Category: Daily Monitor

As Uganda heads toward the 2026 general election, Busoga is shaping up to be one of the key battlegrounds.

The sub-region, once a reliable support base for the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), is now marked by frustration over unfulfilled government promises, deep poverty, poor infrastructure, and sharp political divides. From stalled road projects and idle ferries to soaring teenage pregnancies and leadership wrangles, the issues weighing on Busoga are expected to strongly influence how voters cast their ballots.

Longstanding pledges

Unfulfilled government pledges remain a key issue in next year’s election and could cost the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party support. Voters in the region now want a presidential candidate who will tackle these challenges. In Bugiri District, frustration lingers over President Museveni’s 2016 pledge to build a modern market. The project never took off, leaving traders in poor working conditions and slowing economic growth. In Buyende and neighbouring districts such as Kamuli and Kaliro, the promise to tarmac Bukungu Road has remained unfulfilled for years, even though it has often been used as a campaign message. The Amber Court-Mbulambuti-Bukungu road, covering Jinja, Kamuli and Buyende, is also in a dire state despite being on the President’s agenda since 2001.

Likewise, the Kasolo-Walugogo-Luuka-Kamuli road project has not yet begun. The road connecting Nankoma Sub-county to Bugiri and Namutumba is another example. Its poor condition has crippled the transport of farm produce, hurting local livelihoods. Other key roads such as Iganga-Kamuli and Kamuli-Kaliro, which were also meant to be upgraded, have seen little or no progress. Residents argue that without proper roads, access to markets and economic opportunities will remain out of reach. For many, these unfulfilled pledges have become a symbol of neglect, deepening the feeling that Busoga has been left behind in national development.

Ferries

Though the government constructed two ferries to connect Busoga, Lango, and Teso via Lake Kyoga, the vessels remain idle and non-operational. The delay has deeply disappointed residents who were eager to access better and cheaper transport alternatives. They are calling on the government to honour its commitments and prioritise these critical needs.

Poverty

Poverty remains a central issue shaping elections in Busoga. Busoga sub-region has a population of 4.37 million people as of May 2024, representing 9.51 percent of the national population, according to the 2024 census. According to the 2022 Multidimensional Poverty Index Report by the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (Ubos), 6.2 million Ugandans-14.7 percent of the population-live in extreme poverty, with Busoga ranking just above Karamoja and Acholi. In 2019, Busoga’s poverty level was 42.1 percent, higher than most regions except Bukedi (47.5 percent) and Karamoja (over 60 percent). The 2021/2022 report further showed that 14.5 percent of Busoga’s people are ‘totally poor,’ a situation linked to poor planning and rapid population growth.

Yet Busoga is endowed with fertile soils, industries, a strong cultural heritage, and tourist attractions such as the Source of the Nile and surrounding water bodies that are a source of local revenue. Leaders blame Busoga’s poverty on failed projects and weak leadership, citing internal wrangles and intrigue. They point to stalled initiatives such as the takeover of Busoga University, the planned Makerere University branch whose location remains contested, and the failed construction of Naguru Hospital, which was instead built in Kampala. For years, poverty in Busoga was also tied to jiggers, and today it is deeply connected to sugarcane growing, a crop that is no longer profitable.

President Museveni has repeatedly urged Busoga to embrace government anti-poverty programmes and rally behind the NRM party as a path to improved livelihoods. Geographically, the region is strategically located, bounded by Lake Kyoga to the north, the Nile to the west, the Mpologoma River to the east, and Lake Victoria to the south, with an average annual rainfall of 152cm.

Political landscape

In the 2021 presidential elections, National Unity Platform (NUP) candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, also known as Bobi Wine, won in eight of the 12 districts in Busoga, showing strong support in urban and semi-urban areas. President Museveni and the ruling NRM, however, held onto four rural districts, underscoring the region’s sharp political divide. Busoga has since emerged as an Opposition-leaning but mixed region, with major towns tilting heavily towards NUP. Kyagulanyi’s strongest bases included Jinja City and Bugweri, while other districts such as Iganga, Mayuge, Luuka, Kamuli, and Bugiri also voted in his favour, reflecting growing frustration with the ruling party in urban centres.

In Namayingo, the contest was especially close, with Kyagulanyi edging Museveni by just 0.53 percent-a sign of its potential as a swing district in future races.

Mr Kyagulanyi yesterday commenced his 2025/2026 campaign in Busoga and was met with a hero’s welcome. Today, Busoga is viewed as a battleground region leaning toward the Opposition, but not completely out of reach for the NRM. Voter choices here are driven more by issues and candidate appeal than strict party loyalty, making the sub-region strategically vital for both NUP and NRM as 2026 approaches.

Kadaga factor

Ms Rebecca Kadaga, the First Deputy Prime Minister, remains an influential figure in Busoga. Fondly referred to as Mama Busoga, she is widely respected for her dedication to advancing the sub-region’s interests. She played a central role in resolving the long-standing Kyabazinga throne dispute that had deeply divided the region. Kadaga has also been instrumental in championing key development projects, including the elevation of Jinja to city status, the promotion of the Source of the Nile as a tourism hub, and the establishment of Kiira Motors Corporation. However, the loss of the Speaker of Parliament position in 2021, followed by her defeat in the race for the NRM second national vice chairperson (female) during the party’s primaries in August, left her visibly disgruntled.

‘I want you to remember that just a few years ago, I was publicly humiliated in this country. Publicly humiliated. The way I was removed from the office of the Speaker. I took it in good strides. I continued doing my work. But I’m being followed. How much more can you press an individual?’ she said a day before the August primaries. She also warned the President that her loss could impact the party’s performance in Busoga. ‘Mr chairman, I think it was your duty. And I have been talking to you about this matter for some time. I had informed you that if this matter goes to a contest, it will cause serious problems in my community. You may think …

People here may think you’re fighting an individual, but you’re fighting a bigger community. And that’s not right for the politics of Uganda. It would seem that in this party, loyalty is not important, and integrity is not important, and commitment is not important. That’s the message you’re sending here,’ she said. Given her influence in Busoga, Ms Kadaga’s endorsement of a presidential candidate carries significant weight. Her backing often boosts candidates’ chances, thanks to her strong grassroots networks. On September 19, thousands turned up in Jinja City to welcome her during a thanksgiving ceremony organised by her supporters. Despite her personal setbacks, Kadaga has reaffirmed her loyalty to the NRM and vowed to stand firmly with the party.

Teenage pregnancies

Busoga has the highest incidence of teenage pregnancies in the country, according to the Uganda Demographic and Health Survey conducted between 2019 and 2020, with as many as 89,347 cases.

Sugarcane

Sugarcane takes about 18 months to mature, but most farmers in Busoga harvest far less than their counterparts in commercial estates due to limited access to modern farming methods. For example, while farmers in Kakira average 120 tonnes per hectare, ordinary growers in Busoga often get only 60 to 70 tonnes from the same land.

Leadership issues

Observers note that Busoga’s political leadership has long struggled with unity, which has slowed progress. As a result, many believe that private sector players and civil society should take the lead in driving economic and community development, leaving politicians to focus on policy and legislation.

Fishermen

Fishing communities are calling on government to provide legal fishing gear at subsidised prices, saying many cannot afford proper equipment and are forced into illegal practices. Although the Fisheries Protection Unit (FPU) continues to patrol the lakes, enforcement alone has not solved the problem because illegal gear is still being imported. Fishermen argue that without tighter border controls and affordable, government-backed alternatives, illegal fishing will continue-threatening both conservation efforts and their livelihoods.

Healthcare

Like many districts, Buyende still lacks a general hospital. Residents are forced to travel long distances for treatment or pay heavily for referrals, even for conditions that could be handled locally.

Kagulu Hill

Kagulu Hill has the potential to attract both local and international tourists, but it remains underdeveloped. The site lacks access roads, signage, accommodation, and sanitation facilities. Locals are calling on government to invest in its development to boost tourism and create jobs.

Jinja Pier

Residents and trade stakeholders are also pushing for the redevelopment of Jinja Pier. Restoring this water transport link would ease cargo movement between Uganda, Kenya, and Tanzania, while protecting roads from heavy trucks. It would also lower transport costs and strengthen regional trade. Across Busoga, the message is clear: residents want government to act. From roads and hospitals to fishing gear and tourism, they are demanding that long-standing promises be fulfilled and delayed development projects finally delivered.

Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) has unveiled its 2025/26-2029/30 Strategic Plan, projecting that the city will require more than Shs 4 trillion for roads, drainage, flyovers, and transport retooling to ease congestion and flooding.

The new plan builds on the outcomes of the 2020/21-2024/25 strategy, which sought to make Kampala more inclusive, livable, and resilient. While the outgoing plan registered progress, including an increase in paved city roads from 31 percent in 2017/18 to 37 percent by 2023/24, it faced setbacks such as underfunding, the Covid-19 pandemic, and delays in implementation.

An internal review showed that only 35.5 percent of targets were fully achieved, while 25 percent were not met at all. Persistent flooding, poor drainage, and road maintenance gaps remained unresolved.

Against this background, the new five-year plan prioritizes infrastructure. Major interventions include the Kampala City Drainage Improvement Project (KCDIP) worth Shs 447.6 billion to upgrade 80 kilometers of channels and tackle 103 flood blackspots, and the Kampala Flyover Project Phase 2 valued at Shs 337.2 billion to decongest key junctions. In addition, Shs 1.568 trillion has been earmarked for the Kampala City Roads Rehabilitation Project Phase 2 to expand road works and introduce Bus Rapid Transit corridors, while Shs 63.3 billion will support retooling and maintenance.

KCCA manages more than 2,100 kilometers of roads, but only about 770 kilometers are paved, and many of these are in fair to poor condition.

To address this, KCCA has signed deals and launched projects such as the Kampala City Roads and Bridges Upgrading Project (KCRBUP) and the Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area Urban Development Program (GKMA-UDP) to improve connectivity, upgrade infrastructure, and repair potholes.

Speaking at the launch of the strategic plan in Kampala yesterday, Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago acknowledged that the city still grapples with serious challenges, including underfunding, traffic congestion, flooding, poor waste management, and overstretched social services.

‘The plan, however, lays out bold interventions to address these bottlenecks and put Kampala on track to becoming a well-planned, inclusive, and resilient capital,’ he said.

Mr Lukwago added that an evaluation of the outgoing plan revealed that less than half of the targets were achieved, with progress hampered by the Covid-19 pandemic, limited financing, and what officials described as ‘ambitious’ target setting.

‘For instance, while the paved road network expanded from 31 percent to 37 percent, many city roads deteriorated due to insufficient maintenance funds, and flooding in major blackspots remained unresolved,’ he said. ‘The plans are overdue, and therefore we have reflected on our journey, including where we fell short, to ensure we do not repeat the same mistakes.’

KCCA Executive Director Hajati Sharifah Buzeki said the new strategy is designed to align priorities with clear instruments that drive progress and hold the institution accountable to city residents.

‘The new plan, themed Revitalizing Kampala into a Well-Functioning City, identifies five priority objectives: improving economic growth, enhancing inclusiveness and wellbeing, strengthening governance, mainstreaming climate resilience, and building institutional capacity, which we think will be our driver to better service delivery,’ she said.

She noted that the plan was developed through evidence-based planning, rigorous reflection, and broad stakeholder engagement. ‘The next five years mark a deliberate shift towards revitalising Kampala into a well-planned city, with a stronger emphasis on resilience, efficiency, and inclusive growth,’ she added.

According to Ms Buzeki, the plan also incorporates lessons from the outgoing strategy, which achieved 35 percent of its targets, while 7.5 percent of interventions lacked data for assessment.

‘The results were below average, and while we acknowledge disruptions from the Covid-19 pandemic, leadership transitions, and underfunding, we take full responsibility for setting more ambitious and realistic targets this time,’ she said.

‘This strategic plan has been designed not only as a technical document but as a social contract with the people of Kampala. With transparency, accountability, innovation, and citizen participation, we are determined to turn these commitments into tangible results.’

Key highlights of the new plan include transport and mobility, drainage and flood management, urban planning, education improvements in KCCA schools, reducing maternal mortality from 33 to 28 deaths per 100,000 live births, business and employment, among others.

KCCA’s earlier strategic plans, including the 2014/15-2018/19 strategy aligned with Uganda Vision 2040 and the GKMA Development Framework, focused on transport infrastructure, drainage systems, social services, and institutional strengthening.

The subsequent 2020/21-2024/25 plan, valued at about Shs 7 trillion, prioritized road rehabilitation, non-motorized transport, drainage upgrades, waste management, and recycling. While some achievements were registered, funding shortfalls and the pandemic slowed implementation.

In 2003, a cloud of uncertainty hung over the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) ahead of the 2006 presidential election. The 1995 Constitution barred President Museveni from standing again since he had already served two terms.

Yet the party leadership wanted him to continue carrying the mantle. At the National Leadership Institute in Kyankwanzi, the NRM hatched a plan to amend the Constitution and initiated a process that would see their chairperson contest again in the 2006 elections. To secure the process, MPs from the ruling NRM party and allies each received Shs5m, presented as facilitation for consultations with their constituents on the constitutional amendments. A number of senior Cabinet ministers who opposed scrapping term limits were removed from government.

The victims included then Ethics minister Maria Matembe, the late Eria Kategaya, who was first Deputy Prime Minister, and Local Government minister Bidandi Ssali. Their dismissal sent a message: the amendment was not up for debate. According to constitutional lawyer and former Constituent Assembly delegate Dan Wandera Ogalo, the framers of the 1995 Constitution were guided by Uganda’s violent past.

Since Independence, there had never been a peaceful transfer of power from one President to another. ‘We had never had a peaceful transfer of power, and whenever you don’t have a peaceful transfer of power, it means violence. People die, people are maimed, property is destroyed, and people become paupers. This weighed very heavily on us to say we must have a provision which ensures that there is a peaceful transfer of power,’ he recalls.

The Assembly, therefore introduced two safeguards: presidential term limits and age limits. Ogalo notes that even the popular consultations pointed in the same direction.

‘The people of Uganda themselves, in their views, had said they wanted a two-term limit for the President,’ he said. Still, by 2003, he began hearing rumours that Mr Museveni’s strong performance and energy justified amending the Constitution to let him continue. ‘The argument was: if the President is still working very well, why should you do away with him when we still need him?’ he remembers. Current Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo was also part of the Constituent Assembly that debated the Justice Benjamin Odoki report. He recalls the justification for term limits.

‘People put the argument that if you serve more than two terms, then you would have lost the capacity, the reason why we found it necessary to include the two presidential term limits in the 1995 Constitution,’ he says.

He adds that the framers argued that leaders should serve and go, leaving behind strong institutions rather than depending on the strength of individuals. ‘However good a person is, we are only human. We should have a system, not a person. It’s good to have strong and devoted leaders, and people who will love their country, but what will sustain any country are systems,’ he says.

The Chief Justice’s regrets Justice Dollo has often expressed regret that the Assembly failed to entrench the two safeguards. ‘How could we, especially the lawyers, be so foolish? How could we be lured into not strengthening provisions for term limits? We left it as any other provision in the constitution. And that’s why it was easy for Parliament to remove term and age limits,’ he says. He insists that such provisions should have required a referendum to amend.

‘That one, I take responsibility and anybody else who was in the Constituent Assembly. We should have entrenched that provision so that if you want to amend, you go back to the people. We failed the people of Uganda as a consequence.’

For Mr Ogalo, the removal of the two-term and age limits had no justification beyond benefiting President Museveni. ‘Clearly, the scrapping of the two-term limit was to benefit President Museveni. Equally, the removal of the age limit was to benefit President Museveni. That is a very dangerous way of approaching constitutional amendments. You amend the constitution for the people, not to benefit one person,’ he says.

Former Chief Justice Benjamin Odoki, who chaired the constitutional review commission, wrote in his book The Search for a National Consensus that one of the central goals of the 1995 Constitution was to guarantee free, regular, and fair elections.

He recalls that consultations showed overwhelming support for a directly elected president limited to two five-year terms.

‘The President, for the first time, is now directly elected by the entire population. His election can be challenged in the Supreme Court. The term of office is five years, limited to two terms of office only, under Article 105,’ Justice Odoki wrote.

For constitutional lawyer Peter Walubiri, the removal of term and age limits destroyed any chance of constitutional democracy in Uganda. ‘It was the final blow; henceforth, only death by whatever means will remove Mr Museveni from State House and thereby start the process of the NRA-NRM disintegration,’ he says.

The final blow Prof Fredrick Ssempebwa, who was part of Odoki’s Commission, agrees. He recalls that the majority of Ugandans demanded term limits because they had never seen a peaceful transfer of power. ‘They wanted to have a peaceful change. They didn’t use that language of term limits, but they said there must be a system where leaders change right from the top,’ he says. Prof Ssempebwa notes that even Museveni supported the idea during consultations. ‘When we consulted, President Museveni repeated what he said at the very beginning, that the problem of Africa was leaders who overstay in power,’ he recalls. Now, with President Museveni in power for nearly 40 years, Prof Ssempebwa says the dangers are visible.

‘There are fears about his health, his grasp of power, and his control of things, so it’s a problem for the country. There is also this power of incumbency, and he is unlikely to be voted out,’ he says.

When Mr Museveni took power in 1986 after a five-year guerrilla war, he declared that Africa’s problem was leaders who overstay. But after the scrapping of term limits in 2005, he accepted his party’s endorsement for another run. On November 17, 2005, the NRM named him flagbearer. His candidacy sparked criticism, especially since he had promised in 2001 that it would be his last run. The arrest of Opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye in November 2005, on charges of treason, concealment of treason, and rape, triggered riots across the country. International donors, including Sweden, the Netherlands, and the UK withheld aid, citing democratic concerns.

In the 2006 elections, Mr Museveni’s vote share dropped to 59 percent, while Dr Besigye garnered 37 percent. Election observers from the European Union declared that the polls were not free and fair. Dr Besigye challenged the results in the Supreme Court, which found evidence of intimidation, violence, and voter disenfranchisement. Still, in a 4-3 decision, the court upheld Mr Museveni’s victory.

Currently, Mr Museveni is the third-longest consecutively serving non-royal leader in the world after Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatorial Guinea and Paul Biya of Cameroon. When asked why he stayed on despite his earlier statements, he replied that it was the people who kept voting him back.

Ronald Ochieng smiles before bursting into laughter as his mother, Dorcas Auma, gently touches him and looks into his eyes, trying to communicate with him through touch and gestures. The 11-year-old boy was born with multiple disabilities in Alere Village, Abongatin Parish, Amugu Sub-county in Alebtong District.

He cannot talk, hear, or walk. His condition requires round-the-clock care. Each day, Auma wakes Ochieng from his sleep, bathes him, and gets him dressed before preparing food for her other four children. Despite the challenges, her love for her son grows stronger with each passing day.

Ochieng sleeps on a slim mattress covered with a polytene bag inside a grass-thatched hut. He shares the house with his siblings, who sleep on a mat placed about half a metre away from his bed. The children’s hut is located about 30 metres from the parents’ grass-thatched bedroom.

‘He was a healthy child when I delivered him at Amugu Health Centre III in 2013. After two weeks, his head started swelling, and by the time he was four months old, the condition had worsened. He underwent surgery at a hospital in Mbale City, but his right arm and both legs remain paralysed,’ Auma says.

Ochieng cannot sit on his own and is very emotional. It is difficult for Auma to know if he is hungry or unwell.

Isabella Akello, the program manager of Link to Progress, a non-governmental organisation that works with marganalised communities in the Lango Sub-region, says most children with disabilities in the rural areas of northern Uganda are either moderately or severely malnourished.

‘They are not eating well because their caretakers cannot afford the healthy food that can give them a balanced diet. Before a caregiver thinks about giving a child vegetables or fruits, they think about where to get the child’s medication,’ she says.

When Daily Monitor visited a family in Obangakura Village, Amuria Parish, Aloi Sub-county in Alebtong District, we found Solomon,* who is living with disability, lying naked in a leaking grass-thatched house. His mother died ten years ago, and five years later, his father fled the home.

Solomon and his three siblings are under the care of their grandmother, Rose Auma.

‘My son ran away because some people in our culture believe that it is a curse to have a child with disability in a home. They think you committed an offense in the past and God is punishing you for it through the child’s physical condition,’ Auma laments.

Mobility issues

Mobility and the functionality of assistive devices offered to some children with disabilities are a challenge. Some charity organisations distribute assistive devices without conducting assessment exercises.

‘They have to assess the communities and homes where the children live. Before a wheelchair is given out, can it pass through the door of the house or hut? Can the mother push it on the rough road to the garden, church, or to school?’ Akello asks.

A range of barriers limits the ability of children with disabilities to function in daily life, access social services, and engage in their communities. Several caregivers of such children do not have the self-esteem to coexist with their relatives and friends, which makes them very vulnerable.

‘When a woman is carrying a child and hears people call the child angwalu (disabled), it is not the best thing to her ears. So, she will fear associating with people,’ Akello explains.

Several disabled children like Solomon have a passion for learning, but they face a significant obstacle; their disability makes it difficult for them to stand or walk. His grandmother cannot afford a wheelchair that could be used to push him to Awiny Primary School, about three kilometres away.

Patricia Akidi, who lives in Rwaksaza Village, Ibuje Sub-county in Apac District, is the only child who did not attend school in a family of five because of her disability. She cannot read or write.

‘I collect tall grass, which I tie into brooms and sell by the roadside to make a living. However, I need a vocational skill to make more money,’ she says.

Victor Opio, a 17-year-old boy with disability, lives with his grandmother in Apac Town after he was abandoned by his parents.

‘I am supposed to be in Primary Seven now, but I did not sit for the Primary Six end-of-term examinations. I had difficulties accessing school. My grandmother used to carry me to school, but if she was busy, I would skip school,’ he says.

Sarah Aceng, the LC5 female councillor representing persons living with disability (PWD) in Apac District, says several children are being discriminated against, even within their families.

‘Disabled children are poorly fed. Family members go away for a day or days and do not leave them with food or water. They are denied their land rights, while some are abused both physically and emotionally. Those with mobility challenges suffer the most,’ she says.

Brenda Ebong, a mother of an 11-year-old child with disability, says too many responsibilities prevented her from taking her son to school.

‘My son fell ill at the age of four and became disabled. At the time, he was attending school, but he is now unable to go to school because I have to feed him, carry him on my back, and bathe him, besides my other household chores,’ she says.

Several children with physical disability in northern Uganda face similar challenges in accessing education. The lack of assistive devices, inadequate infrastructure, and limited support denies them the opportunity to reach their full potential.

Faith Aol, Alebtong District’s inspector of schools, acknowledges the district is not doing well in terms of inclusive education.

‘The majority of our 76 government-aided primary schools do not have adequate infrastructure and learning aids. There are no ramps and no teachers to cater to children with disabilities. However, there are plans to upgrade the schools,’ she says.

Nancy Akello, a social worker, says children with physical disabilities go through a lot as a result of climate disasters such as floods and prolonged droughts.

‘When the roads are impassable during the rains, a PWD cannot use a wheelchair. The situation is the same during prolonged drought because the rugged terrain damages their wheelchair,’ she says.

Learning challenges

PWDs cannot travel long distances to look for water. Those who try are vulnerable to sexual abuse. Dr Denis Mugimba, the spokesperson of the Ministry of Education and Sports, says the government is incapable of providing adequate infrastructure and learning aids to all the primary schools within the country.

‘We have over 12,000 primary schools. There are 66 special needs schools, and they have some capabilities. However, we are planning to renovate them. However, you cannot make every primary school a special needs capability school. It is too expensive. No country does that,’ he says.

Dianah Leah Seera, the program officer for Inclusive Education at the National Union of Disabled Persons of Uganda (NUDIPU), says Uganda has not yet fully achieved inclusive education, adding that the country is mainly in the stages of integration.

‘There is a skills gap in how to support learners with different categories of disabilities. They must have studied Braille to be able to read and support learners and even operate the Braille slate. If it is sign language, the teacher must be able to sign and interpret to support the learners,’ she says.

Seera adds that there should be continuous professional development by both the government and development partners to bridge this particular identified gap.

‘A Braille machine costs about Shs3.6 million, and each child needs one. However, in the special needs schools, the government has done its best to provide, and in the schools where there are units, at least one or two machines have been provided. But in mainstream schools, it is still a challenge,’ she explains.

NUDIPU assumes that in every village, there is a child with a disability, and for inclusion, children with disabilities must go to the nearest schools within their community. The reason they are not accessing the nearest schools within their community is because of these gaps.

Another challenge is the transition from primary to secondary school. The Persons with Disabilities Act 2020 indicates that if a school admits a learner with a disability, it must make the school accessible for that learner within three months.

‘But the schools’ attitudes are not receptive. First of all, it could be out of ignorance or just deliberate. Some may not know that these laws exist. That attitude goes up to the home. Some may never see the inside of a classroom because their parents chose to prioritise their ‘normal’ siblings,’ Seera adds.

According to 2021 UNICEF statistics, children with disabilities are 24 percent less likely to receive early stimulation and responsive care, and have 42 percent fewer chances of achieving foundational reading and numeracy skills. The probability of never attending school is 49 percent higher for them.

But the extent to which children with disabilities can function, participate in society, and lead fulfilling lives depends on the extent to which they are accommodated and included. No matter their story, every child has the right to thrive.

As presidential candidates embark on campaigns ahead of the 2026 General Election, the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), a party associated with four-time presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye, says it is still weighing options on which candidate to support.

Speaking during the launch of PFF’s National Campaign Agenda in Kampala yesterday, the party’s National Convention Speaker, Ms Proscovia Salaamu Musumba, said discussions with the National Unity Platform (NUP) and the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) are ongoing, with the hope of rallying behind a single Opposition candidate. ‘We have not presented a presidential candidate because we are short of them. No. We didn’t want to be an obstacle to finding a unifying candidate that we would be supporting in this election. Because this election is a do-or-die for the country,’ Ms Musumba said.

She noted that PFF already has a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with ANT, signed in July, committing both parties to support a joint candidate. ‘We informed the country that we do have that memorandum of understanding. But we are also in deep discussions with the National Unity Platform. The discussions may not have gone as expected, but we continue to pursue them,’ she added. ANT’s National Coordinator Alice Alaso said they were still waiting for PFF’s official position on supporting their candidate, Maj Gen (rtd) Mugisha Muntu, who is duly nominated by the Electoral Commission. ‘The engagement is between ANT and PFF. We agreed, in the MoU, to back a joint candidate. So, while PFF did not field a candidate, we have not yet heard their express position about Gen Muntu. We hope they will give us clarity soon,’ Ms Alaso said.

She added that ANT would respect whatever decision PFF makes: ‘Even if they decide to take a different approach, we are comfortable. We prefer to deal with partners who are firm in their choices,’ Ms Alaso The PFF chairperson, Mr Erias Lukwago, acknowledged that the delay in settling on a joint candidate was ‘unfortunate,’ but said the complexity of merging different political platforms had slowed the process. ‘We had hoped that by now we would have a single candidate, but there are many factors beyond our control. Even if we pronounce ourselves on a joint candidate, there remains the challenge of harmonising campaign platforms,’ he said. ‘Each entity has its own symbols, slogans and constituencies. These are issues that need careful management,’ he added. Mr Lukwago assured Ugandans that once consultations are complete, the party will inform the country of its position, whether or not it agrees to a joint front.

Efforts to get a comment from NUP were unsuccessful as party Secretary General Lewis Rubongoya could not be reached by press time. Within PFF, some members have asked the leadership to expedite the process, saying supporters are already demanding clarity. Ms Betty Aol Ocan, the party’s deputy chairperson for northern Uganda, said grassroots members are growing anxious. ‘People ask us which presidential candidate to support, but we have no answers. I told them to wait for this meeting, but the matter is still hanging,’ Ms Ocan said. During the Kampala launch, Ms Musumba also outlined PFF’s broader campaign agenda, stressing that the election is part of a wider struggle for freedom and fair resource distribution.

‘Our biggest problem is the use of our resources. Each of the regions is well endowed, and we want to ensure that local communities benefit from their wealth,’ she said. She pointed to Karamoja as an example, where minerals such as gold and marble are extracted but processed under brand names like Simba Cement or Tororo Cement. ‘There is no Karamoja Cement, yet those resources come from Karamoja. In our government, that region will have an opportunity to benefit directly from its endowments,’ Ms Musumba said.

BACKGROUND

Past attempts at fronting a joint Opposition candidate have repeatedly collapsed. In 2011, the Inter-Party Cooperation (IPC) disintegrated before the elections, leaving each party to field its own candidate. Five years later, in 2016, the Democratic Alliance (TDA) failed to agree on a single flagbearer, despite months of negotiations. In 2021, efforts to unite Dr Kizza Besigye and Mr Robert Kyagulanyi also stalled, forcing both leaders to pursue separate campaigns.

Husnah Kukundakwe and Condoleezza Thembo Nakazibwe left the World Para Swimming Championships stage in Singapore with enhanced reputations.

The Ugandan representatives hit their time targets and the latter took it a notch further by making the finals of all her four events.

Last Wednesday, her 1:11.76 in the women’s 100m freestyle S8, gave her a 3rd place finish in the heats. She split 34.31 at the halfway mark to lower her own African record (AR) from the 1:12.40 that she managed at the World Series earlier in Indianapolis in April to qualify for Singapore.

In the final, she split 34.43 and finished 8th in a time of 1:12.23, which is her second best performance in the event.

On Thursday, the 18 year old gave her all to clock a 32.49 in the women’s 50m freestyle S8 preliminaries lowering her own 32.58 AR. She further sunk it to 31.93 in the finals, where she missed a podium finish by a whisker.

Russia’s Viktoriia Ishchiulova, swimming under a neutral flag, clocked 31.30 to win the race and was followed by China’s Zhu Hui (31.39) and Italy’s Xenia Francesca Palazzo (31.44) – who also won 100m free bronze behind Great Britain’s Alice Tai and USA’s Jessica Long.

On Friday, Uganda’s Paralympian needed a bit of luck to make the finals but the fortune is always in the preparation and showing up. After placing 9th overall in the heats of the women’s 200m individual medley SM8 with a time of 3:03.72 just ahead of Germany’s Jeanne Maack Mira (3:05.26), Kukundakwe had done her bit. She had not competed in an IM event at the world stage in over a year and an AR was good enough.

But she was brought in as a replacement after Palazzo, who made 2:58.51 in the prelims, withdrew for medical reasons. Kukundakwe finished 8th with a slightly better time of 3:03.51.

In the 100m breaststroke SB8, on Saturday, Kukundakwe’s 1:28.54 got her to her fourth final in four days. Interestingly, she finished 7th with a new personal best of 1:27.37 in the finals and she beat Ishchiulova (1:28.86), who also had silver in the IM.

The 100m breaststroke SB8 AR, however, remains one of those she aims for. It still belongs to South Africa’s retired Natalie Du Toit, who set it at 1:25.95 at the World Championships in Eindhoven Netherlands on August 16, 2010.

Nakazibwe, just 13, also made an impressive 33.61 in the women’s 50m freestyle S9 on Saturday to cap Uganda’s performance at the Championships.

“The swimmers performed very well with 100% improvement. In my opinion it is the best performance for Husnah particularly, if compared to the previous events we have taken part in. We did not do well at the Paralympics in France and that taught us something to work on and since the Series in the USA, we have been registering good positions with excellent times

“We are now looking forward to the Commonwealth Games. Condoleezza is also a mentally strong girl with a huge passion for the sport. Usually, you would struggle with a young girl pushing her up to race at that level, but she managed,” coach Muzafaru Muwanguzi, said.

World Para Swimming Championships

Kukundakwe’s performance

Women 100m freestyle S8: 1:11.76 (African record, prelims), 1:12.23 (finals)

Women 50m freestyle S8: 32.49 (prelims), 31.93 (African record, finals)

Women 200m IM SM8: 3:03.72 (prelims), 3:03.51 (African record finals)

Women 100m breaststroke SB8: 1:28.54 (prelims), 1:27.37 (finals)

Nakazibwe’s performance

Women 50m freestyle S9: 33.61 (prelims)

After nearly two years of wrangles that split Kyadondo Rugby Football Club into rival camps, the High Court has moved to restore order, striking out disputed elections and directing the Registrar of Companies to preside over fresh polls.

In a ruling delivered on July 31, 2025, Justice Patricia Mutesi declared that all 39 original subscribers of the club are equal members, nullifying attempts to sideline some and reduce their voting rights.

The Court nullified the meetings of March 11 and March 18, 2025, and all decisions arising from them. It ruled that the exclusion of some members on grounds that they had subscribed as students in 1999 and were therefore ‘junior members’ was unlawful and discriminatory.

Justice Mutesi held that the company’s memorandum of association did not distinguish between the subscribers at incorporation, and that they all remained full members entitled to participate in decision-making.

URSB intervention

The ruling followed a series of disputes that began in 2023 when the Uganda Registration Services Bureau (URSB) investigated and expunged five documents from the Companies Registry.

Among them was a power of attorney granted to James Middleton and Andrew Owor, also a former Uganda Rugby Union president, to negotiate with the Uganda National Roads Authority (Unra) over part of the club’s land on Coronation Avenue.

Other documents included a resolution appointing Middleton, Owor, Jeroline Akubu, Michael Douglas Keigwin and Peter Browser as directors; minutes of a meeting that purportedly appointed the same; and an amended memorandum and articles of association.

Assistant Registrar of Companies Daniel Nasasira ruled that the filings were unlawful and carried out by improperly elected directors. He said the registry’s data migration process was not meant to facilitate structural changes but to transfer existing records.

The executive committee led by Brian Tabaruka had petitioned URSB, accusing the previous leadership of forgery, falsification of signatures and attempts to alter governance structures.

Speaking after the High Court ruling, Tabaruka said the judgment confirmed the concerns his executive had raised from the outset.

‘We welcome the decision. The ruling is clear. URSB will now preside over fresh elections, ensuring neutrality and fairness. Previously, we were excluded but this time, all original subscribers are recognized as members and we finally have the chance to participate,’ he said.

Disputes within the club

The wrangles deepened after the July 2023 elections in which Tabaruka was elected chairman. He and his team accused Middleton and his allies of refusing to hand over the financial accounts and instead diverting funds through parallel bank accounts.

Members of the new executive said payments to the official account were irregular and inadequate, leaving the club struggling.

The disputes escalated when it was discovered that Kyadondo Sports Club (KSC) had been registered as a separate entity in 2012, with a memorandum carrying signatures of subscribers who denied ever signing.

A handwriting analysis conducted in April 2023 indicated possible forgery. Tabaruka and his allies argued that the registration of Kyadondo was part of an attempt to seize control of Kyadondo’s finances and assets.

Contested March elections

Following URSB’s directive that only the 39 original subscribers were members, fresh elections were scheduled for March 11, 2025.

However, controversy erupted when Middleton circulated a list excluding Tabaruka and others, arguing that they had subscribed as students and were therefore junior members without voting rights.

The March 11 meeting collapsed for lack of quorum after boycotts by excluded members. A follow-up meeting on March 18 proceeded under similar conditions and failed to resolve the disputes.

This prompted Tabaruka and Geoffrey Okello to petition the High Court, seeking recognition of all 39 subscribers as equal members and challenging the legality of the March meetings.

The Court’s findings

Justice Mutesi ruled that while Kyadondo’s articles of association provided for different classes of membership, there was no evidence that these categories applied to the subscribers at incorporation. She noted that all 39 appeared together on a single list, with no distinction.

The judge rejected the claim that some were junior members, observing that the articles defined junior membership as applying to full-time students, apprentices or minors who did not play rugby. There was no evidence that those excluded from the March elections fell into that category.

On this basis, the Court declared the March 11 and March 18 meetings null and void. It further ruled that, given the disputes, leadership vacuum and quorum requirements, it was impracticable to hold a general meeting under the existing articles.

Justice Mutesi authorised a hybrid general meeting, allowing members to participate physically or virtually and lowered the quorum to 15 members to make the process workable.

The Registrar of Companies was instructed to preside over the elections, declare all positions on the executive committee vacant, issue a notice within 45 days, and conduct the elections within 60 days of the notice. The Registrar is also expected to receive expressions of interest from candidates and ensure the meeting is widely publicised.

Tabaruka, one of the applicants, described the ruling as a chance for closure: ‘Once the elections are held democratically at the AGM, it will mark the true conclusion of the governance issues that have long troubled the club.’

Responding to the decision, Owor, who was among those whose filings were expunged by URSB, said he could not comment in detail. ‘The ruling is clear but I’m not the right person to comment,’ he said.

Efforts to reach other parties were unsuccessful by press time.

Busiro East MP Medard Ssegona is among the sitting MPs who have been denied the National Unity Platform (NUP) card for the 2026 General Election.

Musician Mathias Walukaga, who doubles as Kyengera town mayor, will carry the party flag in the 2026 General election.

After his vetting by the party electoral commission recently, Mr Sseggona told journalists at the party headquarters that he was more qualified than any other contender for the seat, arguing that the opposition party, led by musician turned politician, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, has a sense of class and quality.

“Look at me, look at my CV. Why do you have to deceive yourself that there’s a mischievous possibility of the party choosing someone less qualified for this job than me? I have presented my CV, I have presented my ideas, and everybody will agree that I’m more qualified for this job, that’s if they are not drunk or possessed by evil spirits. This party has a sense of class and quality. Does Parliament still make laws? Is there somebody vying for this position as qualified as I?’ the veteran politician and lawyer said.

According to the list Ms Shamim Malende has retained the Kampala Woman MP ticket, while Ms Zahara Luyilika, who has been contending for the same seat, was given the ticket for the Makindye West Constituency, which is currently represented by Mr Allan Aloysius Ssewanyana.

Kampala City lawyer George Musisi was given the flag to contest for the Kira Municipality MP seat, seeking to oust People’s Front for Freedom (PFF)’s spokesperson, Mr Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, while Zambali Bulasio Mukasa will carry the party flag for the Nansana Municipality MP seat currently occupied by one of NUP’s estranged members, Wakayima Musoke.

Mr Kyagulanyi’s elder brother, Mr Fred Nyanzi, will carry the party flag in the Kawempe South MP race. He was contending for the ticket with Dr Roy Ssemboga, a former (82nd) Makerere University Guild President. The seat is currently occupied by another estranged member, Bashir Kazibwe.

Mityana Municipality MP, Ms Joyce Bagala, lost the ticket to Proscovia Mukisa, who will now face off with Lands Minister Judith Nabakooba of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), if the former doesn’t contest as an Independent candidate.

Another notable flag bearer is Ms Mercy Marion Alupo, who has been given the party flag to dislodge Speaker Anita Among from the Bukedea Woman MP seat. Alupo is one of the three women running against Ms Among, who were recently sued in a bid to stop their participation.

Nakaseke South MP, Paulson Luttamaguzi Ssemakula, who recently crossed to NUP was also given the flag while Mr Hilary Innocent Kiyaga, alias Dr Hildaman, retained his Mawokota North ticket amidst speculations that he had lost favours with the party’s top leadership.

Mr Lubowa Ssebina Gyaviira was given the ticket to contest for the Nyendo Mukungwe MP seat currently occupied by the former Leader of Opposition, Mathias Mpuuga, who recently broke ranks with the party leadership and formed his own political party, Democratic Front (DF).

Mr Patrick Kutesa was also given the party flag to oust Kimanya Kabonera MP, Dr Abed Bwanika, who is seeking to retain the seat on the DF ticket in the 2026 poll.

NUP spokesperson, Mr Alex Waiswa Mufumbiro, who is currently on remand, was given the flag for Nakawa East Division, currently occupied by Ronald Balimwezo, who is aspiring to unseat Kampala Lord Mayor, Erias Lukwago. Rubaga South MP Aloysius Mukasa lost the party flag to Eugenia Nassolo.

If Uganda Civil Aviation Authority (UCAA) sought justice in rejecting the scores of their first netball final they got in the most brutal form after ruthlessly falling to Hotel Africana 25-6 at Maroons Stadium in Luzira Sunday evening.

In the first final on August 31, UCAA came from behind to almost dethroning the defending champions but the match was cancelled after both sides disagreed on the scoreline. Some thought it was 8-8, while others said Africana had won by a point margin.

With players exhausted after a marathon of games on the day, both teams agreed to reschedule the final for September 24.

But in the four weeks in-between, one team seemed to have prepared, while the other rested. Evidence? The performance: Africana led 10-0, eventually winning the first half 15-3 thanks to the clinical pair of goal shooter Doreen Atukunda Kagumire, who is naturally a defender, and goal attacker Victoria Nakazibwe, who converted almost every chance.

Solid, agile and tireless, centre player Christine Zalwango had fluid coordination with her defense, wing attack and the entire forward line.

Despite that amorphous lead, Africana coach Bashir Matovu used the interval to emphasise the need to stick to the game plan, a message especially meant for goal defender Alton Sentongo, who was much later substituted for Ibra Inesko.

In the second half, goal attacker Brenda Namuhoma and goal shooter Joyce Nakirya tried to pull UCAA back into the game, but got limited supply. And UCAA were slow in attack, which gave an advantage to Africana, whose pace, power and accuracy resulted in an emphatic 25-6 victory.

‘We should have won this final last time, but our opponents complained. This time, I am happy that now they can only accuse us of being ruthless on the court,’ said Hamida Ayoub, Africana’s assistant coach, who plays for Busia Greater Lions.

‘We are happy that we have won this title again. We thank our employers at Africana for giving us a chance to train for the games. Such performances also contribute to promotions and pay rise.’

UCAA’s goal defender Henry Mukenya rued the missed opportunity but was graceful in defeat. ‘We left Entebbe to come and fight for gold. But I congratulate Africana for the good performance. We hope to do better next season.’

RESULTS

Africana 25-6 UCAA

OUTSTANDING PLAYERS

Doreen Atukunda Kagumire (GS)

Victoria Nakazibwe (GA)

Christine Zalwango (C)

Alton Sentongo (GD)

As National Unity Platform (NUP) president Robert Kyagulanyi, also known as Bobi Wine, tours the Busoga region to rally support, his party’s flagbearer selection process has triggered outrage and division among supporters in Kamuli and Buyende districts.

Many local voters say they feel betrayed after seeing trusted grassroots candidates sidelined in favour of what they describe as ‘political opportunists.’ Some argue that this undermines the very principles NUP claims to stand for, change, transparency, and inclusivity.

In Buyende District, particularly Budiope West, supporters were dismayed after the party flag was denied to seasoned opposition politician Dr Dominic Wakabi. Instead, it was handed to Mr Anthony Kolobe, a former NRM member now branded by some as an ‘opposition schemer.’

In Kamuli Municipality, another favourite, Mr Silver Segonga, was overlooked in favour of Mr Godfrey Mugoya, also known as Ivalyadhagi, leaving grassroots supporters deeply disappointed.

For the Kamuli District Woman MP seat, many had rallied behind Ms Proscovia Naikoba Kanakutanda, famously known as Ndatike, to pose a serious challenge to First Deputy Prime Minister Rebecca Kadaga. Ms Naikoba has contested against Ms Kadaga three times. However, the flag was controversially awarded to Ms Bridget Babirye, whom critics accuse of abandoning the constituency after her last electoral loss.

‘We expected NUP to front a strong challenger to the President’s Office Minister, Ms Milly Babalanda, who secured the NRM flag under questionable circumstances. Instead, NUP has worsened the situation by selecting weak candidates through a flawed and corrupt vetting process,’ said Mr Farouk Isabirye, a NUP mobiliser from Kidera Sub-County.

Mr Isabirye further criticised the absence of party structures and a credible electoral college to determine flagbearers on merit, warning that the current system demoralises supporters and leaves them ‘ideologically disoriented.’

Dr Wakabi, who has contested multiple times and consistently emerged as a strong contender, also expressed his disappointment.

‘It’s difficult to risk your political capital on a party that doesn’t guarantee fair, merit-based outcomes,’ Dr Wakabi said. He added that the so-called vetting process lacked transparency and credibility, with assessments largely based on phone calls and written recommendations rather than objective, on-the-ground evaluations.

Kamuli resident Ms Shamim Nairuba echoed the frustration, claiming that NUP flag allocations are driven more by favoritism and leadership connections than competence.

‘How does a serious opposition party drop Segonga for musician Walukaga, or sideline Naikoba for Babirye? Are they truly after state power or just promoting personal interests and political drama?’ Ms Nairuba asked.

As discontent brews in the Busoga sub-region, questions continue to mount about NUP’s internal democracy and whether it can live up to its promise of being a genuine alternative to the status quo.