Category: Daily Monitor

The Deputy Chief Justice, Dr Flavian Zeija, has praised the Judiciary’s growing adoption of digital technology and artificial intelligence, saying the reforms will ease access to justice and strengthen public trust in the courts.

Presiding over the open court day at the Ntungamo Chief Magistrate’s Court on Friday, Dr Zeija said the judiciary was steadily adapting to technological change through digital courts, electronic filing and online or mobile payments for court services such as bail and application fees.

‘The world is fast advancing and there is this AI (artificial intelligence), as court we are slowly adapting and we shall see all this ease access to our processes. We are implementing electronic court case management, and now our users can pay for services using Mobile money, someone is able to file a case from home on a computer and when a judge comes in the morning, he will find a case at their desk,’ Justice Zeija said.

He noted that digital payments would reduce delays that have kept many suspects in detention, especially over weekends or in districts without commercial banks.

‘Police has had a habit of bringing suspects to court on Friday afternoon knowing that even if a suspect is granted bail it will be late to pay the bail money as banks would have closed so they can stay for the weekend. Now you pay with mobile money and simply bring a receipt. No one will sleep in cells because they have failed to pay over banks closing. Some areas where there are courts have no commercial banks and people travel long distances to bank for court services,’ he said.

Dr Zeija added that the rollout of High Court sessions countrywide would be supported by digital systems enabling suspects to appear from prison while judicial officers sit in court, reducing transport challenges and easing hearings.

He also said mobile courts would be deployed to hard-to-reach areas and busy trading centres to bring justice closer to the public.

‘We are having mobile vans fitted well with the bench and where people can sit, we shall take such to places like markets and we also take there suspects and officers. This will aid us in accessing witnesses too. In places like Islands on Lake Victoria, we shall have well-built boats state of the art to reach out to such. We want people to feel court presence and this justice be done,’ he said.

He warned judicial officers against taking bribes and urged improved customer care, timely judgments, mediation and better public sensitisation through radio.

Ntungamo Chief Magistrate Gordon Muhimbise said improved staffing, welfare and more court sessions were boosting public confidence. Mbarara Resident Judge Justice Allan Nshimye said digitalisation had reduced file loss and improved efficiency.

On her part, Ntungamo RDC Miriam Kagaiga said cooperation between courts and security agencies supported peace and stability. Court users, however, raised concerns over victimisation of guarantors in money-lending cases and slow appeals.

Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) contested president, Mr Jimmy Akena, is all about badmouthing President Museveni for all his recent political woes. Mr Akena missed the nomination to stand as a presidential candidate in 2026 simply because of a court ruling challenging his status as UPC party president. This was after his fellow senior UPC officials Joseph Ochieno and Dennis Enap went to court contesting his stay in office beyond the mandatory two five-year terms.

Strangely, after that debacle, Mr Akena is all over accusing President Museveni of frustrating his presidential ambitions and undermining Uganda’s oldest political party. In his delusion, he has publicly urged people in the Lango Sub-region to shun President Museveni and deny him votes come January 15, 2026. The Electoral Commission (EC), in its September 22 communication, argued that Akena’s term as UPC president expired on August 1, and, therefore, he lacked the mandate to stand as the party’s flagbearer. Clearly, Akena’s woes were orchestrated by his colleagues, who apparently, were stopping his mechanisations to change the party constitution and have him re-elected for the third term.

Speaking in Lira City during a recent homecoming event organised by some party loyalists, Akena said the ruling government has persistently interfered with institutions to weaken UPC’s influence. ‘Today, I decided to start with a gospel song, and the key of the song is that my tomorrow must be greater than today, and it doesn’t matter what they do to me, what they say, whatever they do, I am moving ahead for a better tomorrow,’ he said.

Mr Akena knelt when the national anthem was sung as a sign of protest, urging all UPC supporters and well-wishers to protest the perceived injustice in the same manner. He claimed that it is only he who had the master card to deny Mr Museveni the legal 50+1 automatic victory required by EC. First, Mr Akena does not own the minds and souls of the people of Lango. He is lost in his father, Milton Obote’s, near-cult status he had during those many years he reigned as president of Uganda.

Mr Akena has failed to realise that the generation of his father is literally no more and that the new generation wants to make judgments using their own lenses.

They know better what President Museveni has done for Lango, and no wonder they have overwhelmingly voted NRM in the previous general elections and that there is nothing Mr Akena can do now to change the course of events. NRM got more than 70 percent in the 2021 General Election. Without a doubt, people in Lango will not fall for Mr Akena’s propaganda.

That is pure escapism on Mr Akena’s part, and no sensible Ugandan can believe him with such excuses. An apology to Ugandans, and more especially to his UPC party, is what is required of him, 1) for being insolent to his party constitution and 2) for causing his party such turmoil that made them fail to have a presidential candidate in the 2026 elections.

Probably, to further save his face from the embarrassment, he and his legal team have filed a legal challenge to the EC, hoping to be pronounced the legitimate party president and, therefore, be included on the ballot paper. How this can be done remains to be seen since the presidential ballot papers are already being printed, going by what is being reported. Mr Akena should just eat the humble pie and accept his fate. It is not an offence to make a mistake, but it becomes a punishable one when one insists on a mistake. We all make mistakes, but we must learn to own up and probably offer a legitimate apology. Akena, you can’t wriggle out of this.

An artificial intelligence (AI)-powered system has been unveiled to combat persistent drug stock-outs in Uganda, particularly in refugee-hosting districts and hard-to-reach communities.

The offline-capable AI framework, developed by the International Foundation for Recovery and Development (IFRAD), is designed to strengthen the government’s health supply chain where internet access is unreliable.

‘The model allows health workers in low-connectivity areas to enter data offline using their phones. Once the device reconnects to the internet even briefly, the information automatically uploads to district servers, enabling District Health Officers (DHOs) and National Medical Stores to monitor supply levels and redistribute medicines in real time,’ said Mr Gideon Apako, the system’s Principal Investigator.

Apako explained that the system uses predictive demand analytics to forecast medicine needs two to three weeks in advance. ‘The aim is to ensure mothers, children and refugees walk into a facility and find medicines available instead of trekking hours to another facility or spending money out of pocket to buy drugs.’

The pilot program, currently 20 percent complete, is focusing on the Karamoja region, southwestern districts such as Kyegegwa, and other remote areas serving over 2.1 million people. The project has so far received Shs358 million for needs assessments and baseline data collection, with further funding planned for nationwide rollout.

On Friday, Mr Patrick Mugisha, IFRAD’s Executive Director, highlighted the human cost of stock-outs. ‘During outbreaks, a large number of people can be infected just like cholera outbreak – but medicines are often insufficient. A few who arrive early get treatment, while the rest miss out since orders were not made on time. It can take National Medical Stores weeks, sometimes even a month or two before new supplies arrive.’

He added that refugees and mothers often walk hours in search of medicines. ‘If a mother walks two hours distance to a facility and finds no medicine, then walk another two hours looking for another option. With this system, stock levels are monitored by DHOs and medicines will be [available] when needed.’

Ms Samalie Namukose, a Ministry of Health nutritionist, said the system improves data accuracy and supports evidence-based decisions. ‘Facilities without the internet can still process and use data to request medicines on time. by cutting emergency response delays, we ensure consistent access to essential medicines in refugee settlements and other remote areas once fully adopted.’

The Essential Medicines and Health Supplies Manual 2012 mandates effective stock management, but the 2023 Auditor General report observed that the National Medical Stores often under-supplied facilities, with deliveries arriving late.

National Under-17 team, Cubs, head coach Brian Ssenyondo believes the burden of expectation has been lifted off his team as they prepare for Saturday’s round-of-32 clash against Senegal at the on-going Fifa U-17 World Cup in Qatar.

The Cubs reached this stage at the first time of asking after a 1-0 win over France lifted the team level on four points to seal progress as the third placed team in Group K.

‘Our primary target was to come out of the group stages. We have achieved it. So everything else is a bonus. We want to just enjoy the game and compete to see that we go through to the next stage. We want to see that we give ourselves a chance to go to the next stage,’ Ssenyondo said of the team’s progress.

With the primary target achieved, Ssenyondo could be right to expect an even better performance on Saturday against Senegal with the pressure lifted off his team.

Ssenyondo hinted about the high expectations getting to the players as he took captain’s the armband off Richard Okello and replaced him with Hamuza Sengooba after the first game against Canada.

‘It is the best experience every footballer at the age of 17,16,15 is looking for and it is totally awesome,’ Sengooba said of his experience playing at this stage.

The new captain has shown his versatility after moving from central defence to the right back position from where his marauding run set up Bogere for the winner against France.

Okello on the other hand remains an integral part of the team starting the subsequent games and was unlucky not to score against France with his low shot turned against the post by the goalkeeper.

Playmaker Isma Magala’s ability on the ball is also never in doubt although he has not hit the same dizzy heights he has made everyone get used to.

One player who seems to have not been affected by the stage is striker James Bogere who scored Uganda’s first ever goal at the competition in the 2-1 loss to Canada.

He then followed it up with the much-needed winner against France to further enhance his growing reputation.

He will come up against a strong Senegalese side that topped Group C with unbeaten record and is the only side yet to concede a goal at this tournament.

Kakwenza Rukirabashaija is an exiled Ugandan novelist and lawyer. He is the author of The Greedy Barbarian, Banana Republic: Where Writing is Treasonous, and The Savage Avenger. He was named winner of the English PEN 2021 Pinter International Writer of Courage Award. He has now authored his fourth book, Uganda vs Kizza Besigye.

Have you ever read The Trial of Dedan Kimathi by Ngugi wa Thiong’o? The 1976 play uses Kimathi’s trial as a platform for defiance. Is this what your play is about?

Yes, I read it during my Senior Two literature class and admired it for many years. But my courtroom play Uganda vs Besigye doesn’t imitate Ngugi’s defiance; it rather converses with it. Ngugi used the colonial courtroom to expose the moral emptiness of the British Empire and for me, I have used the post-colonial courtroom of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) government to expose what happens when yesterday’s liberators become today’s oppressors.

Where Prof Ngugi dramatised courage in chains. For me, I wanted to dramatise the cowardice of a ruler who used and still uses the Judiciary as a citadel of impunity, the judge as a reluctant actor, the prosecutor as chief priest and enforcer, the accused as a mirror of our country. My play is an X-ray of how power manipulates the law, which is meant to heal but is turned into a weapon against patriotic people like Besigye.

Are you using composite characters like you did in your first book, The Greedy Barbarian? Will Bobi Wine feature as a character?

No. Every character in this play is drawn directly from the historical record. Justice [John Bosco] Katutsi, David Mpanga, [Simon Mugenyi] Byabakama, [Joanita] Kyakuwa, [Sam] Kutesa, even the maid, they appear as they were, though I’ve given them inner lives and voices that ordinary transcripts never allow. This is reality given the dignity of art, and I think this is where I shine. Bobi Wine will not appear as he was busy putting together his music career in 2005 when this happened. But I applaud him for his ability to use art to speak for the oppressed.

In your telling of this story, how do you characterise President Museveni? We know he’s cast as a villain, but does his character have any nuances or redeeming defects?

Villain is too simple, I respectfully submit. I see Mr Yoweri Museveni as Shakespeare would have seen him-part Macbeth, part King Lear, part Iago. A man once aflame with a live purpose who now fears his own shadow and denies what he once stood for. He’s a tragic figure because he betrayed his better self, now a simulacrum of his former self, though I didn’t write him into the script as a speaking character, I wrote his presence as the invisible god of this theatre–the hand pulling strings from behind curtains. Every arrest, every line of bureaucratic obedience, carries his indubitable scent.

Do you believe this book will help in creating consciousness and possibly action regarding Dr Besigye’s incarceration?

Mere art can’t free a prisoner, but it can free the public mind from its obedience because I’m not naïve enough to think that a mere play like this will topple a rogue regime, but it can disturb its peace. We are in exile because our art is so powerful in resuscitating the soul of the nation. If it was not, we would never be harassed.

I wrote this play to make readers feel the shame of watching justice performed like comedy so if it helps people see that the law is no longer neutral, that it has been weaponised against conscience, then yes, that is action. Consciousness is the beginning of rebellion, and you know Uganda doesn’t lack courage, but memory and this play is an act of remembering and a warning that every false trial of political prisoners leaves a scar on the nation’s soul and legacy of the people in power.

Could you share an excerpt?

Judge Katusi: ‘Rape is a grave offence, yes, but to wield it falsely, to fabricate it, to coach it, to purchase it, is to commit another crime–a crime against justice itself, and a crime against every genuine victim who comes forward seeking to be believed. To use rape as a political trick is to cheapen the suffering of women and to mock the very law that should shield them.’ That line cuts through the entire play like a scalpel because it’s the moment when the judge, my mentor and also Rukungiri mate, by the way, ceases being an official and becomes a human being-weary, ironic and brave. I put it together that way because I wanted the verdict to sound like both justice and mourning.

How would you characterise life in exile?

Exile is not a privilege. If I had my passport returned to me by the court that confiscated it, I would come back to Uganda and participate in the quick removal of this government from power (not through elections though). I would return tomorrow, though not through those porous borders that I used to escape without a passport, but through Entebbe airport, just like Kizza Besigye returned from exile openly. Exile also gives clarity because I see Uganda from afar and understand its absurdities better by comparing how other systems work.

What’s the inspiration behind your latest artistic creation?

My greatest inspiration in conceiving Uganda vs Besigye courtroom play is Shakespeare. He wrote both as a dramatist and a social reporter. The man visited Venice and gave us The Merchant of Venice and Othello; he travelled through Italy, and birthed Romeo and Juliet; he studied Roman history, and sculpted Julius Caesar and Coriolanus; England’s royal court became Hamlet and Macbeth-his way of turning political corruption into poetry. Even The Tempest came from the stories of shipwrecks and colonial voyages he heard in London’s taverns. I approach my society the same way.

The Rwenzori Sub-region has witnessed a long period of violent conflicts. The last episode of violence was visited upon the region on Saturday, November 1. Dear reader, I would like to share two incidents that contributed to the recurrence of violent conflict in the region.

In March 1902, Mr Petero Tigwezire (County Chief of Bwamba) went to collect ‘hut tax’ in Bwamba. The tax collection exercise was met with armed resistance by the local population, leaving 11 of Tigwezire’s men dead. Returning to Fort Portal, chief Tigwezire sought the intervention of the colonial resident officer to punish the tax resisters in Bwamba.

The resident officer declined to act because he viewed the alleged tax collection exercise as an unjustified raid for women and ivory. Tigwezire was later removed from his office as county chief by the Rukurato (Tooro Kingdom Council) on charges brought against him by the British resident officer. In his doctoral thesis titled ‘Conflict and Collaboration in the Kingdoms of Western Uganda’ (Princeton University Press 1977 and Fountain Publishers 1999), Dr Edward I Steinhart writes: ‘Moreover, the (Resident) Officer refused, at first, to countenance the appointment of another Mutooro chief in the region, preferring to allow the Baamba to select their own representative and to continue to live under their own headmen. (Page 227)

This incident, in spite of its simple academic characterisation as a case of colonial collaboration and resistance, defined popular attitudes that later fed into the ‘we-and-them’ relationship between the Tooro Kingdom and the native communities of the mountain districts of the Rwenzori region. In another incident in 1918, a Mukonzo traditional chief (mutaka, headman, clan leader, or landlord) called Tibamwenda, challenged Tooro Kingdom authorities by declaring himself King of the Bakonzo. His ‘palace’ was attacked. Tibamwenda and his aides (Nyamutswa and Kapoli) were killed and buried in one shallow grave at Kagando (in the premises of Kagando hospital run by the Church of Uganda). A monument, said to be one of the tallest monuments in Uganda, was built at their burial place by Kasese District Local Government in the late 1990s.

This was the first time the idea of a king and a kingdom to challenge the Tooro Kingdom authorities manifested among the Bakonzo community. It was resurrected in the 1960s and later gained recognition by the central government in 2009. Rwenzururu Kingdom now influences the general political and socio-cultural identity attitudes on which the current cycle of violence is blamed. Taking advantage of the centrality of the Rwenzururu Kingdom in the socio-political lives of the Bakonzo, some negative forces opposed to the Ugandan State have carried out violent acts in the Rwenzori region, rallying the population in the name of the Rwenzururu Kingdom.

Some of the groups that used the name of Rwenzururu Kingdom to fight the Government of Uganda are the National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (Nalu) and Allied Democratic Forces (ADF). In an audio-visual clip I accessed, one of the captured perpetrators of the November 1 incident claims they were fighting in the name of and for Rwenzururu. The interrogator then challenges him: But why do you kill Bakonzo when you claim to be fighting for them? The perpetrator didn’t respond to the question. What does this mean? That another group, with its selfish interests, was using the name of the Rwenzururu to perpetuate the recurrence of violent conflict in Rwenzori region. Which is why I have been thinking lately: can’t the government of Uganda seriously look into what we call The Rwenzururu Question?

I urge the government to come up with policy ideas to permanently end the recurring acts of violence in the region.

In Uganda’s election season, the politics of crowds has taken centre stage. The number of people who turn up at a campaign rally has become more than just a show of excitement-it is now a political statement, a weapon in the battle for legitimacy, and a tool for psychological warfare among presidential contenders.

Across the country, huge gatherings are being used to gauge which candidate commands the people’s hearts. The larger the crowd, the stronger the impression of support. But behind the noise, dance, and coloured T-shirts lies a deeper story-one that reveals how politics, media, and State machinery intersect in the struggle for power.

In Ugandan politics, crowd size has long been viewed as a reflection of a candidate’s political weight. Campaign strategists now treat rallies as opportunities not only to persuade voters but also to display dominance. Political analysts note that crowds create visual legitimacy-a perception that ‘the people are on your side.’ Photographs and videos from these rallies flood social media, becoming powerful propaganda tools. In an era where images travel faster than speeches, optics have become everything.

‘The crowds are no longer just part of the campaign; they are the campaign,’ Mr Wilfred Ssekamate, political observer, said. ‘Voters, and even officials, draw confidence from what they see. A packed rally sends the message that the candidate is already winning.’ Campaign insiders say some teams now hire professional photographers, drone operators, and social media influencers to capture aerial shots of their crowds-images that later flood platforms like X (formerly Twitter), Facebook, and TikTok. The goal is to dominate the visual battlefield, where perception often outweighs reality.

Inorganic

Mr Phillip Wafula Oguttu, a former Leader of the Opposition in Parliament, has dismissed the large crowds seen at recent political rallies as ‘artificial’ and ‘staged.’ Mr Oguttu said the genuine and natural enthusiasm that once characterised political gatherings in Uganda has faded over time. ‘In the past, the natural crowds used to be there,’ he said. ‘But since 2021, the crowds have been artificial in many cases. People just move from one rally to another. They are made to appear as if they genuinely support a candidate.’

He said the crowds being showcased today do not reflect real political support. ‘I don’t think those crowds are genuine. Some of them are even [the product of] Artificial Intelligence (AI),’ he remarked. ‘The crowds are not organic-unlike those we used to see when Dr Kizza Besigye campaigned in 2016. Kampala used to turn up for him without him paying anyone to attend.’ Mr Oguttu added that such displays do not translate into actual voter support. ‘Crowds can’t determine the results. The results in Uganda are determined by President Museveni. You don’t get excited because of those crowds,’ he said. ‘Museveni is hiring children to justify the votes after stealing them-and these children don’t even vote.’

He further criticised security agencies for targeting Opposition supporters. ‘There is no law stopping supporters from another area to attend any rally,’ he noted. ‘But the security is arresting Opposition supporters to intimidate people so that they don’t go to vote. It’s a deliberate strategy to discourage participation in elections.’

Misleading

Mr Jamal Wante, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) vice chairperson for the eastern region, has cautioned political candidates against relying on large crowds as a measure of their popularity, saying true support comes from genuine local followers. ‘A political leader who has real supporters in an area means they have support there,’ Wante said. ‘Let people address the real voters of those particular areas instead of ferrying supporters from elsewhere.’

He emphasised that political rallies should focus on engaging residents and addressing their concerns rather than showcasing inflated attendance numbers.

‘Crowds don’t determine the winner,’ he said. ‘A crowd can mean many things. For example, you might bring a musician like Eddy Kenzo to entertain people, and they’ll come to enjoy the music-not to listen to your political message.’

Mr Wante urged candidates to focus on building trust and connecting with genuine voters rather than spending resources to stage artificial crowds for show.

Prof Sabiti Makara, a professor in the Department of Governance, and director of Graduate Training at Kabale University, told Saturday Monitor that big crowds can influence voters but don’t guarantee victory. He said while large crowds at campaign rallies can influence public perception, they do not necessarily translate into victory at the polls. ‘Crowds can determine a winner because people see a big rally and start following it,’ he explained. ‘They think that someone with a big rally is the one going to win.’

Prof Makara noted that both the National Unity Platform (NUP) and the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) presidential candidates have been ferrying supporters to rallies, which can create a false impression of widespread support. ‘People who have not yet made up their minds can easily be swayed to follow the person with the biggest rally,’ he said. However, he cautioned that big numbers at rallies are not a guarantee of electoral success. ‘A large crowd doesn’t determine a 100 percent win,’ Prof Makara said. ‘Some people are paid to attend, like boda boda riders who are given fuel. So, big crowds can determine the win-and at the same time, they can’t.’

‘Theatre of deception’

Ms Proscovia Salaamu Musumba, the former Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) Vice Chairperson for Eastern Region, has criticised the growing trend of hired and artificial crowds at political rallies, describing them as a ‘theatre of deception’ used to manipulate public perception and justify election outcomes. ‘Some of those crowds are hired,’ Ms Musumba said. ‘There are different types of crowds at political rallies-serious crowds, food crowds, political crowds, angry crowds, idle crowds, hungry crowds-all those attend rallies. But the largest number are entertainment crowds.’

Ms Musumba accused the NRM party of using such tactics to cover up failures in governance and service delivery. ‘The NRM is creating political erosion to justify manipulation of the results. It’s like a theatre designed to create an outcome. That’s the political disaster we are in,’ she said. She also condemned the practice of distributing party T-shirts as a symbol of political achievement. ‘It’s a shame for the NRM to provide T-shirts to people as achievements,’ Ms Musumba said. ‘Instead of giving T-shirts, they should improve service delivery.’

At least 29 percent of faecal sludge produced in septic tanks in Kampala is not safely managed, a Makerere University don has revealed.

Dr Swaibu Semiyaga, a senior lecturer at the Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, College of Engineering, Design Art and Technology ( CEDAT) said the challenge is more pronounced in large institutions like markets, schools, hospitals, and some raised apartments that are not connected to the national sewer system and rely on septic tanks. These, he said, are always overwhelmed by sludge accumulated by bigger populations.

Available records indicate that only 15 percent of buildings are connected to the national sewer, leaving the 85 percent to opt for septic tanks and pit latrines some of which resort to emptying sewerage into drainage channels, leading to contamination of water sources.

“In Kampala, only 71 percent of the faecal sludge being produced in septic tanks is safely emptied, and taken to treatment plants for treatment. The remaining 29 percent is not safely emptied. People can have pit latrines that do not contain what goes inside. They may be commented to the drainage channels or underground water and people are exposed to pathogens. Sewerage overflows are a common site in Kampala,” Dr Semiyaga said during a stakeholders meeting on the introduction of sustainable and innovative solutions for waste water treatment, held at National Water and Sewerage Corporation plant in Bugolobi on November 14.

He, however, said that government through Kampala Capital City Authority(KCCA) and National Water and Sewerage Corporate had resolved to partner with Terao Litech, a Japanese company to pilot sustainable and innovative solutions for waste water treatment in Kampala using advanced septic tanks dubbed Johkasou.

Mr Shuichiro Nakayama, an official from waste management and recycling department, Johkasou promotion office in the Japanese Ministry of Environment said advanced septic technology aim to address the global sanitation challenges particularly in Africa and Asia where sanitation infrastructure remain undeveloped.

“Through our innovative approach, we aim to create a cleaner, healthier and more sustainable future for communities around the world,” he said.

The 2017 sanitation survey done by KCCA in Kampsla city established that pit latrines are the predominant sanitation technology in Kampala at 66 percent and the majority of these are unlined pit latrines (38 percent) which pose significant risks to groundwater and environmental pollution according to the researchers.

The study also indicated that most unlined pit latrines were situated in Kawempe while the least number of unlined pit latrines were found in Central Division.

In addition, flush toilets to the sewer and septic tanks constituted 33 percent of the sanitation technologies in the City.

In terms of population served, septic tanks, lined pit latrines and unlined pit latrines each cover 30 percent of the City’s population respectively. Only 8% of the population accessed the municipal sewer network services and a total of 1,506 properties equivalent to a population of 11,000, lacked sanitation facilities.

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) 6.2 aims to achieve universal access to adequate and sustainable sanitation and hygiene for all and to end open defecation.

According to the Ministry of Health, 14 million people in Uganda still practice open defecation.

The Uganda Cubs will write more history tomorrow as they set foot on the Aspire Zone in Qatar to face Senegal in the Round of 32 of the 2025 U-17 Fifa World Cup.

The nation is jubilant while celebrating this milestone. But behind that, there are reflections as well how a generation of talented Ugandan players who were once expected to reach the big leagues or play on such a stage never quite made it.

Among them are former Uganda Cranes stars Ibrahim Saddam Juma, Steven Bengo and goalkeeper Yasin Mugabi.

While their playing careers may not have reached the heights many envisioned, there is renewed hope that their once-gifted feet can now make an impact in a different way through coaching.

The trio, alongside Ghanaian national Kingston Laryea are now on duty as the next generation of Uganda Cubs begins their journey.

They aim to follow in the footsteps of their predecessors as the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations Cecafa qualifiers kick off this Saturday in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Bengo is the first assistant to Kingston as Juma follows while Mugabi will focus on developing the goalkeepers.

The Cecafa qualifier is the first phase of the two-part qualifying process for the 2026 Fifa U-17 World Cup, where the top ten teams from the 2026 U-17 Afcon in Morocco will earn a spot in Qatar next year.

Continuity

Kingston has named a 23-man squad for the qualifiers, starting with the opener against Burundi at 8pm at the Dire Dawa Stadium. The team will also face Tanzania, Sudan and Djibouti in Group B.

‘The players have been acclimatizing to the cold weather but the team is in shape and we believe they will be ready mentally by kick-off,’ Juma said ahead of the opener. ‘We’re only polishing what we built back home to ensure we perform here.’

Kingston has emphasized continuity by bringing along five players from the historic Morocco Afcon finals where Uganda defeated Gambia to qualify for Qatar.

The quintet includes KCCA goalkeeper Ashraf Lukyamuzi, defenders Travor Mubiru (Vipers) and Joseph Lamgol, midfielder Ashraf Kyakuwa and forward Thomas Ogema.

All five, who celebrated Cecafa victory in Kampala last year, are within the age bracket for next year’s World Cup, which requires players born on January 1, 2009, or later.

Cecafa U17 Championships

Saturday: Burundi vs. Uganda, 8pm

Other Cubs fixtures

November 18: Sudan vs. Uganda

November 21: Uganda vs. Tanzania

November 27: Uganda vs. Djibouti

Uganda Cubs squad

Goalkeepers – Expedito Adrian Ssemugera (Soltilo Bright Stars Junior Team), Ashraf Lukyamuzi (KCCA), Richard Mukisa (Nec)

Defenders – Shakur Ngobi (Greenlight Islamic School), Travor Mubiru (Vipers Junior Team), Abud Shafikie Ukasha (KCCA ), Ibrahim Waita (Buddo SS), Joseph Langol (Paorinher Soccer Academy), Eze Kombi (Amus College School), Enock Ssali Mwesigwa (Volf Soccer Academy), Hilal Ajiga (Amus College School)

Midfielders – Henry Muhoozi (Amus College School), Arnold Kayemba (El Cambio), Ashraf Kyakuwa (Vipers Junior Team), Abdul Shakur Babi (Buddo SS), Lorian Kisakye Lwesibawa (Rays of Grace), Nicholas Kawooya (Buddo SS), Musa Ssuna (Amus College), Brian Olwa (Edgars Youth Program)

Strikers – Ismail Fahad (KCCA), Owen Mukisa (Seth Soccer Academy), Eric Isabirye (Rays of Grace), Thomas Ogema (KCCA)

Last Sunday, columnist Musaazi Namiti wrote more as an optimistic patriot than the realistic analyst he often is. Whoever wins Uganda’s presidential elections on January 15, 2026, he reasoned, whether incumbent President Museveni or main challenger, the popstar Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, the losing party should concede, and the winning candidate must be allowed to take power, especially if it is the latter.

Mr Namiti is a thoughtful writer, mostly objective in his analyses, with a knack for taking up controversial topics quite incisively, including hot button identity questions of religiosity, ethnicity and race. But his thoughts on the race for president of Uganda were quite shocking and underwhelming, one would easily think he knows nothing about the realities of today’s Uganda politics. Mr Namiti has illusions about Bobi Wine winning next year’s election; yet it is obvious he will not, and it is not about campaign crowds, popular support or the hunger for change.

While well-meaning and hopeful, it is patently naïve to imagine that the January presidential election will be a free and fair election such that the losing main Opposition candidate (Bobi Wine) must be prepared to concede defeat and move on. There will be no free, fair, and credible presidential election next year, just as nearly all past elections in which candidate Museveni was the ‘winner’ were neither free nor fair. It is not just what happens on polling day, and a lot does happen as to severely stain the outcome, it is also what transpires continuously since the last election.

Uganda’s presidential election is not just rigged on election day, the entire process from the get-go is a sham, heavily skewed for the incumbent and against any Opposition, thus, casting credibility questions on the results. For starters, we do not have a credible and competent election management body that holds all parties and candidates to the same slate of rules and code of conduct. An election in which the umpire is unilaterally appointed by one of the candidates is little more than a ritual, worse, it is a joke. That is not all, though.

There is something even more egregious. The incumbent candidate who is seeking re-election does not believe in competition and being challenged. Mr Museveni’s state of mind is one of a God-ordained ruler, one who should be undisturbed and unbothered by the motions of electoral competition. That is why he has never allowed a serious challenge in his party, instead he is perpetually the ‘ring-fenced’ party chairman and presidential flag-bearer. On the other hand, competing in a general election where opposing candidates run against him, but with a predetermined outcome, is an imposition he dislikes, forced on him initially by external backers.

It is also meant to grant him the bragging rights of a democratically elected president with some veneer of legitimacy. In the main, however, Mr Museveni sees any serious political challenger as someone who, at best, is a nuisance and at worst is engaged in criminal conduct, thus the entire State apparatus, from the coercive arsenal of the State and prosecutorial authority to the fiscal power of government, is brought to bear on the electoral process. To compete against Mr Museveni is to practically run against the entire governmental machinery and the full force of the State of Uganda. When purporting to seek re-election, Mr Museveni is not just a candidate, in fact he does not believe he is one; rather, he is the president, in charge of government and every lever of State power.

Nothing stops him from directing the security forces to unleash violence against his opponents and their supporters. He has an unmatched financial war-chest courtesy of a huge State House budget outlay, complete with classified expenditure, which he uses as he wishes. If the need arises, he may very well prevail over the Governor of the Central Bank and have a run on the Bank of Uganda, a la 2011. There are no legal and institutional guardrails against the incumbent, although he would likely ignore them anyways. No scintilla of limits to the exercise of presidential authority.

As matters stand today, commandeering the State and the use of State power to ‘win’ the election is so glaring that to expect another outcome other than the incumbent as ‘winner’ is to be either blindly optimistic or blatantly disingenuous. There is zero chance under the sun that the current Electoral Commission will announce Bobi Wine as winner of January’s presidential election. If Bobi believes he will be the official winner, he is lying to himself and his supporters, yet to be sure, it is the right thing for him to do by participating in the election, albeit at the risk of legitimising an otherwise sham process.

Whatever the costs of being a candidate, and there are many, including people’s lives, in the broader scheme of things in the struggle for a democratic Uganda, there is value in participating than boycotting the elections altogether. The latter is political suicide.