Category: Daily Trust

Malam Bukar Zarma, the newly appointed Ag. Secretary General of the Arewa Consultative Forum, ACF, is a veteran journalist, newspaper editor, author and public affairs commentator whose career has spanned journalism, publishing, public service and socio-political advocacy in Northern Nigeria. In this interview, he said he has been part of the ACF right from day one, and opined that the constitution of the ACF requires some amendments to stop recurring clashes.

You’ve been appointed by the Board of Trustees of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) as Acting Secretary-General. But just yesterday, the National Executive Council suspended the Chairman of the BOT that appointed you. So where does that leave you?

Thank you. First of all, the National Executive Committee (NEC) is an appointee of the Board of Trustees. Under the law, any organisation that is not limited by guarantee is owned by trustees. That is why trustees are described as having perpetual succession.

So, what the National Working Committee did was done in total ignorance of its role vis-à-vis the powers of the BOT. As far as the Board of Trustees is concerned, that action is ipso facto null and void and illegal. We do not even give it much thought.

Secondly, regarding the position of Secretary-General, the Board of Trustees does not actually have the sole power to appoint a Secretary-General. There is a due process. Whenever the position becomes vacant – either through expiration of tenure, resignation, or any other reason – a committee that has existed since 2007 comes into play.

This committee is called the Leadership Selection Committee. Its role is to scout for competent and suitable northerners who can make meaningful contributions to the ACF. You do not even have to be a long-time member of the ACF. If they believe someone is competent and suitable, they approach and persuade the person to serve.

The Selection Committee identifies suitable candidates and makes recommendations to the General Assembly. The General Assembly consists of both the BOT and the National Executive Council. The Chairman of the General Assembly is also the Chairman of the BOT, and only he has the power to summon a meeting of the General Assembly.

In my case, the Selection Committee, under the chairmanship of retired General Halilu Akilu, sat and recommended me as Acting Secretary-General. The recommendation was submitted to the BOT, which reviewed and ratified it. It was then meant to go to the National Executive Council for ratification before final approval by the General Assembly.

So, the process was ongoing until it was truncated by the actions of the National Executive Committee. As we speak, the process has passed through the Selection Committee and the BOT. What remains is ratification by the NEC and the General Assembly.

Is the Selection Committee a permanent body or an ad hoc committee?

Initially, it was described as an ad hoc committee for the identification and selection of suitable persons for leadership roles in the ACF. It was established in 2007 under the leadership of General Mahmoud Wushishi and included respected figures such as Abdullahi Ibrahim, former Minister of Education, Abu Gidado, former Deputy Governor, and several others.

Although originally ad hoc, it has operated continuously for nearly 19 years. In practice, it has remained relevant and useful under the leadership of respected ACF elders. There has been no need to disband or restructure it all these years.

Why are we witnessing this crisis in the ACF after so many years?

As a matter of fact, this is not the first time there has been friction among the different organs of the ACF. There have been disagreements, clashes, and power struggles before. However, I must admit that this is probably the most intense one so far.

It is also unfortunate that the timing has created certain impressions. But I am 100 per cent sure this crisis has nothing to do with money collected during the endowment fund drive. This issue has been brewing since last year, long before any endowment funds were collected.

The crisis revolves mainly around one person – the Secretary-General. He was first appointed in March 2020. Shortly after his appointment, the COVID-19 pandemic disrupted activities, and the leadership could not fully assume office until several months later.

By March 2023, his three-year tenure had technically expired, although operationally there had been interruptions due to the pandemic. During the next round of appointments, there was flexibility allowing some officers’ tenures to begin from the date of inauguration.

However, the Secretary-General had remained continuously in office since March 2020. By March 2026, he had completed six years, which is the constitutional maximum allowed by the ACF Constitution.

His argument was that he lost six months during the COVID period and should therefore benefit from the same flexibility granted to others. But the authorities maintained that he had occupied the office continuously for six years and therefore his tenure had ended.

The Selection Committee then determined that his tenure had expired and that he should vacate office. He refused. This led to intervention by ACF elders, including General Halilu Akilu, Mahmoud Yayale Ahmed, Bashir Dalhatu, and others, who convened a reconciliation meeting.

There are allegations that the BOT has taken over many responsibilities of the NEC and NWC, and that this is the root of the problem. Is that true?

I have heard those allegations many times. If you are on one side of the argument, you can cite several examples. But if you are neutral, you will see that many responsibilities assigned to the BOT overlap with those of the NEC.

The duty of the ACF is to rally northerners, foster unity, and strengthen the region’s collective interests. Whether you are Chairman of the BOT or Chairman of the NEC, you naturally consider it part of your responsibility to mobilise people and advance the objectives of the forum.

The complaint from some NEC members is that the BOT Chairman sometimes performs functions they believe belong to them, such as convening meetings and mobilising stakeholders. This has been a recurring source of conflict within the ACF.

The truth is that the work of the ACF is difficult to compartmentalise strictly. Everyone is essentially working toward the same goal.

Do you think the ACF Constitution is partly responsible for this recurring conflict?

I would agree that the structure contributes to the problem. What we currently have is similar to having two captains on one ship, so friction is almost inevitable.

This issue has been recognised for many years. There have been several attempts to review the constitution and streamline the leadership structure, but those efforts never materialised fully. In fact, the current Chairman of the NEC chaired a constitutional review committee about ten years ago, but the process stalled.

Over the years, there have always been efforts to address what many consider an anomaly in the structure.

There are also allegations regarding the endowment fund and the opening of an account with JAIZ Bank. Some say the funds were moved there instead of being kept in the ACF’s regular accounts. Is that true?

That is far from the truth. Let me clarify. The money kept in JAIZ Bank was not the money raised for the endowment itself. It was money connected to the endowment process, while operational funds for organising the event remained in the regular ACF accounts, such as Keystone Bank and First Bank.

The Chairman of the BOT and the Secretary-General decided that the endowment funds should be kept separately from the organisation’s operational funds. The intention was to warehouse the funds safely until a proper implementation framework was established.

No withdrawals have been made from that account. The funds were later moved from a regular current account into a fixed deposit account so they could generate interest. This was simply a financial management decision.

The funds were deposited in phases as donations came in gradually. That explains why transfers were made at different times into the fixed deposit account.

During the meeting held at NTI, the NEC advised that an audit should be conducted on the account and also alleged financial misconduct against the BOT Chairman. What is your reaction to that?

We welcome that. In fact, that was one of the few positive outcomes of that meeting. Despite the suspension issue, they also called for a forensic audit, and we fully support it.

I have already explained that the BOT Chairman is not a cheque signatory. It is not his duty to sign cheques. His role is mainly to approve certain payments or provide supervisory oversight.

The money in question was merely being warehoused. So, how can the person trying to safeguard the funds suddenly be accused of misusing them?

As I said, we are prepared for the bank to provide every detail if necessary. If there is going to be a forensic audit, then everything will come out clearly.

It is actually surprising to hear allegations against someone who does not directly spend the money. The Secretary-General has effectively been the principal signatory to most of the operational accounts. The other signatories are relatively junior officials who only append their signatures when required.

If you examine the ACF accounts closely, you will see that the Secretary-General has practically been the main operator of those accounts.

During our interview with the Secretary-General, he claimed that the transfer of about N1.4 billion into the investment account was done unilaterally by Alhaji Bashir Dalhatu without proper clearance. Does that not amount to malpractice?

No, it does not. You must understand how banking works, especially in situations where there is an established relationship between the customer and the bank.

There is what banks call ‘Know Your Customer’ (KYC). If a bank has confidence in a customer, certain instructions can be processed without unnecessary bureaucracy.

Besides, transferring money from one account to another within the same ownership does not amount to withdrawal. It is not the same thing as taking cash out or transferring money to an external party.

The money remained within the same account ownership structure. It was simply moved from a current account into a fixed deposit account based on the bank’s own recommendation so that the funds could yield interest instead of sitting idle.

So there was really no reason for the bank to seek multiple layers of clarification before carrying out that instruction. The bank itself had advised that the funds should be placed on fixed deposit.

We were also told that some members felt ambushed into approving the investment arrangement. There are claims that other banks were offering interest rates as high as 18 percent, compared to the 8 percent from JAIZ Bank. Did you hear anything about that?

That is mostly street talk.

Does it sound realistic to you that any credible and stable bank in Nigeria would safely offer 18 percent interest on such a huge deposit without significant risk?

Yes, during discussions, some people mentioned that certain struggling banks were offering very high rates – even 20 or 25 percent – simply because they were desperate for deposits. But the question is: how secure would your money be there?

Some of those banks were already under scrutiny from the Central Bank over capitalisation issues and other financial concerns. So, no serious person would consider them a safe option for funds belonging to an organisation like the ACF.

The idea was to prioritise safety, not reckless profit-making. Even First Bank was paying about one or two percent on fixed deposits at some point. So, getting eight percent from JAIZ Bank was already considered favourable and reasonable under the circumstances.

Are you concerned about the way this entire situation is unfolding, especially regarding the integrity and image of the forum?

We are deeply concerned – very deeply concerned. In fact, saying we are concerned is an understatement.

I can assure you that many efforts were made behind the scenes to prevent the situation from deteriorating to this level. There were several consultations, reconciliation meetings, and interventions by respected northern leaders.

For example, Alhaji Ahmed Yayale Ahmed hosted meetings in his house where key stakeholders were brought together to resolve the matter amicably.

Our hope now is that this crisis will serve as a wake-up call for the ACF. We may need to revisit the organisation’s structure and constitution once again because, as I said earlier, these conflicts have been recurring over the years.

There is clearly a need to review certain aspects of the structure to reduce friction and prevent future crises.

Finally, two questions in one. First, do you believe Alhaji Bashir Dalhatu is overbearing? Secondly, some people believe the ACF is being infiltrated because of the perception that it can influence northern votes politically. What is your view?

Before I answer your question on if Alhaji Bashir Dalhatu overbearing?

Let me tell you a simple story.

Before the assumption of office of Alhaji Bashir, the average attendance at meetings of the Board of Trustees in ACF was about seven or eight people per meeting at most, nine.

At times, they didn’t even know the last chairman of the BOT before him was Alhaji Shehu Malami Sarkin Sudan. He was there for two years. Of course, he had been sick, but in those two years, he held meetings about two or three times.

Each time there was a BOT meeting around that period, you would probably be lucky to get up to nine people from all over Northern Nigeria.

It was to correct that situation, and because of his capacity to mobilize, that you now have attendance at meetings of the Board of Trustees numbering up to 170 or 200 people from just nine.

Look at the calibre of people attending these meetings. That is one thing.

In those days, you would be lucky to have one deputy governor or some permanent secretary attending. Now, if you take a look at the attendance register of those coming for meetings, you are probably going to see former governors of Northern Nigeria, former ministers, former senators the very top level of leadership.

But how do you consider the provision of the Constitution? When I read it, it says every senatorial zone should have three people across the 19 Northern states. Some of these numbers you mentioned may actually be friends and family members who are not coming based on what the law says?

Thank you. Now you are talking.

I have just told you that before now, you would be lucky to have ten people. We have nineteen states, don’t forget, plus the FCT, making twenty. Yet, you either had nine people or ten people attending. That means you had barely half a person from each state. Is that what it means? Do you know what that means?

Now, somebody comes and says, ‘Please, come to ACF. Let’s sit down and discuss how to approach the problems facing Northern Nigeria.’

Maybe twenty people come from Kwara, maybe

No, they said mainly from Kano and Jigawa.

Yes, that was the allegation.

Because the chairman is from Kano/Jigawa, if he says, ‘Please come,’ his friends, associates, and others will naturally come.

But I want you not to forget the background or standpoint. The people making these complaints are just doing it out of ulterior motives.

I have been in ACF from day one. In 2000, considering my background as a former editor of New Nigeria, I saw ACF as a continuation of the kind of mission we pursued in New Nigeria that is, to promote and defend the interests of Northern Nigeria.

I went there from day one, and I have remained here up till today.

So, I can assure you that everything Bashir Dalhatu did was for the good of the organization. He revived it. He mobilized people to come, and the response has been overwhelming.

If only nine people were attending BOT meetings, you can be sure that not even one billion naira or even one hundred million naira could be collected for the Endowment Fund.

But because over 200 senior members and elders of Northern Nigeria have been attending, the message was sent out loud and clear. There was real mobilization of Northern Nigeria, and it is almost 100% due to him.

You can see that the organization has been doing really well in the last ten years. Rather than being grateful to him, some people say, ‘Ah, he has usurped our powers. We are supposed to be the ones doing this.’

Okay, do it now.

Let me tell you, this chairman of NEC comes from Benue. He has been there for two and a half years now. He has not been able to organize a visit. He has not been able to get his governor to give us an appointment to visit him in Benue.

For two and a half years, he couldn’t do it. He has never organized or facilitated a trip anywhere in the last two years.

He waits until Bashir Dalhatu initiates a move, then he comes back and complains that Bashir Dalhatu is usurping his powers.

Okay, do it.

He won’t be able to do it.

What about the infiltration by the APC group?

No, I don’t understand what you mean by ‘infiltration.’ Try to rationalize it.

That is, they are planting and instigating disagreement and conflict…

You know, they say that if you are known to be a thief, anytime there is theft in the neighborhood whether you are around or not people will say, ‘Ah, it is this guy. He must be the one who stole it.’

The APC government has a reputation for instigating crises in various organizations political parties and sociocultural organizations alike. They have that reputation, and it is very well known. In the minds of many people, they are already guilty.

But personally, I am not aware. I have no knowledge of how they trap ‘the thieves,’ or how they may do it if they want to. I don’t know. So I think these are allegations.

Is there anything you would have liked us to ask that we didn’t?

I think you should have asked me what ordinary Northerners feel about the problems and the rising crisis because I know that the average Northerner looks up to ACF as a stabilizing factor in Northern Nigeria. If nothing else, they can at least tell the world what is happening in Northern Nigeria.

Secondly, even during the 2023 elections, it was the ACF that organized a meeting between all the major presidential candidates in Kaduna to interrogate them about their plans for Northern Nigeria.

It was well attended. Tinubu was here, Peter Obi was here, everybody was here.

Unfortunately, when they responded to the requests and demands of ACF on behalf of Northern Nigeria, they quickly forgot them after getting into power.

For example, Tinubu, I don’t think he even remembers that he came to Kaduna to make pledges.

Maybe that is why some people allege that the APC may be trying to undermine ACF or prevent it from becoming stronger.

I think it would be music to their ears if they heard about trouble in ACF when members are at each other’s throats and unable to organize any viable challenge to them.

They would probably be happy to hear that.

But speaking as an insider, I can tell you that this is all mere speculation. I have no experience or knowledge of it, and I do not even see how it could have happened.

But if Tinubu were to say he would come and address ACF this time around, would you welcome him?

Well, we are always ready to listen.

We are disappointed with how things turned out after he won the election. We are totally disappointed because I helped write the demands of Northern Nigeria.

There were 23 demands, ranging from reviving Ajaokuta, dredging the River Niger for inland waterways, the Kaduna-Ajaokuta gas pipeline, and Kolmani.

There were 23 demands altogether, and he has not fulfilled any of them not even one.

So if you were to advise Northerners now, would you tell them they should vote for Tinubu?

No. What I would advise Northerners to do is to look at what Tinubu promised and compare it with what he has delivered. Then they can reach their own conclusion.

The recurring wave of xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals in South Africa remains one of the greatest contradictions to the spirit of African unity and brotherhood. It’s disturbing that after decades of Africa’s unity to fight apartheid, citizens of fellow African countries are now being targeted, harassed and sometimes killed in South Africa simply because of their nationality.

Over years, several incidents of violence directed at Nigerians living in South Africa have been reported. Businesses owned by foreign nationals have been looted and destroyed, while innocent people have suffered physical attacks, intimidation and humiliation. Although South African authorities often condemn these attacks after they occur, the persistence of the problem raises serious concerns about whether enough is being done to stop it permanently.

The situation is particularly painful for Nigerians because of the historic relationship between both countries. Nigeria played a major role during the anti-apartheid struggle. From financial support to diplomatic pressure and scholarships for South African students, Nigeria stood firmly with the people of South Africa during their darkest years. Many Nigerians, therefore, find it difficult to understand why citizens of the same continent are now treated with hostility in a country their nation once supported so strongly.

Xenophobia is dangerous not only because of the violence it breeds, but because it threatens the larger vision of African integration. Africa cannot genuinely pursue continental unity, regional trade and free movement of people while hatred against fellow Africans continues to grow within member states. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and other integration initiatives can only succeed in an environment where Africans feel safe and respected across the continent.

To be fair, unemployment, poverty and inequality in South Africa are real challenges. Many South Africans are frustrated by rising living costs, job shortages, and social pressures. However, blaming foreign nationals for every economic difficulty is both unfair and misleading. Nigerians and other immigrants are not responsible for the structural economic problems facing South Africa. In fact, many migrants contribute positively to the economy through investments, entrepreneurship and taxes.

Sadly, politicians and populist groups sometimes exploit public frustrations by promoting anti-immigrant sentiments for political advantage. These only fuel tension and encourage mob attacks against innocent people. Leadership should calm tensions, not inflame them.

There is also the danger of stereotyping Nigerians based on the actions of a few individuals involved in criminal activities. Every society has criminals, but it becomes dangerous when crimes committed by individuals are used to stigmatise an entire nationality. Thousands of Nigerians living in South Africa are law-abiding citizens engaged in legitimate businesses, education and professional work. They deserve dignity, protection and equal treatment under the law.

The Nigerian government must also be more proactive in protecting its citizens abroad. Diplomatic engagement with South African authorities should go beyond routine condemnations after attacks occur. Stronger bilateral mechanisms are needed to ensure accountability for xenophobic violence and better protection for affected communities. Nigerians living abroad should feel confident that their country will defend their rights and safety wherever they reside.

At the same time, Nigerians abroad must continue to conduct themselves responsibly and obey the laws of their host countries. Respect for local laws and positive engagement with host communities help reduce tension and strengthen mutual trust.

The media and civil society organisations across Africa also have a role to play. Public education campaigns promoting tolerance, coexistence and African solidarity should be intensified. Young Africans must be taught that the true enemies of the continent are poverty, corruption, unemployment and poor leadership – not fellow Africans seeking better opportunities.

South Africa remains one of Africa’s most influential nations, and with such influence comes responsibility. The country must rise above violence and intolerance by promoting inclusion, justice and respect for human dignity.

Ultimately, xenophobia anywhere in Africa is a threat to Africans everywhere. Silence only normalises hatred. The time has come for African leaders, regional bodies and citizens to collectively reject xenophobia and defend the ideals of unity, peace and shared humanity upon which the continent’s future depends.

The Police have arrested Idrisu Musa, a 25-year-old resident of Kebbi State, who reportedly attacked a couple, Muhammed Haruna and his wife, Habiba with a cutlas at Asarara, a village in Kimba District, Jega Local Government Area of the state.

A statement by the police said the suspect had reportedly intimidated the couple with a cutlass on several occasions before they were killed.

The police public relations officer, Kebbi command, SP Bashir Usman, said the Commissioner of Police, Umar M. Hadejia, has directed that the case be transferred to the State Criminal Investigation Department (SCID) for further investigation.

Sierra Leonean Afrobeats artist Jomapel Yankee continues to push his artistry beyond music, stepping deeper into visual storytelling with the rollout of his latest single, C’est La Vie. For the visual direction of C’est La Vie, Loukas Costi, a Cyprus-based video director and hybrid shooter whose work sits comfortably between live music documentation, performance visuals, and high-energy cultural storytelling. Costi has publicly shared visual work connected to major Afrobeats moments, including content around Davido’s 5ive Alive Tour across multiple European cities and a director’s cut for Afrobeats Roma / Rema’s Milan concert, positioning him as a creative already tapped into Afrobeats’ live-performance energy in Europe.

While Yankee has steadily built his reputation as a cross-continental artist, C’est La Vie marks a more intentional step into creative direction, with the artist playing a hands-on role in shaping the visual identity of the release. Inspired by themes of movement, lifestyle, and indulgence, the visuals reflect a borderless narrative-mirroring the song’s ‘Mali to Bali’ ethos and its celebration of ambition and freedom.

Rather than treating the visuals as a simple performance add-on, Yankee approached the release as a full creative statement. The direction captures him in his element: charismatic, stylish, and self-assured, embodying the same ‘we balling even on a Sunday’ energy that runs through the song. It is a continuation of his mission to carry Sierra Leone into wider Afrobeats conversations while shaping a global image around his sound.

In one of the campaign’s content pieces, Yankee and Costi also collaborated with Peter Kypri, widely known as Cypriot Smurf – a Cyprus-based comedian and content creator known for his humorous cultural sketches and online personality. The collaboration adds a local Cypriot cultural touch to the rollout, connecting Yankee’s Afropop world with the personality and humour of the environment he is currently creating in.

Produced by Egar Boi, C’est La Vie is built as a confident Afropop anthem – polished, rhythmic, and made for both lifestyle content and dancefloor replay. With Loukas Costi shaping the visuals and Cypriot Smurf appearing in the campaign’s content universe, Yankee is not only releasing a song; he is building a moment around it.

As he continues to move between Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Cyprus, and the wider European scene, Yankee is proving that his music is borderless – and that every release is another chance to put his country, his story, and his creative vision on the map.

Bayero University, Kano, (BUK) has announced an extension of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) application period for eligible students for the 2025/2026 academic session.

This is contained in a special bulletin signed on behalf of the Registrar by the Director of Public Affairs, Lamara Garba, issued to newsmen on Saturday in Kano.

Garba said the extension and reopening of the NELFUND portal followed a request by the university management, giving students the opportunity to apply from May 8 to 29.

‘This reopening provides the final opportunity for eligible students who have completed their screening to visit the official NELFUND portal at http://portal.nelf.gov.ng to commence and complete applications for both institutional charges and upkeep.

‘Applicants are advised to strictly follow all application procedures and upload the required documents on the portal,’ he said.

Garba stressed that all necessary documents must be properly uploaded to avoid delays or disqualification.

‘Applications for institutional charges and upkeep must be submitted simultaneously, as separate applications may not be processed,’ the director said.

He discouraged the use of microfinance bank wallet accounts such as Opay and Moniepoint for the application.

‘Applicants should ensure their email addresses are accurate and accessible.

‘Passwords must be securely kept and remembered, as they will be needed to access the portal and track application status,’ he said.

Garba urged all eligible students to take advantage of the final window and complete their applications before the deadline.

The United Advocates Group (UAG) has called for the withdrawal of Inspector Mohammed and CSP Arase from the renewed investigation into the death of singer Ilerioluwa Promise Aloba, popularly known as Mohbad, citing concerns over transparency, neutrality, and public trust.

In a statement signed by Barrister Leke Odugbesan, the group said the circumstances surrounding Mohbad’s death remain a matter of serious public concern and require an investigation that is not only impartial but also seen to be credible by Nigerians.

According to the group, the renewed probe must be handled by officers whose integrity cannot reasonably be questioned, stressing that any connection to previous controversies could weaken public confidence in the process.

UAG raised concerns over Inspector Mohammed’s role in the earlier investigation, alleging that critical aspects of the case were not adequately pursued.

The group claimed that several important leads were left unattended and that the case was not handled with the urgency expected.

It further alleged that Inspector Mohammed was unavailable when needed by its legal team during the coroner’s proceedings, adding that his absence led to the issuance of a subpoena.

The group said he failed to appear before the Coroner’s Court until after proceedings had concluded, a development it described as troubling.

The group also questioned CSP Arase’s conduct, alleging inconsistencies in his communication regarding the reassignment of the case.

According to the statement, CSP Arase initially confirmed that the matter had been assigned to him, but later denied this when contacted again.

UAG said this contradiction prompted its legal team to formally write the police authorities on April 23, 2026.

It added that upon submitting the letter, it discovered CSP Arase had also received an earlier correspondence from March requesting reassignment of the case.

The group said these developments have heightened fears about possible compromise, confidentiality breaches, and undue interference in the renewed investigation.

‘It is not a personal matter,’ the statement noted, insisting that its demand is based on the need to protect the integrity of the process and restore public confidence.

The group maintained that the renewed investigation should begin on a ‘clean slate’ and be led by fresh officers with no prior controversial involvement.

UAG therefore urged the Nigeria Police Force to immediately remove both officers from the case, appoint independent investigators, secure all evidence and correspondence related to the matter, and ensure the probe is transparent and shielded from external influence.

The group added that Nigerians deserve clear answers, Mohbad’s family deserves closure, and the late singer’s memory deserves justice.

Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna State has approved the appointment of new advisers, board chairmen and senior special assistants as part of efforts to accelerate his administration’s transformative agenda and strengthen good governance in the state.

The appointments were announced in a statement issued on Saturday in Kaduna by the Chief Press Secretary to the Governor, Malam Ibraheem Musa.

According to the statement, the appointments are aimed at bringing seasoned professionals and innovative leaders into government to enhance service delivery and drive development across critical sectors.

Those appointed include Balarabe Muhammad Bello as Counsellor, Infrastructure, while Danlami Adamu was named Special Adviser on Peace and Conflict Resolution.

Others are Esther Ashievelli Dawaki as General Manager, Kaduna State Community and Social Development Agency; Muhammad Abubakar Mamadi as Special Adviser on Political Matters; and Yusuf Salihu as Special Adviser on Urban Planning and Development.

The governor also appointed Yahaya Baba Pate as Special Adviser on Special Duties; Abdulrahman Ibrahim as Special Adviser on Citizenship and Leadership; Hamza Ibrahim as Special Adviser on Primary Healthcare Matters; and Muutasim Billah Yusuf as Special Adviser on Debt Management.

Also appointed were Bashir Idris Aliyu as Special Adviser on Agricultural Development; Tanko Bajo Kokwain as Board Chairman, Kaduna State Schools Quality Assurance Authority; and Shehu Usman Dantudu as Board Chairman, Kaduna Market Development and Management Company.

In addition, Samson Monday Dikko was appointed Senior Special Assistant on Community Engagement III; Edward John Auta, Senior Special Assistant on Industrial Training and Development; Amanda Tanko Usman, Senior Special Assistant on Contact and Mobilisation II; Alhassan Mando, Senior Special Assistant on Special Duties III; and Zubairu Usman Abdullahi, Senior Special Assistant on Stakeholder Relations III.

The statement noted that the appointees were expected to deploy their wealth of experience in advancing the administration’s development objectives.

‘The governor congratulates the new appointees and urges them to uphold the highest standards of transparency and integrity in the discharge of their duties,’ the statement said.

It added that the Kaduna State Government remained committed to transforming the state through effective policies, innovation and people centred governance.

The Federal Capital Territory Police Command has arrested Hon. Emmanuel Odiniya, father of Big Brother Naija Season 8 winner Ilebaye Odiniya, following an alleged assault incident that reportedly occurred at the family residence in Abuja.

The command disclosed that the arrest followed a distress call received in the early hours of Saturday from Royal Anchor Estate in Wuye, Abuja, reporting that the reality television star was being physically assaulted.

In a statement issued on Saturday, the spokesperson for the FCT Police Command, SP Josephine Adeh, said officers were immediately mobilised to the scene after the emergency report was received.

According to her, ‘On the 9th of May, 2026, at about 12:00 a.m., the FCT Police Command responded to a distress call from Royal Anchor Estate, Wuye, Abuja, reporting an ongoing physical assault on Ms Ilebaye Odiniya Emmanuel by her father, Hon. Emmanuel Odiniya.’

Adeh stated that a patrol team from the Wuye Police Division, alongside operatives of the Department of Operations, was deployed to the residence to intervene in the situation.

‘Following the report, a patrol team from Wuye Division, supported by operatives of the Department of Operations, FCT Police Command, was immediately deployed to the scene,’ she said.

She added that the command’s Police Public Relations Officer was also present during the operation to supervise developments.

The police spokesperson explained that operatives initially encountered difficulty accessing the premises because the gate to the residence had been locked.

‘After several attempts, access was gained into the compound at about 2:30 a.m. Ms Ilebaye Odiniya, who was found with visible bruises, was rescued alongside her brothers and rushed to NNPC Hospital, Abuja, where she received medical attention,’ Adeh stated.

The police further confirmed that Emmanuel Odiniya is currently being held in custody while investigations continue.

‘Hon. Emmanuel Odiniya is currently in police custody, while a thorough investigation is ongoing to determine the full circumstances surrounding the incident,’ the statement added.

The incident comes amid widespread concern on social media after Ilebaye appeared in an emotional live video session during the early hours of Saturday.

In the viral video, the BBNaija star was reportedly seen crying and calling for help while displaying visible swelling on her face. She was also heard pleading with viewers to come to her aid as some men surrounded her during the altercation.

The development has since generated reactions online, with fans and supporters expressing concern over her safety and wellbeing.

In the past few weeks, the political landscape in Nigeria has been dominated by a specific ritual: the conduct of primary elections. As the All Progressives Congress (APC) fine-tunes its machinery for the upcoming off-cycle elections across Nigeria, the buzzword echoing from party secretariats to the Presidential Villa has been ‘consensus’. We hear it constantly: ‘The party has adopted a consensus arrangement.’

On the surface, this sounds noble. Very noble. It suggests unity, the absence of rancour, and the collective will of the party faithful. But in reality, this is far from the truth. It is a cocktail of arm-twisting, bribery and manipulative politics.

In medicine, where the stakes are life and death, consensus is the gold standard. It is an arduous, transparent, and data-driven process. When a doctor suspects a complex illness, they do not rely on the loudest voice in the room or the opinion of a single ‘party leader.’ Instead, they convene a tumour board or a peer review. In modern medicine, consensus is reached through a rigorous methodology, often the Delphi method or the National Institutes of Health (NIH) consensus statement process.

Here is what that looks like: A panel of independent experts reviews anonymous data. There is no intimidation. People argue, they present evidence, they look at the differential diagnoses, and only when 80 per cent or 90 per cent of the panel agrees on the best course of action is a consensus declared.

Now, let’s compare this with the APC’s consensus that we have witnessed in the past few weeks. What we are witnessing in this APC’s party’s version of consensus is merely a euphemism for ‘imposition’.

In the medical sense, consensus is the result of debate. In the political sense we are witnessing, consensus is the absence of debate. We see a situation where a party leader picks a candidate, drops their name, and then asks all other aspirants to step down for ‘the sake of unity.’ When they refuse, they are penalised. When they accept, they are given a pat on the back, bastard money and a political appointment.

This is not a consensus; it is coercion. Medically, this would be akin to a surgeon deciding to amputate a leg because the patient is too noisy, without ordering an X-ray or seeking a second opinion. The patient might survive, but they will be permanently limping.

The danger of this political malpractice is that it ignores the ‘underlying condition.’ In medicine, if you treat a fever with paracetamol without diagnosing malaria, the patient crashes. In politics, if you build a consensus by eliminating the popular candidate (the one the grassroots actually wants) and impose a party favourite, you win the primary but lose the general election. You have treated the symptom (internal party squabbling) while ignoring the disease (lack of electability).

There is a reason the Hippocratic Oath demands ‘First, do no harm.’ A false consensus in politics does tremendous harm.

First, it kills internal democracy. When aspirants realise that the primary is merely a stage-managed endorsement of a pre-selected candidate, the best minds go elsewhere. Why would a brilliant technocrat risk their fortune and reputation in a process where the winner is decided by a ‘consensus’ text message from the national headquarters? We end up with a bench of loyalists, not leaders.

Second, it breeds apathy. The average Nigerian voter is not stupid. When they see a candidate who won via ‘voice vote’ or ‘handshake’ without a real ballot, they know the game is rigged. This disenfranchisement leads to low voter turnout. We saw this in the 2023 general elections, where, despite the fervour, many simply stayed home, believing the consensus had already been signed in Abuja.

Finally, it creates a governance deficit. A leader who ascends via forced consensus owes their loyalty not to the people, but to the kingmakers. Consequently, their decisions in office reflect this debt. Instead of healthcare reforms that benefit the masses, we get contracts that benefit the few who clapped the loudest at the primary.

Does this mean consensus has no place in politics? Absolutely not. The APC’s leadership, including President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has historically used consensus effectively, specifically in the build-up to the 2023 elections when the ‘Zoning’ arrangement was largely respected. That was a macro-consensus based on equity and data (demographics).

What we need is a return to the medical standard. Consensus should be the last step, not the first. The party should hold a transparent primary (the ‘diagnostic test’). Let the aspirants measure their popularity. If, after the results are in, the second and third place aspirants voluntarily decide to step down for the winner to save resources, that is genuine consensus.

But declaring a consensus before the test is like a doctor prescribing chemo before the biopsy. You might just kill the patient.

The APC has a chance to set a precedent in the upcoming elections. Let the delegates vote. Let there be arguments and bruised egos. Let the journalists report on a real contest. That friction is not a crisis; it is the sound of a healthy democracy breathing.

As we watch the political dramas unfold, let us hold our leaders to the same standard we hold our physicians: We do not want a quiet, comfortable lie. We want a difficult, transparent truth. In medicine, consensus cures. In politics, as the APC is practising it, consensus merely covers up the wound. And we all know what happens to a covered wound: it continues to rot.

Super Eagles of Nigeria’s Victor Osimhen two goals pushed Galatasaray to the Turkish League title win on Saturday.

The energetic forward scored twice in the second half to lead Galatasaray to a come from behind 4-2 win over Antalyaspor in Istanbul to seal the club’s fourth league crown on the bounce.

Osimhen returned earlier from injury recently to ensure Galatasaray got over the line in the title challenge ahead of their arch rivals Fenerbahce, and he was inspirational here with two goals that will further cement his status as a big game player and local hero.

The former Lille striker netted the penalty that restored parity at 2-2 after the hour, before producing an instinctive flicked effort that was deflected into the net to give Galatasaray the lead for the first time in the match on 88 minutes.

Kaan Ayhan added the fourth on 90 minutes, with fans already celebrating another title at the expense of their city rivals.

Galatasaray, on the other hand, claimed their 26th league title, while Osimhen claimed a second league title medal in Turkey, and the third in his career.

Osimhen, who is already the subject of interest from top European clubs with Arsenal Sporting Director watching him recently, has scored 15 league goals this season despite battling injuries.