qwezi to her locks and sometimes to her scalp while her hair is still damp to seal in moisture. ‘I use that oil because it’s a very lightweight oil and leaves no smell,’ she says.

Still, many struggle to keep their locks moist, and Louis Bismark Ovon, a loctician at Locs and More advises using moisturisers suitable for locs. ‘There are many on the market, but it is best to test the product. Smear it on your skin-if your skin absorbs it without leaving a white mark, you have got a good one,’ he says.

He adds: ‘You can make homemade moisturisers such as a mixture of olive oil and water or rose water and any other light oil, which you can spray using a spritz bottle.’

Mbabazi finds plain water sufficient for hydration. She says: ‘When it rains, I don’t mind walking without an umbrella because a little rain is good for my locs.’

Retightening

Mondo self-retightens her locks every five to six weeks, a process that takes her about eight hours over a weekend or four evenings if she spreads it out. Mbabazi, who is also a loctician, follows the same timeline and says it comes easily to her.

Ovon explains that the retightening schedule depends on individual hair growth, but generally, ‘Four to six weeks is the standard. Four weeks is ideal during the first three months of installation, after which you can adjust. Four weeks is also ideal for comb-twisted dreadlocks, while six to eight weeks works better for locked dreadlocks.’

However, some try to push their repair sessions to eight weeks, which Ovon discourages: ‘The more new growth you have, the weaker your hair gets, making it prone to breakage. On the other hand, some people want very neat hair and retighten too frequently, which tugs at the scalp and can cause inflammation. Over-tightening and tight styling can lead to traction alopecia.’

Common problems with locs and solutions

Ovon observes that many people with locs struggle with managing the time needed for repairs.

‘Sometimes it takes long to get through the whole process. Luckily, I am one of the few loctician who do not take more than an hour on repair.’

Retwisting can be painful for some, especially when using a crochet needle.

‘Some people also dislike heat, yet when doing comb twisting or twisting with wax, you need to go under a dryer,’ he says.

As one ages, locs can start thinning. They may also lead to balding or alopecia due to constant pulling.

‘It’s essential to let the hair breathe, avoid holding it back in tight buns.’

Longer locs also get heavier, which can negatively affect posture.

‘Some people start bending to one side unconsciously. You may want to reduce your hair length,’ Ovon advises.

Finding a skilled loctician is another challenge, as many claim to know the craft while not.

‘Look for someone who understands your hair and can help you find the right products,’ he says.

He underscores the importance of discovering a regimen that works for your specific hair type.

‘There’s no one-size-fits-all approach. Moisturise your hair to prevent dryness, which can lead to breakage.’

Dr Abraham Mukalazi, a dermatologist at Mildmay Hospital, affirms: ‘It helps reduce friction while you sleep, which minimises breakage. It also aids in moisture retention.’

He further advises an annual visit to a dermatologist for a scalp and hair examination.

Diet also plays a role. ‘Fruits rich in zinc such as pumpkin seeds and watermelon, are important,’ Dr Mukalazi notes.

Why election observers fail to make real impact

The chaos that marred Tanzania’s recent elections has triggered a wave of condemnation from regional and international observers, and reignited debate about the effectiveness of election observation in Africa. The African Union (AU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the United Nations (UN), and several Western nations all criticised the way the Tanzanian election was conducted, citing irregularities, voter intimidation, and lack of transparency. The violent presidential election saw incumbent Samia Suluhu Hassan elected with an apparent 98 percent of the vote, while hundreds of protestors were killed.

In its post-election statement, the AU Observer Mission expressed ‘deep concern about the absence of a level playing field and reports of voter suppression’. Similarly, SADC’s preliminary report noted that ‘the environment was characterised by restricted political freedoms, limited opposition participation, and a media landscape tilted in favour of the ruling party’. With Uganda preparing for its next general elections in January 2026, many are asking: Do election observers still matter – or have they become powerless witnesses to predictable outcomes?

Regional crisis

Mr Timothy Chemonges, the Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), says the post-election violence in Tanzania is symptomatic of a regional crisis of trust in institutions. ‘Elections are increasingly being managed as security operations rather than civic exercises,’ he says. ‘What we are witnessing is the shrinking space for genuine competition and citizen participation. The health of democracy in East Africa is deteriorating not because people no longer believe in it, but because institutions have been captured by power.’ On why international observer missions rarely push for accountability, he attributes it to diplomatic limitations.

‘Most observer missions operate within diplomatic constraints. They are designed to maintain relations, not to provoke confrontation,’ Mr Chemonges says. ‘Their criticism is often muted because of political sensitivities and fears of being declared persona non grata. What’s needed is stronger follow-up mechanisms within the AU and EAC frameworks to ensure recommendations lead to tangible reforms.’ In October, the Electoral Commission (EC) issued strict guidelines for individuals and organisations seeking accreditation to observe the 2026 polls.

‘Successful applicants shall be required to abide by the laws of the Republic of Uganda, remain non-partisan, and comply with the election observer guidelines and code of conduct to be issued by the Electoral Commission,’ EC spokesperson Julius Mucunguzi said. The Electoral Commission Act, Cap 176, Section 16 (1), provides for the accreditation of representatives from political parties, civil society organisations, and other registered entities or individuals to observe electoral activities. This legal provision aims to guarantee credible and transparent elections through independent observation.

In 2021, the Commission says it accredited 2,184 stationary observers deployed at the sub-county level and 270 roving observers across all 146 districts. But some notable players stayed away. The United States and European Union observer teams did not participate in the polls. While the US cited the decision by the EC to deny more than 75 percent of its accreditation requests, the EU said it was staying away because none of the 30 recommendations made by the observer mission in 2016 were implemented. The number of observers for the 2026 elections is yet to be disclosed.

Lessons from Tanzania

The Tanzanian scenario mirrors what has repeatedly happened in Uganda, where observer missions have often raised similar concerns, from restricted access to polling stations and intimidation of Opposition agents to the misuse of State resources during campaigns. Despite repeated criticism from observers, the cycle of disputed elections has continued almost unchanged. Ms Sarah Bireete, the Executive Director of the Centre for Constitutional Governance, says the biggest lesson Uganda can learn from Tanzania is that democracy can only thrive in an environment where everyone is free to express themselves, vote, or be voted for in a free and competitive election.

‘The practice of banning and arresting competitors can’t help develop democracy,’ Ms Bireete says. ‘Leaders should promote a culture of co-existence.’

She adds that Uganda must focus on creating a level playing field by ensuring equal access to media, independent electoral institutions, and respect for civil liberties. ‘Without these foundations, elections become mere rituals rather than genuine expressions of the people’s will,’ she says. Prof Sabiti Makara from the Department of Governance at Kabale University says observers are critical in promoting transparency and accountability.

‘They inform the public about what has happened during the election. Their reports often guide the international community when making judgments about the credibility of an election or the governance situation in a country,’ Prof Makara says. He adds that while Uganda’s past elections, especially those of 2011 and 2016, had numerous gaps highlighted by observers, many of the recommendations were never implemented by the government. ‘The purpose of observation is to inform both citizens and the international community about the state of democracy in a country,’ he says.

Crossroads

Political analysts say Uganda is at a crossroads as EC accredits both local and international observers for 2026. For ordinary Ugandans, the debate is not about access, but about impact. ‘Every election, we see observers coming, writing reports, and then leaving. Nothing changes,’ says Sarah Chesuro, a teacher. ‘If they see violence or cheating, they should not just write reports; they should demand accountability.’ She believes the problem lies in the lack of follow-up mechanisms. ‘Once observers leave, no one ensures the EC or Parliament implements their recommendations. There’s no legal obligation to act,’ she explains.

A Tanzanian political commentator, who talked to Sunday Monitor but asked not to be named, blames her country’s post-election violence on weak regional oversight. ‘The African Union and SADC made strong statements, but they stopped at condemnation. There were no sanctions, no follow-up missions, no real accountability,’ she says. ‘If Uganda doesn’t learn from this, it will repeat the same mistakes – elections without real choice, and observers who can only lament afterwards.’ She argues that the credibility of elections in East Africa is being undermined by a ‘culture of managed democracy,’ where ruling parties control institutions while maintaining a façade of legitimacy.

But Mr James Wanyama, a Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) supporter, says while observers give people hope and encourage people to vote, some observers have in the past acted with bias, siding with Opposition groups. ‘We value constructive observation, not political activism disguised as monitoring,’ he says. This echoes what the government has sometimes called “foreign elements who fund Opposition to cause trouble.’ “Foreigners are supporting the Opposition… they’re planning to destabilise Uganda and prevent the swearing-in ceremony,’ said former Information minister Kabakumba Matsiko at the peak of the Walk-to-Work protests after the contested 2011 elections.

In May this year, Uganda’s military severed all military cooperation with Germany after it accused Berlin’s ambassador to Kampala of involvement in ‘subversive activities’. However, a spokesperson for Germany’s foreign ministry said at a press conference in Berlin that the accusations were ‘absurd and without any merit, and we reject them in the strongest terms’. But Mr Jimmy Oketch, a political researcher, says the 2026 elections will test whether Uganda has learned from its past. ‘If observers are given full access and their recommendations are implemented, we can begin rebuilding trust. But if it’s business as usual, then we are preparing for another contested election,’ he says.

Mr Oketch proposes amending electoral laws to make it mandatory for the EC to implement key observer recommendations or publicly explain why they have not. He also calls for more support for local observer groups. Mr Yusuf Makweta, a local election observer and human rights activist, says they expect improvements after every election cycle, but voter education remains a major challenge. ‘In this coming election, we have observed low levels of voter education. Some voters are unaware of what is happening,’ he says, adding that voter turnout has been declining, which he blames on limited civic education. Despite scepticism, many Ugandans still see election observers as a symbol of hope for democracy.

Watchdogs of democracy: Observers are not just visitors; they are watchdogs of democracy. When their presence is restricted or delayed, people start doubting whether the process is free and fair,” Samuel Okwi, political analyst

Eyes, ears: Local observers are better positioned to monitor grassroots issues such as voter bribery, ballot stuffing, and intimidation at polling stations. We are the eyes and ears of citizens,” David Waikono, election observer

Identify issues: They [election observers] help to come up with recommendations that can improve the electoral process over time. They identify issues that are going wrong and bring them to the attention of electoral managers ,” Robert Ssempala, HRNJ executive director