Alleged Genocide: What US Ought To Do – Kwankwaso

Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, Presidential Candidate of the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) in the last general election, has reacted to the threat of US President, Donald Trump, to Nigeria over alleged genocide.

Ever since Nigeria publicly supported two-state solution to the Middle East crisis and spoke against killings in Gaza, there has been a campaign of alleged genocide against the country.

But the situation reached its height, on Friday, when President Donald Trump redesignated Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern.

The US government under Trump had first designated Nigeria a country of particular concern in 2020.

Responding to Trump’s latest action, President Bola Tinubu had said religious persecution has no place in the country, adding that the Nigerian Constitution guarantees protection of citizens regardless of faith. But not convinced, Trump threatened military action against Nigeria, accusing the Federal Government of turning blind eyes to the ‘killing of Christians’.

The American leader also directed the Department of War to prepare for possible action in Nigeria.

Responding in a statement on Sunday, Kwankwaso said Nigeria is a sovereign nation whose people face different threats from outlaws.

He said insecurity does not distinguish between Christians or Muslims, adding that the US ought to assist Nigeria to tackle widespread security issues.

‘I have noted with increasing concern the heightened pronouncements on Nigeria by President Donald Trump. This follows his designation of Nigeria as a ‘country of particular concern.’

‘It is important to emphasise that our country is a sovereign nation whose people face different threats from outlaws across the country. The insecurity we face does not distinguish based on religious, ethnic, or political beliefs.

The United States should assist the Nigerian authorities with better cutting-edge technology to tackle these problems, rather than posing a threat that could further polarise our country.

‘The Nigerian government should also consider appointing special envoys from its distinguished diplomats to engage the American government. Additionally, it is necessary to appoint permanent ambassadors to represent Nigeria’s interests on the international stage.

‘To my fellow countrymen, this is an important moment where we should emphasise unity of belonging over division. God bless Nigeria.’

Defection: Kaduna Is Now One Big Family – Uba Sani

Governor Uba Sani has said that his leadership style which is rooted in inclusivity, fairness and justice, as well as infrastructural development across board, has attracted decampees to the All Progressives Congress(APC).

The Governor recalled that the opposition had 12 members in the House of Representatives as at May 29, 2023 while the ruling party had just four legislators at the lower legislative chamber of the National Assembly.

”But in the last two and half years, 10 of the House of Representatives members have decamped from the opposition parties to APC. PDP had 12 members in the state House of Assembly but today, seven have decamped to APC. That is a sign that we are running an inclusive government,” he argued.

Governor Uba Sani noted that ” Kaduna State is now one big happy family under the canopy of APC. I am also calling on those who are yet to come on board, to cross over to our party.” He made this known at Kafanchan township stadium, where Senator Sunday Marshall Katung, the senator representing Southern Kaduna and three other legislators defected to APC at a mega rally on Saturday.

Other lawmakers who defected include Hon Dan Amos, a House of Representatives member representing Jema’a/Sanga federal Constituency, Hon Ali Kalat, State Assembly member from Jema’a constituency and Hon Yusuf Mugu, a House of Assembly member from Kaura constituency as well as thousands of their supporters.

With the latest defections, Southern Kaduna which used to be a political enclave of the Peoples Democratic Party(PDP) since 1999, has transformed to an APC haven, as all elected members are now in the ruling party.

Speaking at the event, Governor Uba Sani said ”what is happening today clearly demonstrates the kind of government we have been running in our state.

”When we came on board, precisely on May 29, 2023, we made it clear to everyone that we took a solemn oath to be fair to all, to run an inclusive government, and to ensure that we treat everyone equitably, irrespective of political, religious or ethnic affiliations.

” We also made it clear to everyone, that whether you voted for us or not, we will take development to every part of Kaduna State,” he recalled.

Governor Uba Sani further said that ”I am happy to say that there is no local government in Kaduna state that is not benefiting from our transformation efforts, in terms of infrastructural development, improved healthcare, revamping education and agriculture.”

He lamented that when his administration came on board, ”12 out of 23 local governments of Kaduna state had not benefited from even a one kilometre road project in 12 years. Today, the story has changed.”

”For instance, in Zangon Kataf local government, we are constructing 22 kilometres asphaltic road from Madauchi to Kafanchan which is almost completed. By the Grace of God, in the next two to three months, that road will be completed.

”From Sanga to Jemaá local government, from Gwantu to Godogodo, linking Jemaá to Sanga local government, we are also constructing 24 kilometres of asphalt road which is 70% completed,” he added.

According to the Governor, his administration is ”linking Kauru local government with Kubau local government with about 28 kilometres ongoing ashaltic road. We are going to commission it soon.

”We have done a lot of township roads in Jaba local government, a local government that had not witnessed even a two kilometre road in 12 years. We have also constructed a lot of township roads in Kagarko local government,” he added.

Governor Uba Sani who thanked President Bola Tinubu for citing the Federal University of Applied Sciences at Kachia, disclosed that ”we are constructing asphaltic road that links Kachia to the University. ”

Speaking at the mega rally, the Chief of Staff to the President, Chief Femi Gbajabiamila said that Southern Kaduna which used to be the exclusive preserve of PDP, has ”woken up to the reality of the president’s reforms.”

Gbajabiamila who represented President Tinubu, said that the reforms have positively touched everyone not just in Southern Kaduna or Kaduna State, but in the entire country, adding that the best is yet to come.

The Chief of Staff said that he personally knows the defecting lawmakers, describing them as formidable PDP members who have now joined the party that will lead their constituents to salvation.

He commended Governor Uba Sani for achieving so much in two and half years, with the direction of President Tinubu, adding that ”thank you for containing terror in the state , thank you for your giant steps of development.”

In his remarks, the Speaker of House of Representatives, Rt Hon Tajudeen Abbas, described the defection of Senator Katung and Rep Amos as a political earthquake.

”Senator Sunday Marshall Katung is a man of substance and integrity. He is known for his courage, intellect and service to his people. He has shown that leadership is about vision, compassion and results.

”And my brother, Hon. Daniel Amos, is a man of rare discipline and dedication. In the House of Representatives, I appointed him to one of the most sensitive committees, the House Committee on Services.

”This is the committee that oversees the welfare, logistics and daily operations of the House. It is the heart of the institution. It requires absolute trust, prudence and skill.

”Hon. Amos did not disappoint. He became the most loved Chairman of House Services in the history of the House. Members and staff alike hold him in high regard. He worked tirelessly.

”When funds were short, he used his own. When problems arose, he provided solutions. When challenges came, he stood firm. That is leadership. That is service,” he added.

NELFUND Receives Over 1m Applications, Disburses N116bn

The Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) has recorded over one million applications on its student loan portal since it was launched on May 24, 2024.

According to the Fund, the figure reflects growing public confidence in President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, which aims to restore trust in government-led social empowerment programmes.

Since its inception, NELFUND has disbursed more than N116bn in student loans, covering tuition and upkeep allowances for students in universities, polytechnics, and colleges of education across the country.

Speaking on the achievement, NELFUND Managing Director/Chief Executive, Mr. Akintunde Sawyerr, described it as a defining moment in Nigeria’s journey toward equitable education financing. ‘Crossing the one-million mark represents more than data; it represents renewed hope for a generation of Nigerians determined to rise above financial barriers to education.

‘It is a testament to visionary leadership, sound policy design, and the collective efforts of all stakeholders driving this transformative agenda,’ Sawyerr said.

The Fund reaffirmed its commitment to continuous improvement, pledging to ensure that every qualified Nigerian student-regardless of background or location-can access education funding with transparency, efficiency, and dignity.

NELFUND emphasised its non-discriminatory approach, noting that the initiative benefits Nigerians of all faiths and ethnic backgrounds, and contributes to national unity by promoting equal access to education.

As the programme continues to expand, NELFUND says it remains focused on its mission to ensure that no Nigerian is denied the opportunity to learn, grow, or contribute to national development due to financial constraints.

For inquiries, the Fund can be reached via email at info@nelf.gov.ng or through its official social media platforms: @nelfund on X and Instagram, and Nigerian Education Loan Fund – NELFUND on Facebook and LinkedIn.

Dangote guarantees Nigeria’s daily PMS supply

Dangote Petroleum Refinery yesterday disclosed that the facility now delivers 45m litres of premium motor spirit (PMS) otherwise known as petroleum.

Similarly it said the facility also delivers 25 million litres of diesel on a daily basis while reaffirming its commitment to ensuring a steady and uninterrupted supply of the products nationwide.

In a statement yesterday, the Group Chief Branding and Communications Officer, Dangote Industries Limited, Anthony Chiejina insisted that its daily production capacity now exceeds the domestic demand.

Weekend Trust reports that the statement from Dangote is coming a day after the approval of 15 per cent duty on importation of PMS, Diesel and Jet fuel became public amidst divergent reactions from stakeholders in the downstream sector.

While the decision was applauded by some stakeholders and economists as a measure to protect the local refineries, some major marketers are kicking against it warning that it might trigger fuel price hike.

Our correspondent reports that despite the existence of Dangote Refinery which commenced operation over a year ago, importation of petroleum product has continued unabated with about 67 per cent of the daily consumption still imported.

However, Dangote is insisting that its 650,000 barrel per day refinery can meet the national demand.

It also stated that it would be unpatriotic for anyone to criticise the recently announced tariff, which, according to him, is a good start.

The Dangote spokesman emphasised that the tariff is designed to protect domestic industries from unfair competition and safeguard local production.

According to him, the refinery’s operations are driven by the company’s dedication to supporting national energy stability and consumer confidence.

He said, ‘Our refinery is currently loading over 45 million litres of PMS and 25 million litres of diesel daily, which exceeds Nigeria’s demand.

‘We are working collaboratively with regulatory agencies and distribution partners to guarantee efficient nationwide delivery. Dangote remains steadfast in its commitment to meeting the energy needs of Nigerians. This significant production capacity not only guarantees local supply but also enhances energy security and reduces dependence on imports.’

He stated that improved local production of petroleum products has helped stabilise the exchange rate and strengthen the naira.

‘We have reduced foreign exchange outflows and increased inflows, which in turn supports the naira and strengthens the economy,’ he added.

Chiejina stated that continued importation of products produced locally in sufficient quantity undermines the industrialisation drive of the federal government.

‘Dumping engenders poverty, discourages industrialisation, creates unemployment and leads to revenue loss for the government. Across the world, nations protect their local manufacturers and industries from the threat of dumping. Dumping destroyed our textile industry, which was once a major employer of labour and creator of wealth,’ he said.

He advised that the government must go beyond the tariff by strengthening its monitoring and enforcement mechanisms to prevent the dumping of substandard and toxic petroleum products by unscrupulous and rent-seeking individuals who prioritise profiteering at the expense of Nigerians, often undermining well-intentioned government policies for their selfish interests.

He added that the prevalence of dumping in past years discouraged investors from establishing industries in Nigeria, as imported products flooded the market at unsustainable prices, undermining local production. The new tariff policy, he noted, would benefit local refiners and encourage fresh investments in the downstream oil sector, thereby strengthening Nigeria’s industrial base and creating more jobs.

He commended the foresight of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for approving the tariff policy aimed at strengthening and transforming Nigeria’s downstream oil and gas sector. He noted that the decision reflects the administration’s commitment to creating a stable, business-friendly environment that supports local investment and enhances energy security.

‘President Bola Ahmed Tinubu continues to embody courageous and visionary leadership, renewing the hope of Nigerians and restoring investor confidence in the nation’s economy. His administration’s bold and business-friendly reforms are reshaping the downstream oil and gas sector, unlocking new opportunities for industrial growth and national prosperity. The latest policy initiative stands as a testament to his foresight – one of the most transformative steps yet toward securing Nigeria’s energy future and empowering local industries to thrive,’ he said

He warned that failure to protect local industries could lead to large-scale dumping from countries in Asia and Europe with excess production capacity. Such practices, he said, would strangulate domestic refineries, cripple allied industries, and undermine the laudable policies of President Bola Tinubu’s administration aimed at promoting industrial growth and economic stability.

Chiejina further disclosed that the average price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) in September 2024 was about N1,030 per litre, compared to an average of N841-N851 per litre in September 2025, following the implementation of the Dangote Refinery’s Direct Delivery Scheme.

Similarly, as of September 2024, the pump price of Automotive Gas Oil (AGO) ranged between N1,400 and N1,700 per litre, depending on the state, with prices reaching up to N1,700 in most northern states. By September 2025, however, the average price had dropped significantly to around N1,020 per litre, reflecting the refinery’s impact on stabilising the market and reducing logistics costs.

In comparison, petrol prices in neighbouring West African countries range between $1.20 and $2.00 per litre, while the average price in Nigeria remains around $0.60 per litre, a clear indication of the refinery’s profound impact on affordability and supply stability.

ADC: How far, so far?

On Monday, November 3, the coalition-led takeover of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) will be four months old. While many have applauded the group’s efforts in offering Nigerians a glimmer of hope for an alternative political platform ahead of the 2027 elections, the party’s slow progress and emerging internal crises are beginning to cast doubt on the coalition’s strength, Weekend Trust reports.

The opposition coalition, which boasts in its ranks former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former Senate President David Mark, and former governors Peter Obi (Anambra), Rauf Aregbesola (Osun), Nasir El-Rufai (Kaduna), Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers), and Jibrilla Bindow (Adamawa), among others, adopted the ADC on July 3 as the vehicle it intends to use to unseat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

The adoption followed the protracted crises that have plagued the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP), and New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) – the three political parties that came second, third, and fourth, respectively, in the 2023 presidential election.

Although the coalition-led ADC hit the ground running with a string of high-profile defections, it failed to make any notable impact in the August by-elections and rerun polls held across the country. Party officials and supporters argued that the elections came too soon, as arrangements for those contests had been concluded before the ADC’s adoption.

Hopes were rekindled in September when the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) formally recognised the Senator David Mark-led leadership of the party. This recognition came despite strong opposition from the ADC’s 2023 presidential candidate, Dumebi Kachikwu; its only federal lawmaker, Leke Abejide; and Nafiu Bala, a former governorship candidate in Gombe State, who declared himself factional national chairman.

Observers note, however, that while the leadership crisis at the national level remains unresolved, several state chapters have become engulfed in factional battles. From Kaduna to Abia, Kebbi to Imo, Kogi to Ondo, and Adamawa to Cross River, party leaders continue to trade suspensions and expulsions, further fracturing state structures.

Kaduna

Crisis erupted in the Kaduna State chapter as rival factions exchanged suspensions and expulsions, deepening divisions and fuelling confusion over leadership.

The turmoil began when the State Executive Committee (SEC) expelled Deputy Chairman Ahmed Mustapha and eight other key officials for alleged gross misconduct, forgery, and financial irregularities. Those expelled included State Publicity Secretary Idris Musa, Vice Chairman (Zone 1) Sulaiman Abdullahi, Treasurer Gambo Sani, Financial Secretary Magaji Maiwada, and Legal Adviser Danlami Musa.

State Chairman Elder Patrick Ambut, who announced the expulsions, said the decision followed due process and aimed to restore discipline. ‘These individuals engaged in activities capable of undermining the unity and lawful operation of the party,’ Ambut said.

He accused Mustapha of impersonation and unauthorised interference in party affairs.

However, the expelled officials dismissed the action as illegal and retaliatory. Idris Musa, the ousted publicity secretary, described the decision as ‘laughable,’ claiming it was in response to their earlier suspension of Ambut and State Secretary Victor Oluwatuyi for alleged anti-party activities.

That faction also suspended Ambut and Oluwatuyi, accusing them of misconduct, creating parallel structures, and breaching the ADC constitution. It then appointed Mustapha as acting chairman and Rachael Didams as acting secretary pending investigation by a disciplinary committee.

The feuding groups have since traded accusations of high-handedness, forgery, and financial impropriety, each insisting on its legitimacy. The controversy deepened with the appointment of former Finance Minister and factional Labour Party chairman, Senator Nenadi Usman, as Kaduna State coalition chair, alongside former state finance commissioner Bashir Sa’idu, an ally of El-Rufai, as co-chairman – a move that triggered further outrage within the state chapter.

Kogi

The Kogi chapter has also been torn by leadership disputes, with rival factions suspending one another over alleged anti-party activities and internal disagreements.

In August, the State Working Committee (SWC) reaffirmed the suspension of key members, including the party’s only elected lawmaker nationwide, Hon. Leke Abejide (Yagba Federal Constituency). State Secretary John Adaji said Abejide and four others – Dr. Idris Omede, Hon. Johnson Tayo, Lukman Usman Adedayo, and Olabode Kayode – were suspended for anti-party activities and insubordination.

However, another faction of the SWC convened separately at a hotel in Lokoja, reaffirming the expulsion of Kingsley Ogga and describing his purported return to the party as ‘a figment of his imagination.’

Factional spokesperson Johnson Tayo said Ogga had been expelled since 2022, a decision ratified at all party levels. ‘There has been no reversal of Ogga’s expulsion. A person whose membership has been revoked cannot act or speak for the party,’ he said.

Tayo further rejected the national ADC coalition movement, saying it does not reflect the will of Kogi members. He insisted that Abejide remains the party’s leader in the state as its only elected official.

‘The Kogi SWC dissociates itself from the national coalition. At the appropriate time, we will make our position known on who the party will support,’ he concluded.

Adamawa

The Adamawa State chapter has splintered into three factions, each claiming to be the legitimate leadership. The division pits loyalists of former Secretary to the Government of the Federation Babachir Lawal against supporters of Senator Aishatu Dahiru Binani, while incumbent chairman Shehu Yohanna insists he remains the substantive leader.

Lawal’s bloc has endorsed Sadiq Dasin as chairman, while Binani’s group backs Saidu Komsiri. Yohanna, however, maintains he remains the duly recognised state chairman.

The national leadership has since waded in, recognising Dasin as interim chairman, effectively siding with Lawal’s bloc, which also enjoys the backing of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar.

‘It has come to the notice of the national headquarters of the ADC that there appears to be a growing division in the ranks of the party leadership in Adamawa State,’ the party said in a statement.

It added that, ‘It will be recalled that at its meeting of October 8, 2025, the National Working Committee (NWC) of the party approved that Interim Executive Committees be set up to manage the affairs of the party in the states for now.

‘After due investigations, the party considers the Saturday, October 25, process supervised by the National Vice Chairman for the North East, which produced Barrister Sadiq Dasin as the interim party chairman in Adamawa State, to be in line with the NWC approval and guidelines.

‘In view of the foregoing, the party wishes to encourage all party members who have involved themselves in a separate arrangement to have a rethink and follow the path of reconciliation. Similarly, the party encourages the new interim chairman to extend the hand of fellowship to all and address genuine grievances.

‘The party would like to restate its commitment to fairness and justice to all members, as well as its readiness to address genuine concerns. The party will, however, not tolerate any act of indiscipline that is likely to jeopardise ongoing efforts to build a strong and truly democratic party.’

Kebbi

In Kebbi, the ADC’s troubles also centre on leadership contests and factional suspensions. On August 12, 2025, pioneer members suspended state chairman Sufiyanu Bala and his deputy and secretary, accusing them of taking unilateral decisions and allowing ‘Abuja nomadic politicians’ to dominate – a veiled reference to former Attorney General Abubakar Malami (SAN), a coalition leader who had recently joined the ADC.

By October 28, the chapter announced the suspension of Sule-Iko Sadeeq, who allegedly paraded himself as state chairman without authorisation. The move reaffirmed Bala as the constitutional chair and urged security agencies to restrain Sadeeq from acting in that capacity.

Ondo

In Ondo State, the crisis has centred on leadership disputes and allegations of imposed coordinators across local government areas. In July 2025, the chapter reaffirmed Chief (Mrs.) Ganiyu Sidikatu Ojo as the duly recognised chairperson and dismissed unauthorised lists of local government coordinators as invalid.

The chapter argued that the lists did not emanate from the State Executive Committee and thus held no legitimacy.

In September, tensions escalated when three members were hospitalised after alleged attacks by APC-aligned thugs during a ward meeting in Akure South.

The combination of internal disputes and external intimidation presents a complex challenge for the party. Although the executive has been reaffirmed, control over local structures remains contested.

Cross River

Penultimate week, the Cross River chapter announced the suspension of the party’s National Vice Chairman (South-South), Dr. Usani Uguru Usani, for allegedly undermining the unity and progress of the party.

The suspension, which took immediate effect, followed deliberations at a State Working Committee meeting held on October 15, 2025.

In a statement issued in Abuja, State Publicity Secretary James Otudor said the committee found Usani’s conduct to be in violation of the ADC constitution and inconsistent with its core values. He cited multiple petitions alleging anti-party activities, insubordination, and actions detrimental to the party’s image and electoral fortunes.

However, the national leadership rejected the suspension, insisting the state chapter lacked the power to carry it out.

Before the fallout, the ADC in Cross River had already become the focus of inter-party tensions after a wave of defections from the PDP sparked accusations of sabotage and infiltration by the PDP leadership in Calabar.

Imo

The Imo chapter is also mired in a leadership crisis between two factions – one led by Professor James Okoroma and another aligned with former Governor Emeka Ihedioha, who is accused of orchestrating a parallel caretaker committee under Ogbonna Vitalis Chima.

The split deepened after Ihedioha, who quit the PDP before its 2023 governorship primary, aligned his Rebuild Imo Movement with the ADC coalition to revive his political ambitions. The established leadership has, however, disavowed the new faction and warned against unauthorised meetings, further heightening tensions.

Abia

In Abia, the crisis is less about expulsions and more about structural upheaval following the ADC’s coalition adoption. The South-East zonal leadership established a three-man Investigative and Disciplinary Committee to address grievances triggered by an influx of coalition partners.

The committee, chaired by Uche Edeh with members Barr. Anyanwu Chioma Joy and Chilos Godsent, was tasked with reviewing petitions and making recommendations within 14 days.

According to the zonal leadership, the influx of coalition actors created ‘a new wave of power struggle’ and divergent interests. Although the crisis has not yet produced open expulsions, analysts warn that without swift reconciliation, Abia could soon mirror the factional battles seen in other states.

Party moves to contain fallout, focuses on grassroots rebuilding

These crises have fuelled growing concern over whether the coalition-led ADC can meet the expectations of Nigerians who initially saw it as a viable alternative to the APC ahead of 2027. The situation is particularly worrisome as the once-dominant PDP continues to lose governors and legislators to the ruling party, while high-profile defections into the ADC have slowed.

However, the party’s national leadership insists the situation is neither unexpected nor alarming.

Malam Bolaji Abdullahi, the ADC’s National Publicity Secretary, told Weekend Trust that the leadership tussles in some state chapters are ‘not unusual.’

‘We’re creating a new kind of political party, and people are coming from different backgrounds. Differences are expected,’ he said.

He added that with only seven out of 36 states plus the FCT reportedly facing such disputes, ‘that’s not bad at all.’

‘There are issues,’ he admitted, ‘but they’ll be resolved. That’s why party leadership exists. A political party is essentially a mechanism for aggregating and managing conflicting interests. It’s our responsibility to address such issues, and we’re not worried about them.’

Abdullahi also dismissed suggestions that the party’s momentum has waned, describing the current phase as one of ‘quiet rebuilding’ at the grassroots.

‘What happened at the inauguration was that Nigerians got to know there’s now an opposition coalition under the ADC. After that, the real work began. You don’t build a political party by staying in Abuja or appearing on TV,’ he said.

‘Across the country today, the ADC is planting its roots. That’s the most important work – building structures at the grassroots. So, if it seems quiet, it’s because most of the work is happening below the radar, not in front of the cameras. Building a political party isn’t a press conference; it’s sustained fieldwork.’

Professor Abubakar Kari, a political analyst at the University of Abuja, shares Abdullahi’s view, noting that coalition politics takes time rather than spectacle. He urged Nigerians to be patient with the process.

Kari added that if the ADC can remain organised and resolve its internal divisions before the 2027 elections, it could still turn the wave of defections to the APC to its advantage.

‘Many politicians joining the ruling party, or those already there, may soon feel sidelined, creating opportunities for the opposition,’ he said.

Pinnick, please say something about Ugborodo Stadium

The past days have been quite challenging for the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) due to the sudden hullabaloo over the Birnin Kebbi Stadium built around 2020 with funds from the world football governing body, FIFA. According to reports, the Birnin Kebbi Stadium cost a whopping $1.2 million, however, the structure on the ground in the capital of Kebbi State is said to be far below the money allocated for it.

Before we continue, it is necessary to trace the history of the mini stadium. In a bid to develop football around the world, FIFA initiated what it termed the FIFA Goal Project, which is a development and assistance programme designed to realise projects based on the specific needs of national associations.

Considering the enormous football talents in Nigeria, in 2020, FIFA magnanimously approved the construction of two mini stadiums in the country – one in Birnin Kebbi and another in Ugborodo, Delta State. FIFA also approved and released money for the two projects. For each of the mini stadiums, $1.2 million was released by FIFA.

Whether built up to FIFA standard or not, for more than three years, the Birnin Kebbi Stadium has been serving the purpose of its existence. The venue has hosted many local and even competitive football matches organised by the NFF. Sadly, the stadium in Ugborodo is nowhere to be found. I will surely return to the abandoned stadium in the hometown of the former NFF president, Mr Amaju Melvin Pinnick.

For the Birnin Kebbi Stadium, all seemed normal until a recent photo shared by FIFA surfaced on the social media showing the stadium under the FIFA Forward Programme, leading to a public outrage. The picture taken in 2023 showed an unfinished project as the most essential components of a mini stadium were missing.

Therefore, Nigerians, especially those who saw the picture of the stadium for the first time, expressed shock and disbelief, with most of them asking how such a small, yet unfinished structure gulped over $1 million.

The agitations from Nigerians who vehemently questioned how the money from FIFA was expended on the Birin Kebbi Stadium attracted the attention of the House of Representatives Committee on Sports, compelling members to initiate a probe.

Interestingly, Mr Pinnick, who was the NFF president when the Birnin Kebbi Stadium was constructed, has come out to say that the money from FIFA wasn’t misappropriated as alleged by some people. In fact, by his explanation, the money wasn’t even enough to execute the project. He also emphasised that FIFA exercised stringent oversight on all its projects, making it impossible for funds to be abused by the beneficiaries.

Speaking in an interview with ARISE News, Pinnick said: ‘If FIFA gives you their money, they audit that money. They know everything from A to Z, and they have standards. So, if the contract was about $1.1 million in 2020, how much was that in naira? Less than N400 million. That’s what people don’t realise.’

He explained that despite the outbreak of the deadly COVID-19 pandemic which unsettled the whole world, the project followed due process from start to finish, noting that no additional funds were requested or approved.

In his usual manner, the former NFF boss berated those he said were quick to make allegations without backing them up with facts, stressing that his tenure was marked by transparency, accountability and adherence to FIFA’s financial regulations.

Personally, I am happy that the youth in Kebbi State and beyond are using the artificial pitch in Birnin Kebbi to develop their football skills. At least there is something to show for the money FIFA released to the contractors. Only recently, Nigerians were told that contrary to their erroneous conclusions, FIFA does not lodge into the accounts of NFF funds meant for its projects. According to those who know the process, such funds go straight into the accounts of the construction companies.

Anyway, I didn’t expect Pinnick to say that the money for the Birnin-Kebbi Stadium wasn’t utilised judiciously. When the two Goal Projects were awarded to Nigeria, he was both the NFF president and a member of FIFA Executive Committee. He must have influenced the approval of the two sports facilities and where they were to be sited.

However, having defended the Birnin Kebbi project, Pinnick should be courageous and honest enough to tell Nigerians what has happened to the FIFA Goal Project in Ugborodo. Without a doubt, he was behind FIFA’s decision to locate one of the mini stadiums in his hometown. It is also not in doubt that as NFF president, he decided that the contract for the construction of the stadium in Ugborodo should be awarded to an indigenous company, Monimichelle Sports Construction Company, led by Ebi Egbe from Bayelsa State.

Unfortunately, after the elaborate flag-off ceremony, the Ugborodo Stadium, mid-wifed by the former NFF president as a legacy project, appears to have vanished into thin air. It is said that up to this moment, the only thing the contractor has put on ground after allegedly collecting almost half of the contract sum is an incomplete spectators’ stand.

It is an open secret that the project is stalled due to a serious misunderstanding over financial dealings between the contractor and the former NFF president. At a point, law enforcement agents were brought in by one of the parties in the stadium fiasco. Till date, no one has seen a single picture of the stadium, which makes the case of Birnin Kebbi Stadium a better one. In Kebbi, there is at least something to point at.

In any case, the controversy over the Birnin Kebbi Stadium is an opportunity for Nigerians to know the truth about the FIFA Goal Project in Delta State. The same energy and speed deployed by Pinnick in defending his administration’s prudent and transparent utilisation of funds for projects should be extended to the mysterious Ugbodoro Stadium.

It is said that charity begins at home. His loyalists say he has done so much for the Nigerian football and his people. In fact, Pinnick is credited with the construction of a FIFA-approved synthetic pitch in Ode-Itsekiri. Some of his supporters even count the sponsorship of the popular ‘Warri Again,’ a popular comedy show, as one of the accomplishments of the renowned football administrator.

Without a doubt, Pinnick has attained an enviable status in world football administration. However, the continuous abandonment of the Ugborodo Stadium without cogent reasons has tainted his reputation. It is not good for the image of a former FIFA Executive Committee member.

So, beyond explaining to Nigerians what transpired between the NFF and the contractor, Monimichelle that led to the abandonment of the project, Pinnick should ensure that the mini stadium is completed and delivered to his people, else his diehard critics will continue to accuse him of using the project as a ploy to acquire land in his hometown.

Personally, I do not think Pinnick lacks the capacity to purchase any quantity of land anywhere in Ugbodoro. He does not necessarily have to deceive his people to acquire land.

Unfortunately, when one brings home an ant-infested log, he should be sure that ants would pay him a visit. Had the Ugbodoro Stadium been completed, surely, there wouldn’t have been any cause for such uncomplimentary narratives against one of Africa’s most influential football administrators.

NARD’s Nineteen Commandments

Two years ago, our president, on assumption of office, announced fuel subsidy removal and just like that, we entered one chance.

The effects of the policy started gradually and before long, we all began to feel the pinch in our shoes. The queues, the cost, the collective grimace of a nation grinding to a halt. In the hospital, we felt it acutely. The daily struggle became a calculus of survival. A colleague of mine, a brilliant paediatrician dedicated to saving our nation’s children, made a pragmatic decision. He parked his car, a relic of better days, and resurrected an old motorcycle from the depths of his garage. It was his new, cost-effective chariot to and from the hospital.

This decision was born out of necessity, a quiet sacrifice for the privilege of serving a country that often forgets its servants. One evening, after a gruelling 24-hour call duty, exhausted and navigating the poorly lit streets on his rickety motorcycle, he was hit by a reckless Keke Napep rider. The result was a fractured left leg, surgery, and a mandated six-week absence from the wards. For six weeks, the children under his care lost their doctor. For six weeks, his family lived in anxiety. And for six weeks, the system he risked his safety to serve barely blinked.

This story is not an anomaly; it is a symptom. It is the prelude to the painful but inevitable decision the Nigerian Association of Resident Doctors (NARD) has been forced to take: a total, comprehensive, and indefinite strike, commencing on November 1, 2025.

When the news breaks, the public narrative will, as always, be quick to condemn the doctors. ‘How can they abandon their posts?’ ‘It is inhuman!’ The government’s press releases will paint a picture of unreasonable unions holding the nation to ransom. But behind the headlines and the hollow podiums lies a truth we can no longer sugar-coat: this strike is not an act of aggression; it is the final, desperate act of self-preservation by a profession being systematically bled dry.

The communiqué from NARD’s Extraordinary National Executive Council meeting is not a mere list of demands; it is a damning autopsy of a public health system in its terminal stages. Let us move beyond the abstract and look at the concrete injustices that have brought us here. In the communique, resident doctors have itemised nineteen issues that need to be addressed.

Nineteen issues fa? Haba!

Don’t worry, I will not bore you with all the technical issues (as I am not the spokesperson of NARD), but I will highlight the key grievances of resident doctors across the country.

We are talking about a government that, with a straight face, has failed to fully settle arrears of five months from a salary review that was itself a delayed adjustment. They have watched as newly employed doctors have had their entry-level grades deliberately downgraded, leading to gross salary shortages from their very first day of service. Imagine a young doctor, fresh with passion, discovering that their pay check is a fraction of what it should be, all while battling the cost of living in urban centres. This is not an oversight; it is a policy of demoralisation.

Furthermore, the government’s failure to pay the 2024 Accoutrement Allowance and other promotion arrears dating back to 2021 is a special kind of cruelty. It is a deliberate act that subjects us and our families to economic hardship, forcing choices like my colleague’s trading a car for a dangerous motorcycle just to make ends meet.

But the crisis is not just about money; it is about life and death. The communiqué highlights the ‘prolonged and inhumane’ working hours doctors are subjected to, a practice that ‘poses serious risks to physicians’ well-being and patient safety.’ This is not an exaggeration. The current system, where a doctor can be on duty for stretches that span several days, is a recipe for disaster. A sleep-deprived, mentally exhausted physician is a danger to themselves and to the patient on the table. The government’s refusal to enforce civilised work-hour limits is not just exploitative; but a direct threat to public health and safety.

Compounding this is the ‘catastrophic manpower shortage’ caused by the government’s refusal to implement a simple one-for-one replacement policy. For every doctor that leaves the country for greener pastures (Japa), they are not replaced. Politicians think that by increasing the quota of medical schools or increasing the number of medical schools, they have replaced the number of doctors that have left, No! How can one medical student replace a fully trained nephrologist in his place of work? Do you know the number of years it takes to train a consultant nephrologist? How many medical students will replace the nephrologist that left? And in what distant future? What about the ‘now’?

As for the doctors that remain in Nigeria, their workload multiplies, fuelling burnout and ensuring that the cycle of exhaustion continues. We are simultaneously overworked and understaffed, a paradox that can only exist in a system teetering on the brink of collapse.

Add to this the casualisation of our profession through abusive locum arrangements, the exclusion of house officers from the civil service scheme, the non-payment of specialist allowances, and the frustrating bureaucratic bottlenecks with our postgraduate colleges, and you have a perfect storm of discontent.

So, when NARD declares an indefinite strike, understand what it is. It is the collective cry of a workforce that has been pushed to the edge. It is the final resort after ‘repeated extensions of ultimatums as a show of goodwill’ were met with utter disregard. We have watched the government renege on Memoranda of Understanding, ignore Collective Bargaining Agreements, and treat our legitimate concerns with a profound lack of political will.

My colleague with the fractured leg has since returned to work, a metal implant in his leg a permanent reminder of his sacrifice. But what of the fractures in the system? Who will fix those? The strike is our attempt to force that repair. It is a painful, last-ditch effort to save the Nigerian health sector from total implosion and to demand the dignity and respect that every Nigerian doctor deserves.

We do not take this decision lightly. But when the system has broken your body and your spirit, sometimes you have to stop and demand that it be mended, before there is nothing left to fix.

Anyanwu, others suspended as PDP moves against Wike’s men

The crisis rocking the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) took a new turn, on Saturday, as the National Secretary, Senator Samuel Anyanwu, and some other officials reportedly loyal to Nyesom Wike, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), were suspended.

The National Publicity Secretary, Hon. Debo Ologunagba, announced the suspension after a marathon meeting of the National Working Committee (NWC) at the National Headquarters of the party, on Saturday.

Ologunagba gave the names of others suspended as the National Legal Adviser, Kamaldeen Ajibade, SAN, the National Organizing Secretary Umar Bature and the Deputy National Legal Adviser.

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The affected officials are known to be in the camp of Wike.

Daily Trust gathered that for some time now, those suspended have not been attending meetings of the party.

They were suspended for one month and referred to the PDP Disciplinary Committee.

On Friday, an Abuja high Court asked the party to stop its planned convention slated for Ibadan, Oyo State on November 15 and 16, 2025.

The PDP has, however, vowed to appeal the judgement, but added that it would not stop its preparation for the convention.

Disagreement within the party is one of the reasons a suit was filed to challenge the convention.

When will early marriage end in Nigeria?

Early marriage remains one of the major issues confronting girls in Northern Nigeria. Many of these girls are denied access to education because of a deeply conservative belief that a woman’s worth lies only in her husband’s home. In some communities, the value of a girl is measured by the size of her bride price.

Most of these girls are married off to men often three times their age. This is not marriage; it is child abuse.

Early marriage has shattered the dreams of countless girls who once had ambitions and aspirations. Before they can find their path in life, marriage is forced upon them.

In many communities, the girl child is perceived as weak and fragile, confined to traditions that define her only as a homemaker without aspirations. Yet, as the saying goes, ‘Educating a woman is equivalent to educating an entire nation.’

A report by UNICEF reveals that a majority of out-of-school children in Nigeria are girls, about 60 percent of the estimated 18.5 million out-of-school children nationwide. This means that more than 10 million Nigerian girls are not in school. The report attributes this to insecurity, poverty, and cultural norms, particularly in the northern region.

UNICEF also reports that around 12 million girls are married off each year before turning 18, while about 650 million women and girls alive today were married as children. Although the global rate of child marriage has declined, progress has been slow and uneven, making it unlikely that the world will meet the Sustainable Development Goal of ending child marriage by 2030.

These statistics are alarming, highlighting the plight of millions of girls denied education and forced into early marriage.

In Nigeria, child marriage rates are among the highest in Africa. The Child Rights Act (CRA) of 2003 prohibits marriage below age 18, but the Nigerian Constitution contains provisions that conflict with this law. Some states with Islamic legal systems have not adopted the CRA, while others that have done so have failed to enforce it.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) has expressed concern that nearly two decades after the CRA was enacted, many Nigerian girls are still being forced into marriage. Mausi Segun, Africa Director at HRW, said. In 2021, HRW interviewed 16 married girls aged between 14 and 19, as well as representatives of civil society groups working to end child marriage and gender-based violence in Imo and Kano states. The organisation noted that while the federal CRA aligns with international conventions, Section 29(4)(b) of Nigeria’s Constitution defines any married female as having reached the age of majority, regardless of her actual age.

Eleven of Nigeria’s 36 states have yet to domesticate the CRA. Some reports indicate that up to 78 percent of girls in certain states marry before age 18.

Child marriage is not only a violation of human rights but also a public health crisis. Many of these girls face serious reproductive health complications, including death during childbirth. When a girl becomes pregnant before her body is fully developed, her narrow pelvis can cause obstructed labour, leading to internal injuries, excessive bleeding, or even death if emergency care is unavailable.

Nigeria records one of the highest rates of Vesico-Vaginal Fistula (VVF) globally, with an estimated 12,000 new cases annually and between 400,000 and 800,000 women currently living with the condition. Most cases are linked to early marriage, poor access to healthcare, and prolonged labour. Victims often suffer social stigma, poverty, and deep psychological trauma.

Behind the statistics are the silent tears of young girls who never had a choice. In many parts, marriage at a tender age is not a celebration of love but a sentence of lost potential. Their education and dreams are cut short, leaving us to ask: When will early marriage end in Nigeria and allow our girls to decide their own future?

According to Save the Children, more than 22,000 girls die each year from pregnancy and childbirth resulting from child marriage. West and Central Africa, which have the highest rates globally, account for nearly half of these deaths, about 26 every day. The region’s teenage maternal mortality rate is four times higher than the global average.

To end this cycle, the government, traditional rulers, and community leaders must act decisively. Agencies should be created in rural communities to monitor and prevent early marriage, and strict penalties should be enforced for offenders. These agencies and NGOs must also educate parents and religious leaders about the dangers of early marriage.

Poverty remains a major driver, so free and compulsory education is essential. Ending early marriage will require a united effort, particularly from religious and traditional leaders, to reach vulnerable communities and give every Nigerian girl the chance to dream, learn, and thrive.

Vote buying by other means

Even in its previous, bigger reincarnation, that is before Enugu State was created out of it, Anambra State fascinated Nigerians. In its present form and configuration, Anambra, like other states named after geographical landmarks, continues to fascinate and to entrance.

Anambra State excites and beguiles us with its character, colour and cerebral propensities.

Lest we forget, Anambra State is the home of the Great Zik of Africa. Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe was celebrated for his erudition, urbanity, newspaper publishing and memorable sound bites. Recall: ‘No condition is permanent’. ‘History shall vindicate the just’, etc. It is the home of the Biafran war lord, Dim Chukwuemeka Ojukwu. It is the home of Dr. Chuba Wilberforce Okadigbo, Nigeria’s former Senate President, enamoured with sartorial elegance and quotable quotes. Remember his famous put down of Zik (‘The ranting of an ant’) and his swift show of contrition afterwards.

It is the home of former Vice President, Dr Alex Ekwueme, a polyvalent intellectual par excellence. He it was of whom Justice Samson Uwaifo, the Chairman of an anti-corruption tribunal, had pronounced in 1983: ‘Dr. Ekwueme left office poorer than when he entered it and to ask more from him was to set a standard which even saints could not meet.’

Above all, it is the home of Chinua Achebe, the incomparable writer and polemicist. He blessed us with seminal works which made a stalwart statement that Africa had a proud civilisation and history prior to colonisation.

Apart from being a home to a constellation of stars, Anambra State stands on a tripod: its administrative capital at Awka; its commercial port city of Onitsha; and the industrial hub at Nnewi. For good measure, and even though there is no solid data to support it, it is reputed to be the home of Nigeria’s largest number of billionaires.

In spite of its pecuniary endowment, Anambra’s politics, since the advent of the Fourth Republic, has been defined more by godfathers of all manner of colourations, rather than money.

At one time, the Uba Brothers held sway. Then they were supplanted by the war lord himself. Though he was trounced and demystified in 1983 by a lesser known Dr Edwin Onwudiwe of the Nigeria Peoples Party (NPP), when he sought a Senate seat on the platform of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), Chief Ojukwu re-emerged like the Phoenix and dominated the politics of Anambra State. He did so even in the aftermath of his demise. His All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and his legatees still command considerable influence in the state.

It is instructive that in addition to godfatherism, which is not peculiar to Anambra State, violence has hall marked Anambra State politics in the last two electoral cycles, the agitation of the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) and the activities of sundry, unknown gunmen, who unleash death and mayhem, have impacted Anambra State’s politics negatively.

Before the 2017 Anambra State off-cycle Governorship Election, IPOB reportedly deployed, among others, a formidable hate campaign, door-to-door mobilisation, a slew of Short Messaging Services (SMS) and the deliberate enlivening of the grapevine and rumour mill in order to dissuade voters from turning out to vote.

In 2021, there was an escalation. The environment for the offf-cycle governorship election seldom existed, all thanks to violence. Ahead of that election, INEC state offices were attacked in Anambra, Imo and Enugu States. The INEC state office headquarters in Awka, Anambra, was set ablaze, generating sets meant for the election, numbering 376, were burnt. Not less than 50% of the non-sensitive materials meant for the election were burnt. So was the pavilion meant to serve as collation center for the election. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) was so embattled that it sought for presidential intervention ahead of the election.

Due to the violence that has attended governorship elections in the last two electoral cycles, voter turn out has plunged to its lowest. From a healthy 68 percent in the 2007 governorship election, voter turn out plummeted to a mere 10 percent in the 2021 off-cycle election.

Certainly this dismal voter turn out should concern stakeholders in the electoral process. For even though such a niggardly turn out does not invalidate the outcome of an election or its sanctity, it does undermine them. It means that whoever wins will eventually not govern with a full or robust mandate.

Perhaps concerned by this appallingly low voter turn out, Professor Chukwuemeka Charles Soludo, the incumbent Governor of Anambra State, who is contesting for a second term on the platform of APGA, had announced a cash reward for his party’s supporters.

During a recent campaign rally at Umunze, Orumba South Local Government Area, Governor Soludo had promised to give cash incentives for every ward won by his party. He had said: ‘When we were campaigning for the Senate, we knew we were going to win every ward in the South Senatorial Zone, but we still had some incentives. Any ward that APGA won received N1m, and we won all the wards in Orumba South.

‘We promised each of these wards 1m and next week, we will redeem it. The ward that comes first will get N5m, the second N3m and the third N2m. That was the deal.

‘For November 8, any ward that wins again will get N1m, while the first three performing wards will get N5m, N2m and N1m respectively,’ he said.

This is not only a PRIMA FACIE case of inducement in lieu of the off-cycle Governorship election scheduled for Saturday November 8, 2025, but a clear and unmistakable case of vote buying by other means. This should draw the ire of the Election Management Body (EMB), namely INEC, and other stakeholders. It should also greatly interest our anti-corruption agencies whose remit it is to check such transgressions of the Electoral Act.

For Governor Soludo, this is unbecoming and behind the pale. As an academic and a former Governor of our Central Bank, this is most unedifying. His promises go against the sanctity of our elections. They suggest that he may wish to win via methods that are underhanded.

Additionally, after serving for four years as governor of his state, one would have expected him to campaign based on his record and his accomplishments, and not to resort to some disingenuous ploy of buying votes in advance of the election. Furthermore, the case for incentivizing voters, on account of apathy, is untenable. This is especially given the fact that the security situation in Anambra State has improved significantly when compared with the the last two electoral cycles.