Category: Daily Trust

President Donald Trump’s administration has redesignated Nigeria as a ‘country of particular concern’ over allegations of genocide against Christians.

Trump, in a post on social media, on Friday, stated that Christianity in Nigeria faces an ‘existential threat,’ announcing the West African country’s inclusion on a State Department watch list or ‘countries of particular concern.’

‘Christianity is facing an existential threat in Nigeria. Thousands of Christians are being killed. Radical Islamists are responsible for this mass slaughter,’ Trump wrote on Truth Social.

Continuing, Trump wrote: ‘When Christians, or any such group is slaughtered like is happening in Nigeria (3,100 versus 4,476 worldwide), something must be done! I am asking Congressman Riley Moore, together with Chairman Tome Cole and the House Appropriations Committee, to immediately look into this matter, and report back to me. The United States cannot stand by while such atrocities are happening in Nigeria, and numerous other countries. We stand ready, able to save our Great Christian population around the world!’

According the Independent of UK, Senator Ted Cruz has been pushing for designation of Nigeria as a country of concern due to alleged ‘severe violations’ of religious freedom in Nigeria. This designation, which currently applies to nations such as Pakistan, Afghanistan, and China, could lead to U.S. sanctions.

A bill introduced by the senator last month is awaiting action in the Senate, though its ultimate approval is not guaranteed.

Cruz’s assertions have been amplified by some US celebrities and commentators, often without substantiating evidence, with certain figures going as far as alleging a ‘Christian genocide.’

His office has not responded to questions, including those concerning his motivation for these allegations.

Efforts to get the reaction from the Presidency last night were unsuccessful.

However, the Federal Government had repeatedly dismissed claims of genocide against Christians in Nigeria.

In a recent statement, the Minister of Information, Mohammed Idris, described the claims as ‘false and baseless.’

‘This is not true. This is not the reflection of what is on the ground. I mean it’s false, where you say over 20,000 churches have been burned. It’s also false if you say 52,000 (Christians killed),’ Idris said.

‘Where did he get those numbers from? I think this is absolutely absurd. It’s not supported by any facts whatsoever. The Nigerian government rejects that.’

Foreign policy failures fuel global pressure on Nigeria – Ambassador Sarki

A former Deputy Permanent Representative of Nigeria to the United Nations, Ambassador Usman Sarki, told Weekend Trust last night that the recent labeling of Nigeria by foreign governments did not come as a surprise to him.

According to him, the narrative has been in circulation for years, driven by vested interests both abroad and within Nigeria.

‘Some Nigerians have long been pushing this narrative – it actually started here. It’s been sustained over the years, and now it has evolved into official foreign policy in countries like the US and Canada. Some Nigerians at home and in the diaspora are actively orchestrating it.’

Ambassador Sarki warned that the implications could be far-reaching, particularly in diplomatic relations.

‘There will likely be a review of Nigeria’s relationship with the United States. This development clearly exposes a gap in our engagement with Washington. The US went ahead with its decision without hearing our government’s side or receiving any formal explanation. That points to a trust deficit between our president and theirs.’

He also criticised Nigeria’s foreign policy approach, describing it as reactive and lacking institutional depth. ‘We don’t manage our diplomatic relations in a professional or strategic manner. We wait for crises to erupt before responding, rather than anticipating and preparing for them.’

Highlighting structural weaknesses, he lamented the absence of senior diplomatic representation at key foreign missions. ‘Nigeria currently has no ambassador or senior-ranking diplomat at the UN. We lack spokespersons in our foreign missions, which further weakens our voice on the global stage.’

Ambassador Sarki cautioned that the situation could escalate further. ‘The Americans may now push the UN – through the Human Rights Council or the Security Council – to initiate investigations or other measures. This could lead to sanctions against individuals deemed responsible, followed by sanctions on the government, and eventually on the country itself. They appear ready to escalate step by step.’

The metro light rail services are often described as cheaper, faster, safer and lucrative, conveying the populace to their various destinations.

Residents of Abuja and its environs welcomed the resumption of the service, which was initially funded by a loan from a Chinese bank.

The first phase covers 12 stations across a distance of 45 kilometres on a dual rail line.

First commissioned on July 12, 2018 by the late former President Muhammadu Buhari, the services faced interruptions, primarily due to vandalism and sabotage, particularly during and after the COVID-19 pandemic.

It was re-commissioned in May 2024 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who extended its free service until the end of the year following an earlier announcement of a three-month grace period by the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike.

The rail currently operates on its phase 1 stage, covering Lot 1 (connecting the city centre to the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja and Lot 3 (from Kubwa to the airport).

Passengers can interchange at the Idu Central station to proceed to any of the three aforementioned axes.

Expansion plan

This expansion is expected to connect more areas, including Nyanya, Bwari and Gwagwalada towns in the FCT, as well as Suleja and Minna in neighbouring Niger State.

Our correspondent reports that the light rail currently operates on two morning periods and two afternoon periods.

Trips usually start from and to the three existing axes at 7:30am and 9:30am, as well as 3:30pm and 5:30pm respectively.

Passengers troop to the available 12 stations to board the train. It spends about one minute at mini-stations, except at the Idu Central station, where passengers may occasionally spend about 10 minutes when they need to transfer to another train.

Our reporter took a ride across the three axes on Thursday, beginning from the Gbazango metro light rail station in Kubwa, moving to Idu Central station, the airport station, and finally, the metro station at the Abuja city centre.

The entire journey took approximately 1 hour and 30 minutes. This timing does not include the 10-minute period needed to board a different train at the Idu interchange station nor the 1 hour and 20 minutes waiting period at the airport for the second morning scheduled train batch, which usually departs the airport at 10:00am and arrives at the Abuja city centre at 10:42am (42 minutes later).

Passengers’ feedback

Most of the passengers observed in the morning and later in the evening were civil servants or staff working in organizations within the Abuja city centre or airport, who reside in communities under the train service coverage.

They use the train to go to work in the morning and return in the evening, depending on their shift schedules.

Ugochi Ekeh, a resident of Kubwa and staff member of one of the agencies at the city centre, said she had been using the train for about three months.

She described the service as ‘well arranged and in an orderly manner.’

‘I usually get to the Kubwa station from the Phase 4 area where I reside, through a commercial bike that charges me N400. On getting to the city centre, I board a taxi at N200 to get to my office. This has saved me a lot on transportation expenses that would cost more using a commercial car,’ she noted.

Mrs Obiora Chidinma, who described herself as a frequent user of the train, called the service a welcome development for residents and visitors in the country’s capital.

‘For now, the way they operate is very interesting, especially when compared to the Abuja-Kaduna bound trains. The only thing I want them to improve on is the security aspect: they should provide more technology and gadgets and keep exploring more innovations in this aspect,’ she suggested.

Gedoni Francis praised the service since discovering it last year, commending the operators for keeping to the scheduled time and maintaining the facility.

She expressed a wish for more railway stations within her metropolitan area, giving credit to the government for doing very well.

Another passenger, Mrs Blessing Odoh, described her trips as nice experience, giving credit to the authority in charge.

Operational concerns and observations

Some officials who spoke to our correspondent suggested that expanding the service by creating additional scheduled trips daily on existing corridors, as well as constructing more rail lines to cover new areas, would help meet growing demand.

They noted that passenger congestion was becoming more frequent and suggested that introducing a small fare could help regulate crowds and support operational costs.

They argued that even a token fee, while not necessarily profitable, could offset expenses such as diesel consumption and the cost of running power-generating machines at various stations. They also pointed to the substantial manpower involved, including security personnel from different agencies, company guards, and cleaners.

A senior official in the company who requested anonymity shared his perspective on ongoing discussions about the future of the service, saying, ‘This free grace period is too much; let us speak the truth. These are super trains designed to operate within the city set with leisure, unlike those operated by the Nigeria Railway Corporation (NRC) between Abuja and Kaduna, which have the capability for heavy duty operations. How long would they keep this free-charge ride?’

Commuters hail metro line subsidy, call for more coaches

Commuters in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) have commend the Federal Government over the subsidised operations of the Abuja Light Rail, describing it as ann impactful public initiatiative.

They, however, urged a for an expansion of the service and additional coaches to meet growing passenger demand.

For many Abuja residents, the metro line has become more than a transportation system but a relief from the rising cost of living and fuel subsidy removal that have stretched household budgets.

‘I want to thank the current governmentthat has made it possible for people like us to benefit from a government project,’ said 46 year-old Emmanuel Etim, a resident of Bassa village near the airport.

‘This is the first time I can say I have truly benefited from something the government has done for the masses. This train service has eased movement and made the economy a bit better for those of us who travel from satellite towns to the city for work daily.’

Another commuter, Clara Anika, shared similar sentiments, saying the service came ‘at the right time.’

‘Things are vhard for people now. This train has really eased our movement. We don’t spend as much as we used to, and the trips are seamless. If it can be extended to other parts of Abuja, it will be a great blessing,’ she said.

For Emmanuella Clara, a regular passenger, punctuality remains the service’s strongest point.

‘I love that it keeps to time, no delays, no excuses. If it’s 8:00 a.m., the train moves at exactly 8:00 a.m.’ she said.

However, she added that ‘more coaches are urgently needed because many of us have to stand during the trip.’

Similarly, Cynthia Herbert, who commutes daily between the metro station and the airport, urged authorities to increase service frequency.

‘As you can see, most of us are standing,’ she said.

‘They should increase the number of trips in the morning and afternoon because many airport workers depend on this train.’

First-time riders

Some passengers are simply thrilled to experience a train ride for the first time. Kive Kenneth, who brought his wife to ride the metro, said, ‘My wife has never had a train experience before, so I brought her here to enjoy it. It’s smooth and comfortable, and for now, it’s free.’

Another commuter, Abdulrahman Omobolaji, a college student, believes the initiative should not stop at Abuja.

‘If they can replicate this in other states, life will be much easier for Nigerians,’ he said. ‘It saves time, reduces transport stress, and saves money.’

While commuters express satisfaction with the current operations, they also urge authorities to ensure maintenance, improve connectivity to residential districts, and integrate feeder bus services.

‘Government has done well,’ said Etim. ‘But this should not end here. Expansion to Nyanya, Lugbe, and Kuje will make a big difference. We can’t all drive to town every day.’

Five months after the coalition-led takeover of the ADC, the optimism that greeted its formation seems to have waned. From your observation, why has the coalition struggled to sustain the political momentum?

There are several reasons for that. First and foremost, a coalition is always a work in progress. They may have been working behind the scenes, recruiting people quietly and consolidating their structure without much fanfare. However, Nigerians expected much more from the coalition. For instance, they anticipated more high-profile defections. When the ADC-led coalition was launched, there were a few prominent figures joining, but we haven’t seen much of that lately.

Secondly, the ruling party has not been idle. It has been doing everything possible to frustrate the coalition, including applying both carrot-and-stick tactics on some of those expected to join.

But perhaps the most significant reason the coalition has not met expectations is what I would call the inherent suspicion among its key players, particularly over how positions will be shared. There are at least three principal figures, all with presidential ambitions, Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, and Rotimi Amaechi, and it seems none of them is ready to concede that position to another. Each of them wants to keep the possibility open, and that explains their reluctance to fully commit or campaign vigorously for the coalition.

Another factor is the internal crisis within the party, both at the national and state levels. For instance, one Nafiu still lays claim to the national chairmanship of the ADC and rejects the legitimacy of David Mark and his group. There are indications that he is working with the APC, which certainly wouldn’t want the ADC to gain strength.

A lot of the intra-party disputes in the ADC stem from its political potential. Many politicians want to be in control, anticipating that when the spoils of victory are shared, they’ll be in a better position to benefit. There’s also tension between the original ADC members and those joining from outside, each group seeking to assert dominance.

How damaging do you think these disputes, especially those at the state level, have been to the coalition’s credibility and to its claim of being a unifying opposition platform?

Well, conflict and contestation for power are natural in politics. Politics is essentially about reconciling competing interests. Seen from that perspective, internal disagreements are normal and not necessarily problematic.

However, when conflicts are deliberately sponsored, when unseen hands are working to undermine the ADC, then such disputes pose a serious challenge to the party’s coherence and identity. The ADC is still a party in the making, a work in progress, and it cannot afford to be overwhelmed by internal strife.

The more harmonious and peaceful it becomes, the better for everyone. Unresolved conflicts are never good for any political organisation. Politics involves both conflict and reconciliation, but when disputes linger without resolution, they can become damaging. The real problem is not the existence of disagreements but the seeming inability to resolve them. If they remain unsettled, they will inevitably hurt the party.

You mentioned the ambitions of major figures such as Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi. But beyond them, even former Kaduna State governor Nasir El-Rufai has yet to formally pick up an ADC membership card. Does this suggest a lack of trust in the process by these leaders, or a deeper problem with opposition politics in Nigeria?

I’m actually surprised to hear that because I thought Nasir El-Rufai was even contesting the ADC leadership in Kaduna State. Kaduna is one of the states with internal disputes. Some members claim El-Rufai isn’t part of their party, but he insists he is an authentic ADC member.

What I know is that as part of political manoeuvring, the prime movers of the coalition have explored multiple options, including maintaining several platforms. It’s possible the ADC may not be their final political home. Just as they left the SDP, they might also vacate the ADC if necessary.

Note that one of the emerging political groups seeking registration, the ADA, is reportedly a brainchild of the same coalition. So, they may be trying to create a platform where they cannot be easily dislodged or undermined by the ruling APC’s perceived machinations.

Do you think the ADC made a strategic mistake by positioning itself as the central vehicle for opposition unity before addressing its internal weaknesses?

No, I don’t think it was a mistake. As I said earlier, weaknesses are inevitable in any project that is still evolving. The ADC is still defining its niche. That process will naturally come with challenges and missteps.

In fact, it is commendable that they are attempting this despite the dominance of bigger parties like the PDP. Many people even regard the ADC as a more serious opposition than the PDP, and that’s a strength they should build on. If they can leverage the perception that they are now Nigeria’s foremost opposition party, it could work to their advantage, even though they remain relatively smaller than the PDP, Labour Party, or NNPP.

While the opposition is still trying to align, the APC appears to be expanding through a wave of high-profile defections. How significant is this trend for the balance of power ahead of 2027?

It’s quite significant. The APC seems intent on projecting itself as an even broader coalition than the ADC. It wants to create the impression of unity and strength, showing that it remains unshaken by the emergence of opposition platforms like the ADC.

The APC has many strategies to convince Nigerians of its solidity, and so far, those tactics appear to be working. But how long they can sustain this image remains to be seen. There are underlying tensions and divisions within the party, though they’ve managed to keep them beneath the surface. For now, they’ve succeeded in containing them, but time will tell how long that lasts.

Does that mean you don’t share the opposition’s concern that these high-profile defections could lead Nigeria toward a one-party state?

The idea of a one-party state in Nigeria is impossible. It has never happened and never will. Historically, Nigeria’s politics has always gravitated towards a two-party system, a dominant ruling party and one or two strong opposition parties.

No matter how many people join the APC, there will still be a viable opposition, whether in the form of the ADC, the PDP, or a combination of both. Of course, opposition parties will use the rhetoric of a ‘one-party state’ for propaganda purposes, but in reality, Nigeria’s political culture does not support such a system. There will always be opposition, even if the scale of its influence fluctuates.

Many Nigerians who initially saw the coalition as a fresh hope for political realignment now seem disillusioned by these developments. What does this say about the state of opposition politics in Nigeria?

One of the major weaknesses of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic is the state of the opposition. But opposition strength doesn’t emerge overnight. It takes time to build.

So, it’s misplaced for people to be so sceptical at this stage. The best way to strengthen the opposition is to give it the benefit of the doubt and allow it to grow. Those who expect something dramatic are being unrealistic; political drama doesn’t always translate into substance.

We can only properly assess the opposition’s strength when the 2027 election timetable is out and party primaries begin. For now, it’s still too early to write them off or lose hope.

Finally, what realistic steps can the ADC-led coalition take at this stage to regain credibility and strengthen its structure before the 2027 elections?

They should continue working and building. I still believe they stand to benefit from internal discontent within the APC. Historically, the APC has faced internal problems, especially when power-sharing arrangements fail to satisfy everyone.

Even those defecting into the APC today might have a rethink if they don’t get what they expect. It’s nearly impossible to satisfy all factions within a political behemoth like the APC. When discontent sets in, those who feel marginalised will start looking elsewhere, and the ADC could become the most attractive alternative.

So, even by simply waiting and watching developments within the APC, the ADC could gain. But they should also be proactive by reaching out to disenchanted members of the APC, PDP, Labour Party, and NNPP.

The PDP’s forthcoming convention on November 15 may produce more disgruntled members. The Labour Party is already divided between the Abure and Nenadi Usman factions, and there are simmering tensions in the NNPP. The ADC should build a robust platform capable of accommodating and attracting these dissatisfied politicians. That’s what politics is ultimately about.

Women in many parts of Nigeria, especially in the northern region, are often viewed majorly dependents of their husbands, parents, and family. They are most times said to rely on a man or other persons to provide for them prompting the recent slang in society, ‘what do you bring to the table?’

With many women just getting educated and financially independent many now prove to society that women have a lot to offer than just being dependent of a man or others with many breaking norms and proving their worth ana reshaping the business norm in society.

In Jos, Plateau State some women came together pulling together resources to form a cooperative defying the believed notion, and never seeing themselves as dependents but rather as pillars of resilience and entrepreneurship, offering hopeful beginnings to thousands of young men seeking labor to sustain their lives.

What started off as unraveling the story behind a woman that owns a number of tricycles and empowering people with it as a means of livelihood for them later turned out to be a group of women who formed a cooperative to empower others.

These women, who offer loans to hundreds of youths in Jos, the capital of Plateau State and its environs, have become well-known in various communities due to their determination to invest in motorcycles and tricycles, empowering jobless young men.

Umma Hassa, 47, the leader and chairperson of the Hikma Women Empowerment Development Association said she has been in the business of loaning tricycles, although she initially started with motorcycles before transitioning to tricycles. She said the group currently has 600 tricycles on the road across the state.

According to Umma, thousands of young people have collected the loans from them.

‘I’ve spent the past 17 years empowering youth, starting with motorcycles and later transitioning to tricycles,’ she said. ‘I initially had nearly 95 motorcycles that I loaned out to individuals looking to make a living. I would purchase each motorcycle for N60,000 and loan it out for N60,000 or N65,000, depending on the agreement, as the cost of living was lower back then.’

Umma explained that between 2008 and 2010, when the Okada service was banned, she had to sell the motorcycles to people outside the state, particularly to those in states where Okada service was still allowed.

She recalled, ‘It was a difficult moment because I had already invested a huge amount of money in the business, and the government had banned Okada riders. Switching to another business became a challenge.

‘There was a serious challenge then because the tricycles, which were approved by the government for town service, were very expensive. Each was sold for around N350,000, and buying one to loan to someone wasn’t easy, ‘she explained.

Umma said it was a challenging moment that forced her to think outside the box and explore new business opportunities while continuing to empower redundant youths in the state.

‘Considering the hike in tricycle prices, I gathered 10 women with similar interests and proposed the idea of a cooperative. We agreed to contribute N50,000 each month, and the collective funds would be used to buy tricycles for one member at a time. The next month, we’d contribute for another member, and so on, until everyone had received the funds. We prioritised those who were less financially buoyant. ‘

‘Our numbers kept growing as more women expressed interest in joining the group,’ she continued. ‘Today, we have over a hundred members, and we can purchase 40 to 50 tricycles at a time to loan out to people, ‘she added.

‘Idea behind my inspiration’

For Umma, her passion to see youths become independent was what motivated her to venture into the lending business. She wanted to empower them, having witnessed their struggles while being idle, without any means of livelihood.

‘I come from an extended family of over 100 members,’ she said. ‘Our younger brothers and nephews who had graduated were struggling to find jobs and were roaming the streets. One day, a graduate among them asked me to buy a motorcycle for him to start an Okada business, which I did. Other young men from the family noticed and took a liking to the idea and asked me to help them too.

‘Before long, jobless individuals from the community and beyond started approaching me to borrow motorcycles. Many of them were graduates. That was what motivated me to start this business.’ she added.

Umma said that despite her goal of empowering others, managing tricycle collectors can be quite challenging, ‘she explained that ‘You have to deal with people of different mindsets.

‘The challenges are numerous. Sometimes, you have to track down collectors to collect payments, and that can be as early as 5 am. It’s not always easy.

‘Collectors might hide for weeks, or claim that hoodlums have snatched the tricycles, when in reality, they are avoiding payment. We’ve found that about 80 per cent of those who claim their tricycles were snatched to be lying, as investigations by the police often reveal, ‘she said.

Umma noted that some collectors go to the extent staging attacks or injuries to avoid paying. ‘There are cases where collectors disappear entirely, leaving you with nothing but worry and tension. Snatching is also a major challenge in this business. Managing collectors is so difficult that we have to hire men to handle them directly.’

Business has been successful despite challenges

According to the women, despite the challenges associated with the business, they have achieved a lot as they have been able to own houses, cars, and even perform Hajj pilgrimage.

Umma noted that daily, they’ve recorded successes despite the challenges inherent in the business., ‘ We have recorded huge successesas we all own houses and cars. We’ve all travelled to Hajj, and also sponsored our children forHajj, assisted our families, and helped others, all thanks to this business.’

Other women speak

Other women who joined Umma in the formation of the cooperative andempowerment initiative described the business as successful and beneficial to all parties.

Hajiya Iyami, a member expressed similar sentiments with the group’s leader.

‘I bought and loaned tricycles because there are many youths struggling with drug abuse and roaming the streets, jobless.The government is supposed to help them to reduce crime and drug use, but nothing has been done. As a result, people can’t even keep their belongings safe at home because these young people will steal them. I believe that if they have something to do, they’ll stop committing crimes and that is what motivated me to join the cooperative and start this business. The loan program is helping many youths shun criminal tendencies and activities and focus on their business. This has also earned me respect in the community, ‘ she said.

Iyami further hopes that God will help her continue offering loans to young people for the rest of her life, with the aim of ridding the society of criminality. She also hopes that the government will consider people like her when providing loan initiatives to cooperatives.

Another member, Hajiya Fatima Idris, said women often bear the brunt of family responsibilities because their husbands lack opportunities. ‘If you look at the state of things in this country, there are no jobs. People can’t afford food or pay school fees. The burden falls on the women, and it’s heartbreaking. That’s why I felt compelled to help empower the youths. I have had to sacrifice my comfort to loan youths tricycles so they can support their families. I hope to continue this effort, but it’s getting tougher with the rising costsof things. I wish the government would intervene and support us, so we can sustain this initiative.’ she said

The women have saved many lives – Tricycle chair

The Chairman of the Tricycle Riders Union of Nigeria, Dahiru Hasan speaking to Weekend Trust praised the women cooperative, describing their resilience and determination as unprecedented. He noted that they have helped thousands of men who would have been jobless for years, providing them with hope and a means of livelihood.

‘They have truly transformed their lives by lifting them out of poverty. Some collectors have even bought houses, cars, and land, and acquired other properties, all thanks to the tricycles loaned to them by the women. The system works like this: they collect the loan, pay it off, and then sell the tricycle and take out a new loan. It’s a cycle that’s really helped the youth who would otherwise be jobless.’

‘It is helpful despite cost’

Aliyu Abdullhai, a Keke Napep rider who collected a loan from the cooperative, praised the women for their efforts and perseverance in the community.

‘They are truly helping the community. If more people like them existed, they would go a long way in alleviating poverty in the society. They are providing many with a source of income, and that’s development. Someone without money and with a family can still get a tricycle to earn a living. They are willing to invest millions of naira in us, and we pay back in instalments. It’s a huge help.’

Aliyu also expressed his gratitude for the business opportunity, saying, ‘I’m proud to be collecting loans, and I’ve made a lot from it. We thank these women for their sacrifices.’

Moses Dauda, another rider, echoed Aliyu’s sentiments, describing the women as helpers. ‘The loan assisted me a lot because I could not have afforded to buy the tricycle myself,’ he said. ‘It supports my family, and we’re grateful for their kindness. We thank them for loaning us the tricycles.’

With these industrious women significantly turning the tide in business strategies by launching a cooperative to help support male youths, they drive both economic and social change, despite facing challenges and limited resources. Their impact which continues to expand across the state is welcome development and here to stay, most benefactors say.

‘Our numbers kept growing as more women expressed interest in joining the group,’ she continued. ‘Today, we have over a hundred members, and we can purchase 40 to 50 tricycles at a time to loan out to people, ‘she added.

‘Idea behind my inspiration’

For Umma, her passion to see youths become independent was what motivated her to venture into the lending business. She wanted to empower them, having witnessed their struggles while being idle, without any means of livelihood.

‘I come from an extended family of over 100 members,’ she said. ‘Our younger brothers and nephews who had graduated were struggling to find jobs and were roaming the streets. One day, a graduate among them asked me to buy a motorcycle for him to start an Okada business, which I did. Other young men from the family noticed and took a liking to the idea and asked me to help them too.

‘Before long, jobless individuals from the community and beyond started approaching me to borrow motorcycles. Many of them were graduates. That was what motivated me to start this business.’ she added.

Umma said that despite her goal of empowering others, managing tricycle collectors can be quite challenging, ‘she explained that ‘You have to deal with people of different mindsets.

‘The challenges are numerous. Sometimes, you have to track down collectors to collect payments, and that can be as early as 5 am. It’s not always easy.

‘Collectors might hide for weeks, or claim that hoodlums have snatched the tricycles, when in reality, they are avoiding payment. We’ve found that about 80 per cent of those who claim their tricycles were snatched to be lying, as investigations by the police often reveal, ‘she said.

Umma noted that some collectors go to the extent staging attacks or injuries to avoid paying. ‘There are cases where collectors disappear entirely, leaving you with nothing but worry and tension. Snatching is also a major challenge in this business. Managing collectors is so difficult that we have to hire men to handle them directly.’

Business has been successful despite challenges

According to the women, despite the challenges associated with the business, they have achieved a lot as they have been able to own houses, cars, and even perform Hajj pilgrimage.

Umma noted that daily, they’ve recorded successes despite the challenges inherent in the business., ‘ We have recorded huge successes as we all own houses and cars. We’ve all travelled to Hajj, and also sponsored our children forHajj, assisted our families, and helped others, all thanks to this business.’

Other women speak

Other women who joined Umma in the formation of the cooperative and empowerment initiative described the business as successful and beneficial to all parties.

Hajiya Iyami, a member expressed similar sentiments with the group’s leader.

‘I bought and loaned tricycles because there are many youths struggling with drug abuse and roaming the streets, jobless.The government is supposed to help them to reduce crime and drug use, but nothing has been done. As a result, people can’t even keep their belongings safe at home because these young people will steal them. I believe that if they have something to do, they’ll stop committing crimes and that is what motivated me to join the cooperative and start this business. The loan program is helping many youths shun criminal tendencies and activities and focus on their business. This has also earned me respect in the community, ‘ she said.

Iyami further hopes that God will help her continue offering loans to young people for the rest of her life, with the aim of ridding the society of criminality. She also hopes that the government will consider people like her when providing loan initiatives to cooperatives.

Another member, Hajiya Fatima Idris, said women often bear the brunt of family responsibilities because their husbands lack opportunities. ‘If you look at the state of things in this country, there are no jobs. People can’t afford food or pay school fees. The burden falls on the women, and it’s heartbreaking. That’s why I felt compelled to help empower the youths. I have had to sacrifice my comfort to loan youths tricycles so they can support their families. I hope to continue this effort, but it’s getting tougher with the rising costsof things. I wish the government would intervene and support us, so we can sustain this initiative.’ she said

The Federal Government has responded to the redesignation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern by President Donald Trump of the United States.

In December 2020, the U.S. Department of State had designated Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC).

On Friday, Trump took a similar step, claiming that Christianity was facing existential threat in Nigeria.

‘Christianity is facing an existential threat in Nigeria. Thousands of Christians are being killed. Radical Islamists are responsible for this mass slaughter. I am hereby making Nigeria a ‘COUNTRY OF PARTICULAR CONCERN’ – But that is the least of it. When Christians, or any such group, is slaughtered like is happening in Nigeria (3,100 versus 4,476 Worldwide), something must be done!’

‘I am asking Congressman Riley Moore, together with Chairman Tom Cole and the House Appropriations Committee, to immediately look into this matter, and report back to me,’ he had posted.

But responding in a statement earlier on Saturday, Nigeria said the claims do not reflect the situation on the ground.

In a statement which Kimiebi Imomotimi Ebienfa, spokesperson,

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, issued in Abuja, the Federal Government maintained its stance on religious harmony in the country.

‘Nigeria notes the recent remarks by U.S. President Donald J. Trump alleging large-scale killings of Christians in Nigeria and calling for the country’s designation as a ‘Country of Particular Concern.’

‘While Nigeria appreciates global concern for human rights and religious freedom, these claims do not reflect the situation on the ground. Nigerians of all faiths have long lived, worked, and worshipped together peacefully.

‘Under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Nigeria remains committed to fighting terrorism, strengthening interfaith harmony, and protecting the lives and rights of all its people.

‘Nigeria will continue to engage constructively with the Government of the United States to deepen mutual understanding of regional dynamics and the country’s ongoing peace and security efforts.’

President Bola Tinubu has made it clear to Donald Trump, his American counterpart, that Nigeria does not tolerate religious persecution.

Nigeria’s number one citizen stated this in his personal response to Trump, who on Friday, redesignated Nigeria as a ‘Country of Particular Concern’.

Trump had claimed that Nigerian Christians were facing existential threat, vowing that the US would protect them.

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‘Christianity is facing an existential threat in Nigeria. Thousands of Christians are being killed,’ Trump had said in a Social Media post on Friday.

On Saturday, the Nigerian leader responded back to Trump via Social Media.

‘Nigeria stands firmly as a democracy governed by constitutional guarantees of religious liberty.

‘Since 2023, our administration has maintained an open and active engagement with Christian and Muslim leaders alike and continues to address security challenges which affect citizens across faiths and regions.

‘The characterisation of Nigeria as religiously intolerant does not reflect our national reality, nor does it take into consideration the consistent and sincere efforts of the government to safeguard freedom of religion and beliefs for all Nigerians.

‘Religious freedom and tolerance have been a core tenet of our collective identity and shall always remain so. Nigeria opposes religious persecution and does not encourage it.

‘Nigeria is a country with constitutional guarantees to protect citizens of all faiths. Our administration is committed to working with the United States government and the international community to deepen understanding and cooperation on protection of communities of all faiths.’

Perhaps comprehension has become a casualty in this debate, but I find it difficult to understand how anyone can claim that U.S. President Donald Trump’s recent statement on faith-based violence in Nigeria aligns with the sectarian agenda advanced by certain groups. Two points stand out clearly in his comments. First, he deliberately avoided describing the situation in Nigeria as ‘genocide,’ instead using the phrase ‘existential threat to Christians.’ Secondly, and crucially, he identified radical Islamists, not the Nigerian state, and certainly not Nigerian Muslims, as the perpetrators of violence. These distinctions matter greatly, as they contradict the divisive rhetoric being promoted by those seeking to pit one faith community against another.

This is not the first time President Trump has raised concerns about alleged one-sided violence against Christians. During former President Muhammadu Buhari’s visit to the White House on April 30, 2018, President Trump remarked, ‘We’re deeply concerned by religious violence in Nigeria, including the burning of churches and the killing of Christians.’ In response, President Buhari, while framing the violence as indiscriminate, acknowledged the challenge of violent herdsmen and cross-border recruits from Libya and the Sahel, and stressed that his government was doing its best to stabilise the situation.

There is a reason that moment remains instructive. Rather than amplifying a narrative of state-sponsored sectarian extermination, the U.S. side identified religious violence as one of several security concerns. The Nigerian side responded by framing the violence as part of complex socio-security dynamics, not as a conspiracy of Muslims against their Christian compatriots.

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It also bears reiterating that the claim of ‘genocide’ against Christians in Nigeria does not meet the legal definition established under the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The Convention defines genocide as acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group as such. There is no credible evidence that the Nigerian government is masterminding the destruction of Christians. The origins and dimensions of violence in Nigeria are unmistakable. They are rooted in terrorism, banditry, communal conflicts, resource competition, and, admittedly, weak governance over the years. This does not amount to the state-directed and systematic campaign that the term ‘genocide’ presupposes.

President Trump’s statement, while emotively focused on Christian victims, does not mirror the propaganda promoted by some far-right commentators who claim that the Nigerian government turns a blind eye to attacks on Christians or that Nigerian Muslims are complicit. On the contrary, he singled out radical extremists. This distinction aligns with the Nigerian government’s own position and reflects the sacrifices of its multi-faith armed forces in confronting terrorism across the Sahel and West Africa.

The line between NGO activism and diplomatic engagement is clear. Activism draws its energy from outrage, while diplomacy thrives on dialogue. In this regard, the response of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs exemplifies the restraint and statesmanship required in such a situation. It acknowledges the concerns raised, reaffirms Nigeria’s commitment to religious freedom, and emphasises partnership with the United States in tackling violent extremism, which is the central theme of President Trump’s statement.

This is reminiscent of President Cyril Ramaphosa’s masterclass in diplomacy during his Oval Office meeting with President Trump, when Trump made claims about alleged killings of white farmers in South Africa. Ramaphosa refused to be provoked and chose to engage with facts. That act of composure shielded South Africa from further reputational harm and potential economic consequences. Such measured diplomacy is not weakness; it is wisdom.

Nigeria, as Africa’s largest democracy, operates in a subregion where democratic governance has faced severe strain in recent years. It cannot afford the luxury of an antagonistic posture toward a strategic partner like the United States, and it is reasonable to believe that the U.S. authorities are equally aware of this. There are no winners in a diplomatic standoff between Abuja and Washington, only losses for both nations. What must prevail now is reason.

The late former First Lady of Ghana, Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings, has been described as a leader who left behind a legacy defined by her unwavering commitment to the rights of the country’s women and girls.

A former vice president of Ghana, Dr Mahamdu Bawumia, who stated in a condolence message, also described her passage as a loss to the cause of women empowerment in the country.

Most Ghanaians credit Agyeman-Rawlings as the most influential First Lady of Ghana who fought for the empowerment of women and girls. They recall her Women Movement of 1982, which brought many women into politics and business.

‘My dream is to see the emancipation of women at every level of development so that they can contribute to the socioeconomic development of the country,’ she stated during one of the programmes of her organisation.

The organisation went on to empower and mobilise women across the country by creating over 800 cay care schools for mothers to keep their children in a safe environment, and empowered them with trading, farming in beekeeping, vegetables, corn processing and other economic activities like pottery, corn processing, soap making, batik-making etc to support their families.

Agyeman-Rawlings also supported qualified teachers in rural areas in pre-school training of children.

Through her 31st December Women’s Movement, she promoted quality leadership in Africa and women inclusion. She delivered a powerful speech in this regard at the Fourth Women’s World Conference in Beijing in 1995.

Agyeman-Rawlings was a politician who married former President Jerry Rawlings and served as First Lady from June 1979 to September 1979 following a coup d’etat; again, from December 1981 to January 2001 as a civilian before becoming the first woman to run for the office in 2016, where she lost to former President Nana Akufo-Addo.

Agyeman-Rawlings was born on November 17, 1948 in Cape Coast, Ghana, now Central Region, to the family of J.O.T Agyeman. She attended the Ghana International School and moved to the Achimota School, where she met her husband, Jerry John Rawlings. She further read Arts and Textiles at the University of Science and Technology and later earned a diploma in Interior Designing from the London College of Arts.

She further pursued her education over the next couple of decades, acquiring a diploma in Advanced Personnel Management from Ghana’s Management Development and Productivity Institute in 1979 and a certificate in Development from the Ghana Institute of Management and Public Administration in 1991, John Hopkins University, the Institute for Policy Studies in Baltimore, USA, among others.

Nana Konadu married Rawlings in 1977. They had their first child, Zanetor in 1978. Rawlings was at the time an air force officer. She gave the Yaa Asantewaa, Amina and Kimathi. Her husband died in November 2020.

Yunusa Dahiru, a tricycle operator popularly known as Yunusa Yellow, made national headlines ten years ago when he was accused of abducting 13-year-old Ese Oruru, a JSS 3 student of Opolo Community Secondary School, Bayelsa State. He was also accused of converting her to Islam without her consent.

The story dominated national media after Ese’s parents publicly pleaded for her release, with her mother’s emotional appeal drawing the attention of the government and Nigerians across the country.

Following intense public and media pressure, Ese was traced to Kano and rescued by the police in February 2016. She was reunited with her family in March that year. Upon her rescue, it was discovered that she was five months pregnant. She later gave birth to a baby girl.

In 2020, Yunusa was arraigned before the Federal High Court in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State, on a five-count charge related to Ese’s alleged abduction. He was accused of taking her to his village in Kano, where he allegedly converted her to Islam with the intention of marrying her.

The court convicted him on all counts – abduction, child trafficking, sexual exploitation, and unlawful carnal knowledge – and sentenced him to 26 years in prison.

However, Yunusa appealed the judgment, and the Court of Appeal later reduced his sentence to seven years, ruling that the lower court had erred in its decision.

In June 2023, the Nigerian Correctional Service confirmed that Yunusa, now 34, had completed his jail term and was released from prison.

Yunusa’s case had sparked nationwide debates on child trafficking, forced marriages, religious conversion, and inter-state legal jurisdiction. It also brought to light issues of youth vulnerability and poverty.

Interestingly, in October 2025, Ese Oruru, the girl at the centre of the saga, graduated from the University of Ilorin with a Second-Class Upper degree in Education Technology.

‘I never abducted her’ – Yunusa insists

Ten years after the controversy, Weekend Trust caught up with Yunusa ‘Yellow.’ He spoke about his ordeal, life after prison, and the events that led to his conviction.

In an emotional recollection, Yunusa maintained that he never abducted Ese, insisting that she came to Kano of her own free will. According to him, Ese had earlier informed her mother about her desire to convert to Islam after having a dream that moved her spiritually. He claimed he advised her to first consult her mother before making such a decision.

‘I had no hand in her conversion to Islam,’ he said. ‘I never discussed with her about coming to Kano. When I heard she had come to my village looking for me, I took her to the Emir’s palace because I knew keeping her in my house would cause trouble. That’s why I involved the authorities.

‘I later learnt that a friend of mine gave her my address. When her family came from Bayelsa to search for her, they accused me of abduction and wanted to take me back with them. But many prominent people in Kano rejected that demand. The truth is, Ese came on her own,’ he said.

Yunusa explained that his ignorance of the law worsened his situation during the trial. ‘During the court proceedings, I fell sick and missed some sessions. Because I couldn’t provide a doctor’s report, my bail was revoked,’ he recalled.

He also expressed shock at what he described as Ese’s ‘false testimony’ against him.

‘She swore on the Bible and lied that I brought her to Kano. The truth is, I had come to Kano months before she arrived. There was no love between us – we were only casual friends. To God who made me, I never knew she would come to Kano looking for me,’ he said.

Ese was never pregnant for me’

Yellow maintained that despite the fact that he had never had any canal knowledge of Ese, her family had claimed that he impregnated her and that she had dput to bed. According to him when the Court demanded to see the baby, they couldn’t produce the baby,’ he said.

‘How can I impregnate her when nothing happened between us. It then dawnedon me that they wanted to soil my name and social status.

Yellow further said that when it was clear that they were just cooking up stories, he personally demanded to see the baby even though the baby’s gender was never revealed to him. ‘I told them, whatever the case, I would accept the baby if they produced it before me, but up till this moment, I haven’t set my eyes on the so called baby,’ he revealed.

Yellow said the issue of Ese being pregnant for him was just an attempt to paint him black before the public. He said, they were all out to ensure that he was punished for their daughter’s dids.

‘The case cost me everything’

‘Unfortunately, I lost everything during the trial,’ Yunusa lamented. ‘My family sold our farmland and other valuables to finance the case in Bayelsa, which is far from Kano. Our house was destroyed by rain, and my family had to relocate to my in-law’s home. I was left with nothing but my life.’

He said although some well-meaning Nigerians offered help, most of the support never reached him.

‘Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso bought a tricycle for me, paid my wife’s dowry, and advised me to be careful in life. The late Alhaji Aminu Dantata sponsored my appeal, which reduced my sentence from 26 to seven years, and he also rebuilt my house. Others, like Barrister Badi’a and Dauda Kahutu Rarara, helped me too. But much of the support from other sources never got to me,’ he said.

Life in prison

Yunusa described his prison experience as ‘too painful to remember.’

‘The feeling of being convicted for an offence you didn’t commit is a trauma of its own,’ he said. ‘But as a Muslim, I believe everything that happened was destined by God.’

He recalled that Ese sometimes sent greetings to him while he was in prison, but he refused to acknowledge them. ‘She sent greetings through my friend, but I told him not to bring me any message from her again. If she had told the truth in court, things would have been different,’ he said.

Yunusa added that fellow inmates often mocked him for allegedly abducting a minor, and no one cared to hear his side of the story.

He, however, praised his wife for standing by him. ‘She vowed never to leave me, even after my 26-year sentence. Members of the Hausa entertainment industry supported her to survive while I was in prison. She prayed that I would be released before the 26 years, and by God’s mercy, it happened,’ he said.

Struggles after freedom

Since his release, Yunusa said life has been extremely difficult. The tricycle given to him by Kwankwaso and part of his family’s farmland had been sold during the court proceedings.

‘The farm we depended on is gone. Now, I work on people’s farms to survive. I earn about ?2,000 a day when there’s work, but sometimes I go days without any job,’ he said.

A father of two, Yunusa said he named his youngest son after the late Alhaji Aminu Dantata in appreciation of the businessman’s kindness. ‘He gave me hope and treated me like a son. I named my son after him to honour his memory,’ he said.

‘I’ll relocate if Ese comes looking for me again’

When asked what he would do if Ese ever sought him out again, Yunusa replied, ‘I will relocate to Katsina for my safety. I don’t want to see or hear anything about her again.’

He expressed gratitude to the people of Kano and northern Nigeria for standing by him during his ordeal and appealed to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and other well-meaning Nigerians to help him rebuild his life.

‘I want to return to my tricycle business. I’ve paid dearly for something I didn’t do. I just need a little help to get back on my feet,’ he said.

Meanwhile, Yunusa’s father, Alhaji Dahiru Bala, maintains that his son was wrongly accused. ‘He has served his jail term, but a day will come when the truth will be known,’ he said. ‘We’ve accepted everything as God’s will, but he needs support to rebuild his life.’

As the National Assembly prepares to vote on a bill seeking to create special seats for women in national and state assemblies, 13 state houses of assembly currently have no female legislators, Weekend Trust reports.

Out of the 990 state assembly seats across the 36 states of the federation, only 54 women, representing just 5.5 per cent, were elected in 23 states during the 2023 elections.

Women’s representation in the 10th National Assembly is also dismal. Only four women occupy seats in the 109-member Senate, while 16 out of the 360 seats in the House of Representatives are held by women.

Cumulatively, out of the 469 seats in the National Assembly, women hold just 20, an insignificant 4.3 per cent, while men occupy the remaining 449 seats, representing 95.7 per cent.

The persistent underrepresentation of women in successive elections has raised serious concerns among advocacy groups, international organisations, and other stakeholders. Many argue that the gender imbalance can only be corrected through deliberate legislative action mandating a percentage of seats to be reserved for women in the spirit of fairness and inclusion.

This concern led to the push for a law seeking to create special seats exclusively for women in both national and state assemblies.

The special seats bill

The Special Seats Bill, which passed second reading on July 9, 2024, proposes the creation of 182 additional seats reserved exclusively for women in the federal and state legislatures. It is among the 86 constitutional amendment bills the National Assembly is expected to vote on soon.

Sponsored by the Deputy Speaker, Benjamin Kalu, and 12 others, the bill seeks to alter Sections 48, 49, and 91 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) to create one special seat for women in the Senate and one in the House of Representatives for each state and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

At the state level, it proposes to amend Section 91 to provide three special seats per state house of assembly, one for each senatorial district.

If passed, the bill would add 37 new female senators, 37 female representatives, and 108 female state legislators, producing a total of 182 additional women lawmakers every election cycle.

The proposed seats would exist alongside existing constituency seats for a limited number of election cycles, after which they would be reviewed.

The proposed legislation has already scaled second reading at the House of Representatives and will require approval by two-thirds of House members and the Senate as well as the endorsement by at least 24 state assemblies before it can be transmitted for presidential assent.

According to its proponents, the measure is designed to strengthen women’s political inclusion and boost their participation in governance and decision-making.

The proposed legislation has garnered wide support from women’s groups, civil society organisations, international bodies, and lawmakers.

At a public hearing, Speaker of the House of Representatives Abbas Tajudeen, women’s groups, the United Nations, the United Kingdom, the European Union, and other stakeholders all endorsed the bill, stressing that gender inclusion is vital to Nigeria’s democratic and developmental aspirations.

In his remarks, the Speaker described women’s representation in Nigeria’s parliament as ‘unacceptable,’ urging colleagues to support the bill.

The European Union Ambassador to Nigeria and ECOWAS, Gautier Mignot, said the proposal offers Nigeria an opportunity to ‘make history.’

‘As international partners, the EU is following this process very closely, on inclusive governance, with this special seats bill, a Nigerian-made draft reform. It is especially important to strengthen democracy to the benefit of all, men and women alike, and to make history,’ Mignot said.

Meanwhile, women’s groups have taken to the streets of Abuja in peaceful protests, demanding support for the legislation.

Across Africa, 41 out of 54 countries have adopted similar affirmative action measures to enhance gender inclusion in politics. Countries such as Algeria, Botswana, Cameroon, Rwanda, South Africa, Uganda, and Tanzania have successfully implemented special seats or quota systems to boost female representation.

Governors push for passage of bill

Meanwhile, governors of the 36 states of the federation have resolved to push for the passage of Reserved Seats for Women Bill before the National Assembly.

The resolution was reached during their meeting in Abuja, which started on Thursday night and ended in the early hours of Friday.

Lagos State governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, who addressed newsmen at the end of the meeting, said the governors resolved to engage lawmakers from their states to support the bill’s passage.

Sanwo-Olu who read a communique signed by Kwara State governor and chairman of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF), AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, said, ‘The Forum noted that the Reserved Seats for Women Bill (HB 1349) will be voted on between November 4-6, 2025.

‘The Bill seeks to amend the 1999 Constitution to create special constituencies exclusively contested by women in the National and State Assemblies as a temporary measure to enhance gender representation.

‘Governors were urged to engage their senators, members of the House of Representatives, and state assemblies to support the bill’s passage and affirm Nigeria’s commitment to equity and inclusive governance.’

13 states without women lawmakers

Despite the growing advocacy for women’s inclusion, Weekend Trust findings show that 13 out of the 36 state assemblies currently have no female representation.

The affected states include Abia, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Imo, Jigawa, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Osun, Sokoto, Yobe, and Zamfara.

Currently, women occupy only 54 of the 990 state assembly seats nationwide, leaving men with 94.5 per cent of the total.

Gombe: A history interrupted

In Gombe State, the 24-member assembly has no female legislator. Since 1999, only two women have ever served in the House: Hajiya Zainab Alman, who represented Kaltungo East between 2003 and 2007, and Asmau Mohammed Iganus, who represented Shongom Constituency from 2019 to 2023.

It took 12 years after Alman’s exit for another woman, Iganus, to be elected. While Alman was denied a return ticket in 2007, Iganus lost her re-election bid in 2023 despite securing her party’s nomination.

Reacting to the development, Deputy Speaker of the Gombe State House of Assembly, Hon. Sadam Bello Saleh, described the special seats bill as ‘a thoughtful and positive development.’

‘That is a very important and thoughtful bill,’ he said. ‘Creating special seats for women is a positive step, especially in a state like Gombe. We have a history of women in the assembly who played important roles, but right now, we have none. That is a gap we must close.’

He added that under the leadership of Speaker Abubakar Luggerewo, the Gombe Assembly would support the bill when transmitted by the National Assembly.

Also speaking, Hon. Nasiru Abdulkarim, representing Dukku North, said creating special seats for women is a ‘good development,’ provided they are reserved exclusively for female candidates.

He said, ‘We will do the needful whenever the bill is presented before us. It will ensure women’s voices are represented once again.’

Kebbi: Zero representation since 1999

In Kebbi State, no woman has ever served in the state assembly since the return of democracy in 1999. The 24-member assembly is made up entirely of men.

Dr Suleiman Abubakar Fana, who represents Dandi Local Government and chairs the House Committee on Tertiary Institutions, said the bill is a welcome idea.

‘Their coming will boost our legislative duties to the people of the state,’ he said. ‘Women are agents of change and serious-minded individuals. It is a wake-up call for more women to get involved in politics.’

He added that women form the majority of voters in elections, and it was ‘time for them to offer themselves to be voted for.’

‘Because women are more passionate, prudent, and committed to causes they believe in, if given the chance, they will deliver more dividends of democracy,’ he said.

Borno: The lone trailblazer

In Borno State, only one woman, Dr Asabe Vilita Bashir, has ever served in the state assembly. She was first elected in 1997 and returned in 2003 before leaving to serve as a commissioner under then-Governor Ali Modu Sheriff.

Efforts to reach the current Speaker for comments on the bill were unsuccessful, but a lawmaker who preferred anonymity said the House would likely support it.

‘We will stop at nothing to ensure that women get what they deserve, their rights and privileges, because they are the ones who take care of us and our families,’ he said.

Comrade Bulama Abiso, Executive Director of the Network of Civil Society Organisations in Borno State, said the participation of women in politics in Borno needs urgent improvement.

‘Women constitute over 60 per cent of our population but have little or no representation. If they mobilise and vote as a bloc, they can break the jinx,’ he said, noting that CSOs and the Nigerian Bar Association have already begun advocacy for the bill’s passage.

Bauchi: Three women in 26 years

The Bauchi State House of Assembly currently has no female legislator in the 10th Assembly.

Findings show that since 1999, only three women have been elected into the Bauchi State House of Assembly: Habiba Sabo Gabarin, who represented Darazo Constituency from 1999 to 2007; Rifkatu Samson Danna, who represented Bogoro Constituency from 2007 to 2015; and Maryam Bagel, who represented Dass Constituency from 2015 to 2019.

When contacted on the proposed creation of special seats for women, Speaker of the Bauchi State House of Assembly, Abubakar Y. Suleiman, welcomed the initiative by the National Assembly.

‘Personally, I don’t have any problem with that because many people opposing the idea for special seats for women don’t know how it will be implemented. Some think it will affect the already existing seats being contested across the country,’ he said.

‘Personally, I welcome the idea and, Insha Allah, we can do whatever we can to ensure that the bill succeeds. I remember in the Fifth Alterations, an attempt was made but it was killed at the National Assembly. At that time, I was the Chairman of the Conference of Speakers; my colleagues and I agreed to support the bill to pass into law, but unfortunately, it was killed at the National Assembly.’

He described the proposed bill as a means of bringing more women into governance and politics.

‘They are not given enough opportunities to partake in the governance of the country. We are waiting; if the National Assembly allows the bill to reach the state assemblies, I think it will go through,’ he said.

‘Insha Allah, we will support it because personally, I and members of the Bauchi State House of Assembly would vote for the bill. It will not affect anybody; it’s just to have one or two female legislators in the Assembly, which is welcome. Even the House Committee on Women Affairs can be chaired by a woman, unlike now when a male member is occupying the position. Generally, I support the idea for special seats for women in the assemblies and will do my best to ensure it is passed.’

On his part, the member representing Kirfi Constituency and Chairman of the House Committee on Women Affairs, Hon. Umar Habibu, said he also supports the National Assembly’s move to create special seats for women in both state and national legislatures.

Habibu said the agitation for special seats for women was long overdue, considering the long-standing efforts of various women’s organisations across the country.

He explained that lawmakers initially misunderstood the bill to mean it would take away seats from men, but it is now clear that it seeks to create additional seats for women.

Commenting on the benefits of the proposal, Habibu said reserving special seats for women would reduce harassment and create a safer space for female politicians.

‘Like what is happening in the Senate, we have seen the case of Senator Natasha; she has been crying out but nobody comes to her rescue. Unfortunately, there are not enough women to back her. I think creating special seats for women would increase their safety and help them,’ he said.

Sokoto: Debate over equality and democracy

In Sokoto, some lawmakers have expressed reservations about the proposal, describing it as discriminatory.

Hon. Habibu Modachi, who represents Isa Constituency in the Sokoto State House of Assembly, said the move was ‘undemocratic and unnecessary.’

According to him, democracy thrives on open competition, not on special allocations based on gender.

‘There is no country in the world where seats in parliament are permanently reserved for women,’ Modachi said. ‘The move negates the tenets of the democratic process, where elective positions should be open to all qualified members of society regardless of gender. Even in advanced democracies, there is no such provision. What we often see is that after elections, presidents or governors may appoint women into executive roles, but not exclusive legislative seats.’

The debate comes amid growing concerns over the persistent underrepresentation of women in Nigerian politics, particularly in northern states like Sokoto. Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, Sokoto has never elected a single female lawmaker to its 30-member House of Assembly.

Women’s rights advocates and civil society organisations have long decried the systemic barriers-cultural, religious, and financial-that hinder women’s political participation in the region. They argue that without proactive measures such as gender quotas or exclusive seats, women may continue to be sidelined in governance.

However, critics like Modachi insist that merit and open competition should remain the basis for political participation.

‘If women want to be part of the legislative process, they should contest like everyone else. Creating exclusive seats is not the solution; it’s a shortcut that undermines our democratic values,’ he maintained.

Meanwhile, proponents of the bill argue that affirmative action is a necessary step toward achieving gender balance in governance, especially in states where decades of male-dominated politics have failed to create room for female voices.

Zamfara, Yobe, Jigawa, Katsina: A blank page in women’s political history

The situation in Zamfara State mirrors that of Sokoto, where no woman has ever won a seat in the 24-member legislature.

The 30-member Jigawa State House of Assembly currently has no female legislator. Records show that the state is yet to produce a female lawmaker since its creation.

Similarly, the 34-member Katsina State House of Assembly is composed entirely of men. Katsina has consistently recorded zero female representation in successive assemblies since 1999.

The 24-member Yobe State House of Assembly also has no female member, though the state has produced women representatives at the federal level in the House of Representatives.

Kano: All-male assembly under scrutiny

The Kano State House of Assembly also has no female member among its 40 lawmakers, making it one of the few state assemblies in Nigeria without a single woman in its legislative ranks.

RwPolitical observers say the all-male composition of the Kano Assembly underscores the deep gender imbalance in northern politics, despite Nigeria’s commitment to 35 percent affirmative action for women’s political participation.

Civil society advocates in Kano have continued to call for party reforms, financial support mechanisms, and electoral incentives to enable more women to participate in future elections.

If the National Assembly passes the constitutional amendment and transmits it to the 36 state assemblies for concurrence, Kano’s position is expected to be closely watched as a test case for male-dominated legislatures across the North.

Reacting to the development, political observer Aisha Abdulhamid said the all-male composition of the Assembly is ‘a stark reminder of the structural and cultural barriers that women face in northern politics.’

‘This situation clearly shows that voluntary inclusion is not working. Unless the law mandates a minimum representation threshold for women, states like Kano will continue to lag behind in gender equity,’ she said.

She added that the proposed special seats bill could serve as a ‘necessary affirmative action’ to balance decades of male dominance in Nigeria’s legislative institutions.

As of press time, members of the Kano State House of Assembly could not be reached for comment, as the Assembly is currently on recess and most members are said to be out of the country.

Abia: Gains of 2015 lost

In Abia State, the 24-member House of Assembly is also made up entirely of men.

In 2015, the state produced five female legislators, but in both the 2019 and 2023 elections, no woman was elected into the Assembly.

Imo: Women missing in action

The Imo State House of Assembly, which has 27 members, is also entirely male. While the state has had a handful of women in the Assembly in the past, their representation has been consistently low.

For instance, Hon. Uju Onwudiwe (Njaba Constituency) and Hon. Ngozi S. M. Obiefule (Isu Constituency) were among the few women elected during the 9th Assembly (2019-2023).

23 state assemblies with female legislators

Meanwhile, a total of 23 state assemblies across the country have produced 54 female lawmakers.

The states include Rivers (6); Akwa Ibom (4); Bayelsa (2); Delta (2); Cross River (1); Edo (1); Ebonyi (2); Enugu (2); Anambra (1); Taraba (2); and Adamawa (1). Others are Kaduna (2); Kwara (5); Benue (2); Kogi (2); Plateau (2); Ekiti (6); Lagos (3); Ondo (3); Ogun (2); Oyo (2); and Niger (1).

A further breakdown shows that the South West and South South regions each produced 16 female legislators, followed by the North Central with 12. The South East produced five, the North East three, while the North West had only two.

In the South West, five of the six states produced female lawmakers. Ekiti topped the list with six, followed by Lagos and Ondo with three each, and Ogun and Oyo with two apiece. Osun is the only state in the region without a female legislator.

In the South South, Rivers have six female lawmakers, Akwa Ibom four, Bayelsa and Delta two each, while Cross River and Edo produced one each.

In the North Central, Kwara led with five, followed by Benue, Plateau, and Kogi with two each, while Nasarawa and Niger had one each.

In the South East, Ebonyi and Enugu produced two female lawmakers each, while Anambra produced one. Abia and Imo had none.

In the North East, Taraba produced two female lawmakers and Adamawa one, while Borno, Gombe, Yobe, and Bauchi had none.

In the North West, only Kaduna produced two female lawmakers, while Kano, Zamfara, Jigawa, Sokoto, Katsina, and Kebbi had none.

Factors limiting women’s political representation

Dr Damilola Agbalojobi, a political scientist and gender specialist, identified the high cost of politics, poor media coverage of female candidates, and cultural and religious norms surrounding marriage and family responsibilities as major factors limiting women’s participation in Nigerian politics.

According to her, women often lack the financial capacity to pay for the mandatory expression-of-interest and nomination forms required by political parties, not to mention the huge cost of election campaigns.

She added that women’s limited access to education translates to fewer employment opportunities, making it more difficult for them to sustain political ambitions or secure leadership positions.

Contributions from: Haruna Gimba Yaya (Gombe), Ismail Adebayo (Birnin Kebbi), Hassan Ibrahim (Bauchi), Abubakar Auwal (Sokoto) and Salim Umar Ibrahim (Kano)