Category: Daily Monitor

For years, a chilling darkness defined life for locals on Kampala-Masaka highway, turning places like Buwama and Kayabwe town councils into hunting grounds for criminals.

A spike in violent crime, particularly a disturbing wave of murders and burglaries, had paralysed communities and crushed the local night economy. The perpetual fear, however, is now giving way to cautious optimism following the installation of solar-powered street lights. In the past, nightfall in these trading centres became a cue for residents to retreat.

Murders in Kayabwe Town Council, and relentless burglaries and thefts in Buwama Town Council and Nabyewanga Trading Centre in Nkozi Sub-county, had become regular occurrences. ‘We used to register a murder case every month, but it is no longer the case,’ Mr Simon Ssekitto, one of the residents, said in an interview at the weekend.

Mr Jumah Lule, a resident of Kayabwe Town, underscored how the darkness emboldened assailants. ‘They used to kill our people, and the assailants were using the cover of darkness to escape. But now the solar lamps have changed the situation; they have so far helped us a lot and ensured safety,’ he explains The grip of insecurity was equally felt by local traders.

Ms Margaret Kayemba, a lungfish vendor in Buwama Town Council, illustrates the economic toll. Driven by fear, she was routinely forced to close her business by 7pm. The new lights, however, have not just pushed back the shadows, but they have also extended her workday and profitability.

‘Since the solar street lights were installed over a month ago, I sell my mamba (lungfish) until 10pm, and this has improved my daily income and I get Shs90, 000 as profit,’ she says, beaming with new-found hope.

This narrative of economic revival is mirrored across the designated installation zones, which include strategic points like Mitala Maria, Mbizzinya Roadside Market, Nabusanke, and Nabyewanga Trading Centre. Mr Michael Lutalo, the principal township officer for Kayabwe, said the solar lights are helping traders extend working hours and boost business activity.

The transformation stems from a significant injection of resources: a security equipment package, primarily comprising solar street lights, valued at Shs550 million, procured by Mawokota South MP Yusuf Nsibambi in partnership with local councils. While such a donation would typically be described as an act of philanthropy, MP Nsibambi sees it as a model for proactive, hands-on leadership, contrasting starkly with the often-slow pace of central government service delivery.

‘You cannot wait for the government to deliver services because they don’t have the money to do so,’ Mr Nsibambi stated, emphasising the imperative for elected leaders to take the initiative. He expressed confidence that the solar lights would ‘transform the beneficiary towns into vibrant urban centres, thus boosting the night economy’.

Mr Nsibambi also predicted that towns like Kayabwe and Buwama will achieve municipality status in the next 10 years. The initiative highlights the severe resource constraints faced by lower local governments. Mr Abdul Rashid Nkinga, the mayor of Buwama Town Council, highlighted his administration’s struggle.

‘We tried to procure only 10 solar street lights four months ago, but they were not enough,’ he revealed, stressing that local governments simply ‘lack such huge amounts to finance big projects like this one’.

He lauded Mr Nsibambi’s intervention as a ‘developmental move’ but appealed for more support from other individuals and organisations to meet the overwhelming demand. Mayor Nkinga also said the town council made a ‘co-effort’ to procure some lights to avoid leaving the burden solely on the area MP.

Despite the widespread gratitude, some residents insist the job is only halfway done. Mr Ibrahim Nsubuga, a boda-boda rider, voiced the need for a more comprehensive security solution that pushes beyond the highway.

‘They were installed only along the highway. Let them also be erected in the ghetto areas, sharp corners, and at our homes to chase away all the elements of burglary and motor accidents on our feeder roads,’ he said.

The boda boda rider pointed out that while the main roads are safer, criminals are now shifting their operations to unlit spots like Katikannyonyi, Teketwe, and Maggale Cells in Buwama Town Council.

‘There is also need for improvement in visibility for road users at night along the entire highway right from Busega to the border of Kalungu and Masaka City by installing more street lights on unlit townships and other areas,’ Mr Nsubuga added.

MP Nsibambi urged residents to protect the new equipment, particularly the security alarms, and to refrain from vandalism.

A fierce battle is brewing in Lira City as two prominent cabinet ministers, Ms Betty Amongi and Dr. Jane Ruth Aceng, clash in a high-stakes contest for the Woman Representative seat in Parliament. Already, the rivalry between these two powerful figures has sent shockwaves through the entire Lango Sub-region, with supporters on both sides fiercely defending their candidates.

Ms Amongi, who has abandoned her Oyam County South parliamentary seat and relocated to Lira City, is the Minister of Gender, Labour and Social Development, and Uganda People’s Congress flagbearer. Dr. Aceng is the Minister of Health, incumbent Lira City Woman Member of Parliament, and the flagbearer of the ruling National Resistance Movement.

Interestingly, amidst this intense political showdown, a young and ambitious challenger has emerged: Ms Patricia Aceng Ogwang, a former radio presenter who is determined to shake things up and make her mark on Lira City politics. Ms Aceng Ogwang is running on an Independent ticket.

Ms Amongi says UPC flag bearers will sweep all the parliamentary seats in this principal trade centre of Lango sub-region, starting with Lira City Woman MP seat. In Lira City East Division, Mr James Ocen of UPC is battling for the seat with NRM’s Denis Alyela Omodi and Mr. Isaac Apenyo (Independent).

This seat is being held by Mr Jimmy Akena Obote, UPC party leader, also Ms Amongi’s beloved husband. In City West Division, UPC’s Vincent Shedrick Obong (incumbent); NRM’s Eddy Morris Ogweng, Mr. Denis Blair Odongo Okello (Ind), Mr. Jimmy Awany (Ind), and Mr. Dan Okello (Ind) are battling for the seat.

“We are here to win all seats in Lira City as members of Uganda People’s Congress. We are going to focus on the issues. We are not going to focus on the people who are diverting us. We are going to focus on what the needs of the people of Lira City are: Economic empowerment,” says Ms Amongi.

Industrializing the City is next on Ms Amongi’s 2026-2031 agenda. “I will work to ensure that we operationalise Lira Industrial Park, that I’ve already got two investors – one from Korea and one from Dubai – ready to come and invest in Lira Industrial Park,” she says, pledging to ensure economic empowerment of the people of Lira City, not forgetting the youth and women.

“I’ve already started a scaling programme. I have the affordable capital at only 10% per annum, which I’m going to scale up among the population.” Ms Amongi is contesting under her slogan “Oribcing olweny wunu ikom can, bed i cente icao (literally means “Let’s join hands together, let’s fight poverty; have money in your pocket.”

According to the UPC aspirant, without money, you cannot solve the basic needs of humanity: education, healthcare, food, shelter, and clothing.

“It is money that addresses the concerns of the people. I will work to ensure that whether you are in agriculture, whether you are in business, whether you are in any sector of the economy, we are going to support you to ensure that you have money in your pocket to sustain your family and to build our economy,” says the Gender minister.

‘Protecting gains’

Nonetheless, Dr. Aceng reaffirms her readiness to defend her seat as the Lira City Woman Representative in Parliament. The Minister of Health pledges unity and teamwork, further emphasizing that the transformation of Lira City requires a collective effort.

“I have made good gains in the areas of water and sanitation, education, health, and wealth creation. And I’ve been a promise to the people of Lira City not only to protect those gains but to enhance those gains,” she says.

Ms Aceng Ogwang says she is better placed to represent the people of Lira City. “My vision for Lira City is one where every citizen, especially women and youth, have equal access to opportunities, quality services, and a dignified life. I believe that development must be people-centered, inclusive, and sustainable,” she explains.

If given the mandate, Ms Aceng Ogwang promises to champion a leadership that listens, engages, and delivers. “I intend to strengthen our community through three core pillars: health and sanitation for all, urban farming for food security and income, and education and child empowerment,” she says.

Population and size

With a population of 245,132 people, including 112,439 males and 132,693 females, Lira City is a prominent urban and commercial hub located in northern Uganda, within the Lango Sub-region. Geographically, it lies at latitude 2°17′ north of the Equator and longitude 32°56′ east of the Prime Meridian.

Its central location makes it a key gateway to northern trade, culture, and development. On August 6, 2020, Lira was officially approved as an Industrial and Commercial City, affirming its role as a regional center for commerce, governance, and innovation.

Today, Lira City continues to grow as a dynamic, inclusive, and forward-looking urban space serving the people of the Lango Sub-region and beyond. The city is divided into two main divisions and further subdivided into 49 wards and 236 cells, each with residential, commercial, and institutional developments.

City East Division is the largest, with its size totaling 192Km2 while Lira City West Division’s size stands at 92.6Km2.

Issues on ground

Lira is grappling with one of the highest burdens of HIV infections in the country, standing at 12 percent as of 2024. This problem is attributed to various factors, including the increasing involvement of people living with HIV in risky behaviours such as commercial sex work.

Other stressing issues include, among others; the horrible state of the roads within the city, youth unemployment, poverty, domestic violence, and poor sanitation and hygiene.

Who is Aceng Ogwang?

She is a journalist and public health advocate, who is passionate about using communication to drive positive change in her community. With over six years of experience in broadcast and online journalism, Ms. Ogwang has dedicated her career to telling stories that inspire, inform, and empower the people of Lango and beyond.

Through her work, she has focused on advocacy issues that promote attitudinal change towards gender-based violence (GBV), health, gender equality, and social inclusion. Her voice and writing have served as platforms for awareness, accountability, and action, ensuring that the most vulnerable are not left behind.

In addition to journalism, she has invested deeply in public health. This blend of communication and health has strengthened her belief that informed people are empowered people. As the founder of Wanacel Foundation, a women’s rights and advocacy organisation based in Lira City, she has worked to empower women and youth through mentorship, leadership training, and community dialogue.

Ms. Ogwang’s earlier volunteer experience with Child Fund International in Kampala, where she trained and mentored young people in vulnerable communities, gave her firsthand insight into the challenges faced by ordinary Ugandans and the courage to be part of the solution.

About Amongi

Born on November 15, 1975, Ms. Amongi has worked hard to defend the rights of women, including spearheading the campaign advocating for the scrapping of refund of bride price in Uganda.

Through her work with global parliamentary associations; the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and the Inter Parliamentary Union, where she has been serving as an executive member, Ms. Amongi has travelled widely to Kenya, Nigeria, Somalia, Japan, Myanmar, Samoa, Tonga, Oman, Yemen, Gambia, and Saudi Arabia to meet government officials in the campaign for inclusion of women in Parliament.

She has also been involved in global campaigns on peace and security. Through her work in Somalia, the clan leaders who were opposed to a constitutional provision of including women representation in Parliament had accepted to progressively adopt a quota system for women.

She is an expert trainer of trainees for Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and Inter-Parliamentary Union and serves as a gender expert for the Uganda Gender partnership Donor group to help shape donor priorities in the areas of women’s empowerment.

She is a trained professional in International Relations and Diplomatic Studies, Political Science, and Gender and Development Studies. She served as Minister of Lands, Housing, and Urban Development. She previously served as the Cabinet Minister of Kampala Capital City before being posted to her current portfolio of Gender, Labour, and Social Development.

Who is Dr. Aceng?

She holds a Bachelor’s Degree in Medicine (MBChB), MMED (Pediatrics), Masters in Public Health, and Diploma in Health System Strengthening. She is a pediatrician expert and currently at the level of senior consultant pediatrics.

Dr. Aceng has vast experience both as a manager and practicing medical personnel. She served as medical officer, senior medical officer, medical officer special grade, medical superintendent, consultant pediatrician, senior consultant pediatrician, hospital director, and formerly as the Director General Health Services, where she was responsible for coordinating technical functions for the delivery of Health services, a role she has fulfilled until her appointment as the Minister for Health.

Eunice Adong sits on a long wooden stool while her son, Allan, sits on a blue plastic chair in the doorway of a grass-thatched house.

Living in Lelacol Village, Barr Parish, Abok Sub-county in Oyam District, Adong and her son, who was fathered by an unknown member of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), have a long story of pain.

The 38-year-old mother was abducted by the LRA rebels during an attack on Aweikwo Village, Ajul Parish, Aleka Sub-county in March 2004. She was taken together with two other girls, namely Winnie Akello and Jennifer Akello. Days later, Winnie managed to escape while Jennifer and Adong remained in captivity.

Adong managed to escape after four years during a battle between the rebels and the government soldiers. She was pregnant. Her child was delivered at Teboke Health Centre III in Apac District.

Then a child mother, Adong stayed at the Rachele Rehabilitation Centre, where she took a tailoring course. When she returned to her village, she stumbled upon a silent war affecting children born of the LRA war. Struggling to find their place in society, these children face stigma and rejection.

‘Several people look at me as a former rebel, as someone from the bush, but I do not care. Yes, I was abducted and impregnated. I was not prepared for it, but there is no way I can reverse it,’ she says. Adong has since failed to find a husband, while her son faces complete rejection.

‘After the death of our father, my nine brothers shared the customary land, but neglected to include my sister and me,’ she laments.

Land is an important yet sensitive resource in northern Uganda. Several conflict-affected persons, some of whom spent over 20 years in the internally displaced people (IDP) camps, returned home to competition over access to land ownership.

This resulted in heightened tension and violence among war survivors. Soon after her father’s death, relatives began asking where Adong’s son would build a house and cultivate a farm when he came of age. They also inquired about where she planned to bury him.

Land plays a significant role in children’s lives, particularly in terms belonging, social acceptance, and financial security.

When life became unbearable, the distraught mother relocated to Abok Sub-county, about 17 kilometres away from her ancestral home. She lived in the home of a former abductee, Monica Adur.

‘I stayed at Adur’s place for two months. I rented a shop at Abok Trading Centre where I mended people’s clothes using a sewing machine donated to me by the Foundation for Inclusive Community Help (FICH). I also engage in small-scale farming,’ she explains.

From her sweat, the former abductee purchased a half-acre plot of land on which she built three grass-thatched huts and a garden. Her son, Allan, was a pupil at Abok Primary School until 2024, when he dropped out in Primary Six.

At school, children born of war are labeled ‘sons of the rebels,’ a reminder of their troubled past. At home, they are often left without relatives to turn to for support, which exacerbates their sense of isolation.

Allan wants to become a builder, but he has failed to raise the Shs300,000 required to pay for on-the-job training.

Hundreds suffering

Adong is among hundreds of women in the Lango and Acholi sub-regions who returned from captivity with children fathered by the rebels but are struggling to be accepted back into their families.

These children have been compelled to integrate into families and communities that often reject them because of their birth origins and identities. Even if their mothers remarry, their stepfathers eventually reject the children.

John Oweka, a Senior Two student, is another child born of war. His mother, Betty Atim, was abducted in 1996 in Ojwii Trading Centre in Aleka Sub-county. After being subjected to sexual slavery, Atim gave birth to a child whose name literally means ‘I have been abandoned.’

In 2003, she escaped and returned to her village. Luckily, she got married, but ten years later, the relationship turned sour after her husband began asking about Oweka’s father’s identity.

‘At that point, I returned to my father’s house. I engaged former LRA fighters, asking them about the whereabouts of the man who got me pregnant,’ Atim explains.

While the man’s whereabouts remain unknown, Atim bumped into his brother, who asked for forgiveness on behalf of his brother.

‘He said he would shoulder the responsibility of educating his nephew. My son now attends a private school in Kampala. During the holidays, he lives with my father in Ojwii,’ Atim says.

Peter Okello Ayo, the Minister of Culture in the Lango Cultural Institution, Tekwaro Lango, says the two-decade LRA conflict left a trail of destruction still visible today.

‘The majority of those fathered by the LRA rebels are being rejected because of the atrocities committed by their fathers. Some people still think these children will one day turn against them like their fathers did,’ he says.

The cultural leader, however, in a heartfelt appeal, urges the community to embrace children born of war.

“These children are innocent and deserve our love and acceptance. We must not stigmatise or reject them. We should support them to become responsible citizens. They did not choose to be born into war, so they should not suffer for it,” he cautions.

According to a United Nations estimate, the LRA rebels killed more than 100,000 people, abducted between 60,000 and 100,000 children, and displaced more than 2.5 million civilians in four African countries from 1987 to 2012.

Those returning from captivity were granted amnesty for any crimes they committed while under the rebels’ control. Figures from Uganda’s Amnesty Commission show that approximately 26,000 people have so far been pardoned. More than 5,000 of these are female, and two-thirds of them are under the age of 27.

Jasper Okello, the LC1 chairman of Akuki Village in Aleka Sub-county, says several women who returned from the bush are both feared and discriminated against, making it difficult for them to settle in their former villages.

‘Some of them were sidelined in the implementation of the rebuilding programs, such as the Northern Uganda Social Action Fund (NUSAF) and Peace, Recovery and Development Plan (PRDP). The survivors also find it hard to marry, go back to school, or find jobs,’ he says.

Harsh realities

Monica Akullu was abducted in 1998 when the rebels raided Odyekcami Village in Abok Sub-county. She became pregnant from sexual violence and gave birth to a daughter.

‘I managed to escape in 2004. In 2005, I got married, but I decided to leave my daughter under the care of my parents because my husband would not accept me with a child fathered by another man, more so a rebel,’ she says.

Akullu’s daughter, now 21, has grown up with her grandparents. During the Covid-19 lockdown, she conceived and had to drop out of school in Primary Six. She wants to study a short course in tailoring or hairdressing. However, her grandparents do not have the funds to support her.

Evelyn Amony, a former wife of Joseph Kony, the leader of the LRA, says that without access to land or inheritance, children born of war, especially young men, face uncertain futures, struggling to provide for themselves and their families.

The stigma surrounding their birth can be overwhelming, making it difficult for them to integrate into their communities.

‘Stigma and discrimination against former female captives and children across northern Uganda. People think children born of war have come to grab their land. When a woman returns from captivity with a child, her relatives can chase her away,’ she says.

Not all is lost, though. Amony says her organisation of former female captives, Women’s Advocacy Network (WAN), is working with partners to reunite these children with their extended families, offering a glimmer of hope.

Currently, WAN has a total of 975 members. Composed of 16 grassroots women’s groups within the Acholi, Lango, and West Nile sub-regions, it meets quarterly to discuss advocacy issues, work towards consensus building, and develop strategies to ensure that issues of contention are addressed.

Children born of war deserve a chance to heal, grow, and thrive. By promoting family reconciliation and economic opportunities, the organisation is helping to break the cycle of rejection and stigma.

After years of tension and uncertainty, the long-awaited peace talks in the Bugwere cultural institution have finally begun, offering a renewed sense of hope to the institution once torn apart by division.

The leadership crisis began soon after the death of the first cultural leader, Mr John C. Wayabire, in 2021, when rival factions within the institution failed to agree on the rightful successor.

What started as a disagreement over succession quickly escalated into widespread unrest. Many factions emerged, each claiming to be the duly elected cultural leader of the Bagwere.

The subjects, people of Ikumbania, watched helplessly as their land drifted towards chaos. But last week marked a turning point. Under the Inter-religious Council of Uganda (IRCU), a consensus-building meeting of aspirants and their representatives on the leadership of Obwa Ikumbania Bwa Bugwere cultural institution was held at Mountain Inn Hotel, Mbale.

The meeting was chaired by the Bishop of Bukedi Diocese, Rt. Rev. Samuel Egesa George Bogere, the respected voice of wisdom, where leaders (clans) from all sides gathered for mediation.

“The talks were not easy. Deep mistrust lingered and tempers flared more than once. They, for the first time in months, there was also genuine conversation-listening instead of shouting. Reasoning instead of accusation,” said Mr Claudeus Kikokonkoli, a representative of Joshua Musimami, one of the claimants.

Bishop Bogere spoke passionately about restoring the institution’s dignity through dialogue.

“We cannot build a future while fighting the shadows of the past. The throne was meant to unite us, not divide us,” he said.

His words struck a chord. By the second day, representatives of the rival factions and the claimants agreed to build consensus.

The claimants who attended the meeting included Mr Pangholi Samuku Mubbala, Geoffrey Wayabire, Erick Kasolo, Nzogi Ngobi, Mr Francis Kanku, and Mr Joshua Musimami, who was represented by Mr Claudeus Kikonkolo.

Mr Mubbala proposed a power-sharing government, with him as Ikumbania, the cultural leader of Bagwere. He also proposed a cabinet that would include Mr. Nzogi Ngobi as chairperson of the cultural council, Mr Geoffrey Wayabire as Prime Minister, Mr Joshua Musimami as Secretary General, Mr Francis Kanku as 1st Prime Minister, and Mr Eric Kasolo as Speaker.

However, Mr Kasolo and Mr Wayabire supported the idea of electing the Ikumbania by ballot by all clan heads. This left four against two to build a common consensus.

“We have people who have continued to confuse the subjects, which has left them totally divided on the leadership,” said Mr. Badiru Kirya, the cultural council chairperson.

The leadership troubles of the Institution of Obwa Ikumbania Bwa Bugwere started after the death of the first Cultural leader, John Wayabire, on February 6, 2021.

The institution continued to operate under the recognized constitution of 2013 under the leadership of the Prime Minister, Mr Joel Mugulusi, the speaker, Mr Jacob Maiso, and the chairperson, cultural council, Mr Badiru Kirya.

The Mbale High Court declared Mr Mubbala the lawful leader, and the Ministry of Gender, Labour, and Social Development requested implementation of the court order.

However, this did not happen as another rival party petition court.

The elections of a new cultural head of Obwa Ikumbania Bwa Bugwere has been indefinitely suspended pending the disposal of court case.

Several attempts by the Ministry of Gender to have warrying parties unite hit deadlock.

In the quiet villages of Budaka, the promise of quality healthcare is being eroded, not just by medicine shortages or underfunding, but by something far more basic – a place for health workers to live.

At most health facilities, the few available staff quarters are overcrowded, and some health workers are forced to rent or trek long distances to reach their duty stations.

“We cannot realize the vision to have a healthy and productive population that contributes to economic growth and national development when some of these challenges are not addressed,” said Dr Elisa Mulwani, the District Health Officer (DHO).

According to Dr Mulwani, the district has a projected population of 291,391 people, and there is a shortage of staff accommodation, with most facilities able to accommodate only 2 critical staff members.

The health sector staffing level stands at 26 per cent as per the new staffing structure and 78 per cent as per the old staffing structure.

The status of health facility staff accommodation is dire, with some health centers having only one or two units.

For instance, Iki-Iki health center III has only two units, Lyama health center III has one, and Naboa health center III has two.

Some sub-counties, including Tademerii Kamonkoli, Kakoli, Iki-Iki Kachomo, and Kabuna, have no accommodation at all.

The effects of this shortage are far-reaching, with health facilities struggling to operate 24-hour services, leaving patients unattended during nights and weekends.

This has contributed to delays in maternal care, increased referrals, and preventable deaths.

“The severe shortage of staff accommodation continues to undermine service delivery and morale among health workers,” said Mr Emmanuel Pajje, the Budaka District chairman.

‘The severe shortage of staff accommodation, continues to undermine service delivery and morale among health workers’ he said.

The Ministry of Health acknowledges the national shortage of health staff accommodations, estimating that a greater percentage of rural health workers in Uganda lack housing units.

However, progress in addressing the problem has been slow due to the limited budget envelope.

The Budaka district Planner, Mr Shaban Kabise, said that the FY 2026/27 budget will be the second year of implementing NDP1V and the corresponding fourth district local government development plan, which is the first plan to deliver the tenfold Growth strategy and the last plan to deliver Agenda 2030 of the sustainable development goals [SDGs].

According to the first budget call circular issued on September 15, 2025, the district resource envelop as per the MTEF allocations was Shs34.782.303.322 and this was broken into as Wage expenditure allocation for both programme conditional and the district unconditional was Shs22,283.431.955 and development Shs2.203.191.224

However, the envelope is pushed to Shs37,087,364,877 by funds from locally raised revenues, other transfers from Central Government and external financing.

A 35-year-old man accused of stealing a bunch of matooke from his parents’ farm and threatening violence was on Tuesday found dead in Rukungiri District police cells, where he had been detained.

The police spokesman for Kigezi Sub-region, Mr Elly Maate, said Alex Mugarura, a resident of Marumba B village, Kanyinya ward, Southern Division, Rukungiri District, was found hanging dead in what police are treating as a suspected suicide case.

Police said Mugarura had been detained after his 67-year-old father, Mr Charles Kakumu, a resident of Marumba ‘B’ Cell, on Monday (November 10) reported to police a case of theft against his son, whom he also accused of threatening violence.

‘And when they escaped from him, he got infuriated and cut down their banana plantation,’ Mr Maate said.

According to Mr Maate, detectives at Marumba police post intervened to save the situation, which resulted in Mugarura’s arrest and detention.

He was, however, found hanging dead in the cells, with police claiming he used his shirt to commit suicide.

‘Unfortunately, such an adult was threatening violence against his own parents yet it was his responsibility to protect them from any danger. Although this was not the first time the accused was being charged with the same offence, it was ugly for him to take his life while in the police cells,’ Mr Maate said.

Mr Maate further said the scene of the crime was visited by Rukungiri District Grade One Magistrate, the district police commander and his team, as well as a medical doctor who examined Mugarura’s body before it was handed over to the relatives for the burial.

Cases of suspects dying in police cells are common in Uganda, with officers attributing them to suicide.

When heavy rains recently pounded Kampala, they left behind more than just flooded streets and traffic chaos. In the city’s bustling downtown, the floods washed away millions worth of merchandise, leaving traders in despair. What was once a hub of business activity quickly turned into scenes of loss and heartbreak – soaked goods, shuttered shops, and livelihoods swept away in muddy water.

In the aftermath, one question lingered in many conversations: What if we had insurance?

For some, it was a painful realisation that insurance could have offered a lifeline – a way to recover at least part of their losses. But for many, it was a reminder of how little they knew about it. Despite its potential to protect against risks, insurance remains largely misunderstood among traders. Some view it as a savings scheme, while others don’t trust it.

According to the Uganda Insurers Association (UIA) market survey on Insurance Coverage and Needs among KACITA Members and Affiliate Trader Associations, only 4 percent of respondents currently have insurance cover. Awareness, however, stands slightly higher at 16 percent, with the highest rates recorded in Greater Kampala (4.4 percent), followed by Mbarara (4 percent) and Mbale (2.5 percent).

This gap, the report notes, highlights an urgent need for insurers to do more than just raise awareness. They must turn awareness into actual uptake, especially among small and medium sized traders who remain most vulnerable to shocks like floods and fires.

At Nabukeera Plaza, one trader pointed to the waterlogged floors of his shop. ‘All the buildings – Pentagon, Capital, Nabukeera – flooded. We have lost around Shs100 million, as you can see,’ he said.

Nearby, a woman who sells household items watched helplessly as her stock of carpets, towels, and mosquito nets floated away. She had just restocked a day before the flood. Like many others, she resorted to selling what little she could salvage at throwaway prices, hoping to recover part of her capital.

In total, more than 20 commercial buildings were affected, exposing the magnitude of losses traders have suffered and reigniting debate about the role of insurance in protecting businesses from financial shocks.

So, could insurance have saved them? If yes, why do a few traders have it?

Findings from the same UIA report reveal that lack of information is the biggest barrier to insurance uptake – cited by 42 percent of respondents. This is followed by the high cost of premiums (32 percent) and delays in claim payments (12 percent).

Alex Ngirimana, who owns a ladies’ salon in the basement of Parkview Plaza, was among those affected by the recent flooding. He recalls receiving a distressing phone call alerting him that water had submerged his salon.

‘When I got there, the water had already reached halfway up the room,’ he said. ‘A few items were destroyed – the seats, hair extensions, and some other equipment.’

Asked whether insurance could have helped him recover from the loss, Ngirimana admitted he does not understand how it works.

‘I don’t understand insurance or how it operates,’ he said. ‘In Rwanda, I have seen how health insurance works – money is deducted from people every year, and you can actually see the benefit when you fall sick. But here, it’s different. No one has ever come to explain or engage me about it.’

Perceptions

BD Life spoke to Hamza Mutebi, the chief executive officer of SWICO Insurance, said most traders are hesitant to take up insurance due to a perception problem – a matter of believability. He explained that many traders doubt insurers will compensate them when calamity strikes, yet, in reality, 50 percent of what SWICO collects from the public is paid back in form of claims.

’90 percent of those buildings have insurance,’ Mutebi said. ‘The buildings, not the traders because those buildings are mortgaged in banks, and every mortgage must carry property insurance.’

But the challenge lies in perception which can be addressed through experience.

‘You can’t learn how to swim by reading a book about swimming,’ he explained. ‘You have to test the water – step in at some point..’

Mutebi added that SWICO is now working on new innovative insurance products tailored for traders and those affected by market fires and other calamities. The company, in collaboration with the local government and the Kingdom of Buganda, is developing a market-specific insurance product expected to launch early next year.

‘We are working on something specifically for traders that will help them appreciate the importance of risk mitigation.’

Bridging trust and knowledge gap

According to Ibrahim Kaddunabbi Lubega, the chief executive officer of the Insurance Regulatory Authority (IRA), the floods have underscored how crucial insurance literacy and preparedness are for business continuity.

‘We have made insurance awareness and education a top priority,’ he said. ‘We recently acquired a mobile awareness truck that is already moving through various communities – starting with the central region – to engage traders where they are.’

‘Disasters like floods are unpredictable. But insurance provides a cushion when they happen. We encourage every business owner to ask questions, and learn how insurance can secure their enterprises and future.’

He also pointed out that microinsurance products tailored for small business owners already exist and are accessible through SACCOs, market associations, and digital platforms.

‘We’ve encouraged insurers to use simple language and flexible payment options so that even the smallest trader can benefit,’ he noted. ‘My message to traders is this – when an insurance agent approaches you, don’t dismiss them. They are there to help you understand what protection suits your business best.’

On the issue of mistrust, Kaddunabbi clarified that most legitimate claims are paid.

‘In 2024, Shs442.73 billion was paid in claims – representing 43.6 percent of the industry’s total gross written premiums,’ he said. ‘Insurance is built on trust, and we are committed to ensuring that trust is never broken.’

Risk planning

Kaddunabbi notes that disasters like the recent floods are a wake-up call for traders to rethink how they plan for risks.

‘These floods have shown how important it is for traders to think about insurance as a key part of doing business, not as an extra,’ he said. ‘Just like you budget for rent or electricity, you should also plan for insurance. Climate change is not going away,’ he cautioned. ‘The best we can do is prepare.’

He revealed that IRA is working with insurers to develop products that directly address climate-related risks, ensuring that small and medium enterprises are better protected.

For most traders, the absence of any form of backup plan will continue to cost them. The survey further found that businesses are exposed to multiple risks – theft and burglary (76 percent), fire outbreaks (47 percent), and unstable commodity prices (36 percent) among the most common.

To cope, many rely on personal savings (34 percent) or borrow money (32 percent) to bounce back. Others secure their premises better (31 percent) or join village savings and loans associations (11 percent).

But only 2 percent mentioned insurance as a risk management measure – a statistic that clearly reflects the deep trust gap the sector still faces.

Imagine negotiating a high-stakes deal, one that would decide the fate of climate-stressed communities globally, but in the next room, another group is cutting one that would undo that.

That is the predicament that anti-fossil fuel activists have been facing at the UN’s annual climate conference.

Last year, as COP29 neared its final stretch in Baku, Azerbaijan, tempers flared. Developed nations had failed to commit to an ambitious climate finance package of USD 1.3 trillion per year, prompting delegates and climate activists from developing countries to storm into a pressroom in anger.

The climate negotiations had been hijacked right from the start by fossil fuel lobbyists to push ‘their own agenda.’

‘Do they come to look for solutions or for more clients? Things are already bad, for us but they still want to cash in,’ says Guillaume Kalonji Kayembe, an advocate of the Just Transition and founder of the Rise Movement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

As COP30 draws closer, a raft of critical climate issues is expected to be discussed in Belém, Brazil, including transitioning away from fossil fuels and scaling up climate finance for developing nations. However, developing nations also want stricter reforms that can keep out the fossil fuel lobbyists from the climate negotiations.

The past three COPs have been hosted by petrostates. This year’s COP will be hosted in Brazil, a country that does not heavily rely on oil due to its diversified economy.

Bad for our business

Mr Harjeet Singh, the Global Engagement Director of the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty, states that the presence of fossil lobbyists at the COP is bad for business.

Mr Ali Adow, the founder of the Nairobi-based think tank, Power Shift Africa, describes the COPs as an ’embarrassment’ where ‘open talks have become a place for backroom deals’ for the fossil fuel lobbyists.

‘Would you invite big tobacco companies to lead discussions in a conference that is looking at fighting lung cancer? The COP is for the climate-affected and those that believe in science and take it seriously. Fossil fuel lobbyists distract us from reaching our climate goal.yet the elephant in the room is fossil fuel and a massive scale-out of renewables,’ he says.

Some fossil fuel lobbyists have clapped back. Mohammed Amid Naderian, who has been working for the Gas Exporting Coalition Forum (GECF), a coalition of 21 gas-exporting and consuming countries, as the Department Head of Economics and Forecasting, has attended several climate summits.

‘One of my roles at COP29, was strengthening collaboration with developing nations. The West has no right to dictate what Africa should do with fossil fuel because it developed because of fossil fuel,’ he says.

His colleague, Abubakar Jibrin Abbas, the GECF Senior Energy Forecast Analyst, notes that Africa still needs fossil fuel because ‘it is still the least emitter of carbon globally and this can still be absorbed by its dense forests.’

But such explanations are merely ‘rhetoric meant to create impressions that all is well,’ says Mr Dickens Kemigisha, the Executive Director of the Kampala-based African Institute for Energy Governance (AFIEGO).

‘COPs have been reduced to mere gatherings. We need an international tribunal put in place to handle this matter. All they (fossil fuel lobbyists) do is peddle eye-watering false climate solutions,’ he says.

Is carbon trading a permit for polluting?

Carbon trading is expected to be contentious at the COP30. Belem, a sweltering city of 2.4 million people located just some 130 kilometers away from the Amazon rainforest – the largest global carbon sink that has been under threat due to logging and mining – was strategically chosen by the Brazilian government for the COP30.

At COP29, significant amendments were made to Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, encouraging countries to buy and sell emission reductions from carbon capture storage projects to meet their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs).

This, plus the first-ever global carbon tax, climate analysts say, only focuses on shipping emissions and ignores financing climate-hit countries. They argue that the amendments have loopholes that can still be exploited by fossil fuel industries and lobbyists to continue polluting more under the guise of investing in carbon sinks to compensate for their emissions.

The desperate and sometimes bare knuckle and even bloody fights for a parliamentary seat are driven by many factors, among them a search for a meal ticket or survival, opportunities, influence, power, and glory.

Little wonder that the Electoral Commission yesterday flagged off a whopping 2,700 plus candidates to fight for the 519 parliamentary seats across the country, with the campaigns expected to end on January 13, 2026, ahead of the January 15 polling date. Eight of these 2,711 candidates were cleared to join the 12th Parliament after the EC declared them unopposed.

The 519 seats include 353 for direct constituency, 146 District Women, and 20 for Special Interest Groups, including five each for the Youth, Persons with Disabilities, Workers, and Older Persons.

The MPs elected will join the 556-member 12th Parliament, alongside 10 representatives from the Uganda People’s Defence Forces and other ex officio members. For the upcoming election, 1,283 candidates will run as Independents, while NRM has fielded 514, NUP 297, FDC 214, and DP 94, while the remaining candidates are distributed among the smaller parties.

Costs of the races

But the battles for securing these seats do not come on a silver platter. Ahead of the campaigns, Daily Monitor would later establish from several MPs from different regions that the price of running a well-oiled campaign varied from region to region, but contests for constituencies in Western Uganda were the most expensive, ranging between Shs400m and Shs600m.

Campaigning in constituencies in Eastern Uganda, according to the Kigulu South MP, Mr Andrew Kiiza Kaluya, costs between Shs300m and Shs500m. But there are also huge rewards for winning these hot seats, as being an MP in Uganda comes with a hefty salary and other additional perks, according to information obtained from the Parliamentary Commission.

The heavy perks

Each MP is entitled to a monthly salary of Shs25m, a one-off vehicle allowance of Shs150m, a subsistence allowance of Shs4.5m per month, a town running allowance of Shs1m per month, a medical allowance of Shs500,000 per month, a sitting allowance of Shs50,000 for committee meetings, and a plenary sitting allowance of Shs150,000; as well as mileage allowances.

A seasoned city banker who asked not to be named thinks the clamour for MP seats is ‘a lack of economic opportunities’. He maintains that many people look at politics as a ‘meal ticket’, hence its do-or-die diktat.

He believes if there were a threshold imposed on who can contest, for example, demanding that one must be a billionaire, chances are the quest for parliamentary seats would carry less allure.

‘If these people had economic opportunities, they would not battle for these seats like it’s a do-or-die. If politics were ceremonial, had token pay and no corruption deals, people would not be so desperate to win it at costs,’ he says.

Mr Chrispin Kaheru, an Independent Election analyst and member of the Uganda Human Rights Commission, says politics in Uganda is not a contest for ideas, but ‘a contest for survival. Parliamentary elections feel like do-or-die battles because they carry both power and livelihood’.

He adds: ‘For many candidates, winning that seat will mean access to social status, income, and may be influence that are not easily available elsewhere in the economy. Politics seems to have become the most reliable ladder to opportunity, and elections become a scramble for limited foothold in a very small lift.

‘At another level, our politics still reflects personal-based networks more than institutional or ideological competition. So, a seat in Parliament isn’t just an individual win, but a victory for a whole web of dependents, supporters, and financiers who expect a return on their investment. Losing, therefore, can feel like collective bankruptcy.’

Mr Kaheru says. A 2021 report by the Alliance for Finance Monitoring notes an increase in overall campaign spending compared to previous elections at the parliamentary level, ranging from Shs50m for the lowest spender to more than Shs3.5b for the highest spender. The report found that the majority of spending was in the form of cash donations dished out for reciprocity on Election Day. Daily Monitor previously established that in Western Uganda, a candidate seeking to grab a parliamentary seat can spend up to Shs4b Mr Elioda Tumwesigye, the former minister for Science, Technology and Innovation, on June 20, 2019, wrote, reminding President Museveni of a promise he reportedly made to rescue him from campaign debts totalling Shs850m, which he piled up during a by-election campaign for the Sheema Municipality parliamentary seat in July 2018.

Mr Kaheru also adds the psychology of visibility to the lust of quests for a parliamentary seat, noting that politics in Uganda confers identity and relevance to the players. He says: ‘Once you have been ‘Honourable,’ life outside that title can feel invisible and that drives desperation; yet, beyond the drama and high stakes, these contests also reveal something positive – the intensity of political participation.

‘Ugandans take elections seriously because they know that whoever holds parliamentary office shapes their daily realities, including paying school fees, medical bills, and meeting funeral costs, among others. The challenge, therefore, is not the passion, it’s how to channel that passion into peaceful, policy-driven competition rather than winner-takes-all politics.’

Mr Simon Sonny Wejuli, a Human Resource for Health practitioner, describes parliamentary elections as ‘quite important’ because they define how laws will be made, and what the future of politics will be. These, among other roles, including being able to vote on decisions or put in place laws or policies that govern how the country is run, make them ‘very important’. ‘The people we choose to represent us need to be people of substance, those who understand what the people want and how best the country can be managed, and not be manipulated. In the past, MPs have been manipulated a lot by both ends of the spectrum; so, we need MPs with substance,’ he opines.

‘MP elections are very important because if you have stooges who can’t even reason in Parliament, and aren’t intelligent enough to reason things out and make decisions that positively affect the well-being of the people, then you are choosing the wrong people,’ Mr Wejuli says.

Mr Mike Buster Nandala, a technician, says parliamentary elections have recently become an issue of importance to almost every person in society, and have attracted many people, some of whom end up using up their savings and selling off their property in desperate bids to ensure they are elected. Mr Nandala says majority of the candidates aim at ’empowering themselves financially’, and other factors like attainment of social status, show of support for their political leaning, and participation in decision-making, among others, come into play.

Unemployment has emerged as the biggest concern for residents of western Uganda, according to a new study by Twaweza’s Sauti za Wananchi, a non-governmental organisation that tracks citizens’ views on governance and public services.

The survey, conducted between February and March 2025, found that 41 per cent of respondents in western Uganda cited unemployment as their most pressing issue.

This makes unemployment the region’s leading concern, ahead of other challenges such as hunger and poor health services. While this report shows unemployment is generally a nationwide problem, its prominence varies across regions.

For instance, Greater Kampala and the central region did not find it the most pressing issue, and rather reported the high cost of living as the most pressing issue, while both eastern and northern regions reported hunger as their biggest pressing issues.

In fact, unemployment ranked lowest among northern Uganda’s list of priorities, unlike in the West, where it stands out as the biggest threat. The findings come amid growing political debate over perceptions of privilege in western Uganda, the home region of President Museveni.

This alleged perception has since compelled several political figures to urge residents of western Uganda to vote out the incumbent regime, claiming that the regime has created a perception that people from western Uganda are doing well, while only a section of them truly benefit, and the majority remain in poverty, like many other Ugandans.

Such claims have been common from National Unity Platform (NUP) President Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, alias Bobi Wine, who has on several occasions called on residents from western Uganda to vote out Mr Museveni, arguing that he has presented a misleading picture of the people.

Similarly, while addressing the media at the National Economic Empowerment Dialogue (NEED) headquarters, 2021 presidential candidate Joseph Kizza Kabuleta, warned Ugandans not to think that the Ankole sub-region is exempt from suffering like other regions, attributing this to what he described as bad leadership and segregation by the incumbent government.

Kabuleta’s claim, like Kyagulanyi’s, was that, like any other region, a considerable number of people in Ankole are trapped in a vicious cycle of poverty, but a certain privileged few cover up the situation to make it appear as if all people from western Uganda are living a better life. According to the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) 2024 Census Report, the unemployment rate among the working-age population (15 years and above) stood at 12.3 per cent.

Of particular concern is youth unemployment, with 42.6 per cent of individuals aged 15-24 classified as Not in Employment, Education, or Training (NEET). Beyond unemployment, western Uganda also reported hunger and health services as its most immediate pressing issues, each standing at 38 per cent and 35 per cent respectively. Furthermore, the study revealed that western Uganda reported having land/property issues more than any other region.

The only region that comes close to western Uganda when it comes to registering land issues is the Northern region. In the past, a section of Mbarara Municipal Council leaders protested what they described as rampant cases of land grabbing and corruption in the area. These leaders argued that these land grabbers were impeding the development of the proposed city.