Category: Nigerian Tribune

Africa’s debt burden, worsening inequality, and weak social protection systems have become a ticking time bomb, warns Kwesi Obeng, Oxfam’s Accountable and Inclusive Governance Lead in Africa. In this interview with CHRISTIAN APPOLOS, he explains how these forces are pushing the continent toward a crisis that could dwarf the Arab Spring.

How serious is Africa’s debt problem at the moment, what other factors pose a great threat to Africa?

Debt, weak social protection, and extreme inequality are the three most dangerous threats to everything Africa aspires to become. The reason is simple: those who lend to African governments dictate what these governments can or cannot do. They tell them not to fund public institutions such as schools and hospitals, or to invest in social protection. In short, they discourage spending on anything that serves the public good.

Because of this, debts owed by our governments limit or completely cancel social protection programmes, deepen inequality, and drive millions into extreme poverty and hardship. The consequences are unemployment, insecurity, and in many cases, violent crises and wars. That is the simple truth, and the most alarming part is that the worst is yet to come. If a coordinated and targeted intervention is not taken soon, Africa will be in a very sorry state. The Arab Spring will look like child’s play.

See, debt is a massive burden on African countries. At the moment, quite a number of countries are paying close to half of their annual tax revenue just to service debt. In some cases, it’s only the interest they are paying, not even the principal loan. So, debt has become a huge drain on African economies.

The cost of borrowing exacerbates the problem. Africa borrows at almost 5 per cent to 10 per cent times what economies in the Global North borrow. African countries are charged between 8 per cent to 12 per cent interest rates, while countries in Europe borrow at rates below 1 per cent. That cost differential is a big part of the problem. But beyond the cost, our economies are structured in ways that keep us perpetually dependent. We import almost everything, including food. When we import food, we convert local currencies: the naira, cedi, shilling, or rand, into foreign currencies. What that means is that we are sending our capital and potential jobs abroad, while we only buy to consume.

This dependency puts pressure on our local currencies, making them unstable. It also increases the cost of imports and forces us to borrow even more. Yet, we have the natural and human resources to produce what we consume. Food is fundamental, without food, nothing works. It’s the fuel of human productivity, just as electricity powers industry. We must therefore invest our resources in productive sectors so we can depend on ourselves.

Another layer to the debt problem is the role of the big credit rating agencies. They consistently rate African countries as ‘high risk,’ often for dubious reasons. This bias is rooted in colonial and neo-colonial structures that make it difficult for African countries to raise capital competitively. Their methodologies are skewed against developing nations, particularly African ones.

But even beyond external factors, our governments also fail to make the best use of the loans they acquire. The value derived from these loans is often minuscule compared to the burden they create. The result is that citizens bear the cost of debts that did not contribute meaningfully to development. Tax revenues that should fund basic services are now being used to pay off unsustainable debt.

That is the connection between the debt, social protection and extreme inequality, and its impact on access to basic services that all citizens depend on.

How do these economic realities affect jobs and well-being of the African people?

As I said, when we spend hundreds of millions of dollars importing food we could produce locally, we are exporting jobs. We are sending our manufacturing potential abroad.

We saw during the COVID-19 pandemic how fragile global value chains were. When they crashed, many African countries couldn’t even access basic needs such as food and medicine. Some countries have since re-engineered their economies to produce basic manufacturing inputs domestically. We need to do the same.

Now, in our (Oxfam) report on Africa’s inequality crisis, we found that in the last five years, particularly during and after COVID, the wealth of Africa’s richest 0.02 per cent increased by 56 per cent. Today, just four men own nearly half of the continent’s total wealth. Meanwhile, about 850 million Africans face some form of food insecurity.

Many people now eat only once a day, skip meals, or go without protein. The implications are severe, especially for children’s development and the elderly. Malnutrition destroys human potential.

The social protection gap is a dangerous reality in this situation. Outside of a few exceptions like South Africa, most African countries have no social safety nets. Less than 10 percent of people contribute to any form of pension scheme. As people age, they become fragile and vulnerable, yet there is little to fall back on. The burden, therefore, is carried by a small, overtaxed segment of the population.

Meanwhile, Africa is the only region in the world where taxation of the wealthy does not contribute to redistribution of wealth. Elsewhere, taxes on the rich help fund education, healthcare, and infrastructure. Not here. Our governments often say they borrow because they lack revenue but the truth is, they can raise revenue by taxing the wealthiest properly. Some of the rich are even calling for fair taxation. But in Africa, the poor are the ones carrying the heaviest tax burden.

The poor pay for public services they barely benefit from. For example, wealthy communities have access to piped water, while the poor buy water in gallons and barrels at higher cost. It’s both unjust and inefficient.

We (Oxfam) calculated that if all African countries could match Morocco’s property tax performance: 1.5 per cent of GDP, they could collectively raise $70 billion annually. Imagine how many hospitals, schools, and jobs that could be created in just five years. But the wealthy don’t feel the urgency because their children don’t attend the underfunded schools, and they don’t rely on the failing public hospitals.

Yet, inequality hurts everyone. Studies show that once inequality passes a certain threshold, it undermines growth, fuels violence, increases corruption, and erodes governance. Look at the crisis in the Sahel region. For years, it has been seen purely as a military crisis. But it’s actually a crisis of inequality. In Niger, just a few years ago, a girl had only a 1-in-24 chance of advancing to secondary school compared to a boy. Poverty, early marriage, and lack of essentials force girls to drop out. Many of the children begging on the streets of Accra, Abuja, or Lagos come from such inequality-stricken regions. They’re not fleeing war, they’re fleeing inequality.

How wide is the inequality gap in Africa, especially in West Africa? And what will it take to close it?

African governments are the least committed to tackling inequality anywhere in the world, and West Africa is the weakest region in that regard. Of the 30 least committed countries globally, 25 are African, and more than half of those are in West Africa. Nigeria is one of them. There are over 10 million Nigerian children out of school. That’s our future being wasted.

Our data show that at the current pace, it will take over 600 years to eliminate extreme inequality. But if we could grow our economies by 2 percent annually and reduce inequality by 2 percent, we could eliminate extreme inequality in less than 70 years. That would save lives, give children from poor backgrounds a shot at life, and build safer, more stable societies. Because people who feel they have nothing to lose can easily turn to violence, drugs, or extremism.

Unfortunately, rich countries and international financial institutions are pushing African governments to slash public spending. As of now, 44 out of 47 African countries with IMF programs have agreed to reduce social spending, deepening inequality even further.

Almost 90 per cent of countries have reversed progressive taxation. That means the poor are now carrying an even greater burden.

China offers a powerful lesson. In one generation, they lifted over a billion people out of poverty. Africa can too, if we show the same seriousness. But at this rate, it will take us over six centuries to achieve the same.

How did Africa get to this point of extreme inequality, and who is responsible? What’s the way out?

Africa is not poor. Africa is crazily wealthy. What we lack is sound policy and political will. Corruption, stealing or diversion of public funds for personal use and lack of political will got Africa to this point.

One simple example of a way out is capital gains tax. When you sell property or stocks and make a profit, that profit should be taxed. But in many African countries, it isn’t. Kenya introduced a capital gains tax in 2015 at 5 per cent, but the wealthy fought it and it was withdrawn. In 2023, the government reintroduced it at 15 per cent, and the Kenya Revenue Authority has since recorded a significant increase in tax revenue from the wealthy. Every African country can do the same. Inequality is not a divine condition, it’s a man-made failure of public policy.

And if it’s caused by policy, it can be fixed by policy.

Also, governments must have the courage to tax wealth properly. We are not anti-wealth. We want more Africans to prosper. But those who are able must contribute fairly to society.

I’ll give you an example: a Ugandan woman, Abby Christine, a mother of five who sells mixed flour in northern Uganda. She pays local market dues that amount to 44 percent of her income annually, yet the wealthiest companies and individuals pay very little tax.

She has no social protection. If she falls ill and cannot work for a month, her children may go hungry. That’s the human face of inequality.

The solutions are available. The African Union has already urged member states to reduce inequality by 15 percent over the next decade. It’s possible but only with political will. At the current pace, it will take 600 years to close the gap.

What would be the role of trade unions across Africa in these issues?

Well, every African citizen must play a role if the narrative must change. Everyone must come to terms with reality. People should not think it is just a fairy tale or the responsibility of trade unions. However, trade unions must reconnect the struggles of labour with the broader struggles of society. For a while, labour became somewhat complacent and disengaged. But now we are seeing re-engagement, and that’s encouraging.

Labour and civil society and citizens have a common agenda and a common enemy: extreme inequality. Together, we can push governments to invest in productive sectors, create decent jobs, and strengthen the formal labour market.

This will make trade unions stronger and more influential in shaping public policy. The renewed mobilization of trade unions, led by ITUC-Africa and other partners, is a positive development. We must build on it. This is a fight we must win at all costs.

While Africa’s giant sits on a fortune of oil and gas, its citizens live by the hum of a generator. But amidst the gloom, a few sparks of a solar revolution are showing a brighter path forward as evidence of Real Hope.

In Nigeria, the day often begins not with an alarm clock, but with a question: is the generator on? For 200 million people, life is a daily dance between diesel, darkness, and dwindling hope. The national grid, a fickle beast at the best of times, seems to have taken a permanent vacation, leaving businesses to sputter and homes to fall silent.

It is a national tragicomedy of the highest order. A nation blessed with some of the world’s largest fossil fuel reserves cannot keep the lights on. Our leaders, meanwhile, seem to be operating on a different power source altogether. Critics say the nation’s leadership appears distracted-some even accusing key officials of focusing more on future political ambitions than on fixing today’s power failures. In one instance, public commentary in Oyo State highlighted frustrations that political aspirations often take precedence over service delivery.

This dependence on fuel we can’t reliably provide has left us choking on fumes and frustration. The question is no longer if we need a new way, but whether we have the courage to flick the switch.

Amidst the national gloom, a few sparks are catching. In Oyo State, His Excellency Governor Seyi Makinde’s administration is engaged in a radical act of common sense: using the sun.

Quietly, without grand pronouncements, solar mini-grids are sprouting in villages like Ajia, Otefon, and Agbaruru-places long forgotten by the central grid. These aren’t just infrastructure projects; they are lifelines. Solar-powered streetlights are pushing back the darkness in markets and on bridges, allowing commerce to thrive after dusk and making streets safer for everyone. Solar-powered boreholes deliver clean water without the daily clatter and cost of a diesel pump.

This isn’t a perfect solution, but it is something far more important: proof of concept. Oyo is demonstrating that a decentralised, sun-powered future is not only possible but practical. It’s a simple equation: sun plus panel equals progress. It seems some have finally done the maths.

If Nigeria needs inspiration, it need not look far. We should really take lessons from our neighbours. Consider Rwanda, a nation that has overcome an unimaginable history to become a leader in clean energy. With a clear target of universal electricity access by 2030, Rwanda is aggressively diversifying with solar, hydro, and bioenergy, proving that political will can triumph over limited resources.

Then there is Singapore, an island so small it makes Lagos look like a continent. With no natural energy resources to speak of, it is a masterclass in ingenuity born of necessity. Singapore harvests sunlight from every available surface-rooftops, building facades, and even vast floating farms on reservoirs. Their goal of hitting 2 GWp of solar capacity by 2030 is a stunning rebuke to anyone who claims a lack of space or resources is an excuse for inaction.

Nigeria has the necessity in abundance; it’s the ingenuity that seems to be on backorder.

So, must we wait for the government to see the light? Absolutely not. True change in Nigeria has always bubbled up from the ground. Here’s how to start:

Declare War on Waste. That flickering incandescent bulb? It’s a traitor. The humming freezer from 1988? An enemy of progress. Switching to energy-efficient appliances isn’t just about saving naira; it’s a patriotic act to reduce the strain on a grid already on life support.

Become a Sunlight Evangelist. Demand more from your leaders. Ask why your local clinic isn’t covered in solar panels. Agitate for policies that make renewables cheap and accessible. Make ‘solar’ the most popular word at your next town hall meeting.

Guard the Gridlet. Those new mini-grids and solar streetlights in your community? They’re gold. Protect them, maintain them, and treat them like the lifeline they are. A little community ownership goes a very long way.

Nigeria can continue its toxic relationship with fossil fuels-a romance that gives us blackouts, pollution, and international pity. Or we can look up.

The sun that beats down on our land isn’t a curse; it’s a promise. The path being lit by Oyo, Rwanda, and Singapore shows that a renewable future isn’t a utopian dream but a matter of political will and collective action. Real national dignity isn’t found in barrels of oil we export, but in the simple, profound power of a light that always switches on for our own people.

Amofin Beulah Adeoye

About the Author:

Amofin Beulah Adeoye is a legal and financial expert with international recognition for his work in forensic accounting, governance, and philanthropy. A First Class Law graduate from the University of Ibadan and a certified Fraud Examiner (CFE) and Associate Chartered Accountant (ACA), he previously served as Financial Advisory Partner at Deloitte and Touche West Africa, where he led forensic services until his withdrawal in August 2024 to become active in political and community development efforts in Nigeria, for which he now has significant following and has received both local and international awards for his contributions. He maintains affiliations with multinationals across Europe, Asia, the US, and Africa spanning sectors such as healthcare, financial services, energy, logistics, and real estate. Adeoye is actively engaged with the Nigerian diaspora, and has facilitated strategic dialogues with community stakeholders across the globe and leads several philanthropic initiatives through the Beulah Adeoye Foundation.

Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Hon. Benjamin Kalu, on Monday underscored the need for Nigeria to develop and invest in the girl child.

Speaking at the 6th TOS Foundation Symposium over the weekend to commemorate the ‘International Day of the Girl Child’ in Abuja, Kalu advocated for equal opportunity for women within the political space to enable them to contribute their quota to national development, saying it was the reason for the introduction of the reserved seats bill at the National Assembly.

He said, ‘No matter how gifted a legislator may be, there are realities that only women can legislate from experience. And until women sit at the table, entire chapters of our national story will remain unwritten. That is why the Special Seats Bill (HB 1349), which I proudly sponsor, seeks temporarily reserved seats for women in Nigeria’s legislature; a necessary step to correct decades of exclusion.

‘Under the visionary leadership of Rt. Hon. Tajudeen Abbas, the 10th House of Representatives, has placed inclusion at the heart of its Legislative Agenda. Our Constitution Review process, which I am honoured to lead, is the most participatory in our nation’s history, anchored on genuine dialogue with women, youth, civil society, and traditional leaders across all regions and sectors of Nigeria, to ensure that every reform truly reflects the voice of the people.

‘Every law we make must open doors for the next generation. Investing in the girl child is a worthy investment in Nigeria’s future. We must therefore ensure that girls have equal access to education, mentorship, and leadership pathways, especially in science, technology, and innovation, where tomorrow’s economy will be built.’

The Deputy Speaker, who expressed his gratitude to TOS Foundation for organising the symposium that attracted dignitaries such as the Sultan of Sokoto, Sir Sa’adu Abubakar, who pledged their support for the reserved seats bill, also encouraged the Women not to lose focus.

‘To every Nigerian girl: there are no boundaries to what you can become. The world will test your courage, but you already have within you the strength to rise above every barrier. Dream boldly, work diligently, and never doubt your potential. You have what it takes to lead, to shape, and to redefine the future.

‘To the women of Nigeria: your voice is a force. The nation is in the labour room of reform, keep pushing until a new dawn of equity is born. To the men and society at large: progress requires partnership. Every home must be the first classroom of equality, for nations rise higher when both genders rise together.

‘I thank the TOS Foundation for convening this symposium and for its tireless advocacy for women’s representation. Across civil society, women’s groups, youth networks, and development partners, many have worked diligently behind the scenes. I urge you to continue, for victory is almost here.

‘Let us leave here today with the conviction that advancing women’s representation through thoughtful policy is more than a reform; it is an investment in Nigeria’s future. When we enshrine inclusion in policy and practice, we do more than change laws; we shape the Nigeria we all dream of,’ Kalu said.

Prompt engineering is the process of formulating instructions to produce an answer or outputs from a generative artificial intelligence. ‘Prompt’ is a natural language text that directs AI on what to do. It could be a command, query, providing a context or just a statement.

The main aim of prompt engineering is to be able to optimise outputs; being precise, ensures that the generated AI output aligns with the goal or desired result. An hallmark of a prompt engineer is to be able to bring the best out of different generative AI models. For instance, Open AI’s GPT-3 and GPT-4 are different from Google Gemini. Hence, they require different styles to get what you want.

As a prompt engineer, expected to design, test and refine prompt to bring out the best performance from generative AI models, you must be able to understand and familiarise yourself with the capacities and differences of artificial intelligence models including their limitations.

Skills you need as a prompt engineer

Technological companies hire prompt engineers to improve machine translation and to also introduce content. These are the skills that can help you secure a job:

1. Data structures and algorithms

You need to have the knowledge of how data structures and algorithms help in optimising prompts including understanding the mechanisms of generative AI systems.

2. Interpret technical concepts

One of the exceptional qualities you can possess is to be able to interpret technical concepts in a very relative way that even non technical professionals would understand.

3. Large language models

You must understand how Large Language Models (LLM) work in order to create effective prompts and optimised AI outputs. Their capabilities and limitations are also important.

4. Communication skills

Communication skills are very vital. You should be able to communicate in clear and precise language instructions to AI models.

5. Programming languages

Proficiency in programming languages such as python is key for understanding and designing AI solutions and automating workflows.

In a political landscape often marked by division and rivalry, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State has chosen a distinctly different path – one defined by compassion, empathy, and a commitment to unity that transcends party lines and ideological boundaries. His actions evoke an earlier era when political differences did not preclude mutual respect and national cohesion.

In today’s climate, where partisan divides too often dominate public discourse, his approach serves as a refreshing reminder that true leadership is, above all, about service to humanity.

Governor Yusuf’s leadership stands as a beacon of hope for a more inclusive and harmonious political environment. His example challenges the assumption that politics must be inherently adversarial, instead championing a vision of governance rooted in empathy and a shared sense of purpose.

For the younger generation – especially those stepping into the arenas of politics and governance – there is much to learn from Governor Yusuf’s approach. He exemplifies the importance of prioritizing people over personal ambition, and placing the common good above partisan interests.

Tangible progress is evident across critical roads in the metropolis. Noteworthy among these are the flyover and underpass projects at Dan’Agundi and Tal’udu. These are just a few examples of the transformative infrastructure being executed by the AKY administration.

Kano is also witnessing a revival of nightlife, and this is no coincidence. Governor Yusuf has made deliberate efforts to reinvigorate the city by installing solar-powered streetlights throughout the metropolis. This initiative has not only enhanced the aesthetic appeal of the city but has also contributed to crime reduction, particularly in curbing phone-snatching and other petty crimes that once plagued city roads. As a result, residents now feel safer and more confident going about their activities well into the night.

Every administration has its unique character. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s politics of compassion is not a weakness – it is a strength. At a time when global leadership often prizes aggression over understanding, his model presents a compelling alternative. By centering empathy, he is cultivating not just political goodwill, but also a renewed sense of collective identity in Kano.

Of course, this model of leadership is not without its challenges. Governing with compassion requires balancing tough decisions with a moral lens, often in the face of political opposition. Yet, Yusuf’s consistency in prioritizing people over politics reflects a long-term vision rooted in social justice and sustainable development.

The tone and substance of Governor Yusuf’s leadership are already shaping his legacy. He is redefining what it means to lead – not through dominance or fear, but through listening, understanding, and responding to the real needs of his constituents.

In a world yearning for humane governance, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf reminds us that politics can be both effective and compassionate. His journey is a testament to the idea that empathy is not a liability in leadership – it is its highest calling.

In the heart of Nigeria’s economic engine room, a quiet but consequential war is being fought, a war not of guns or politics, but of control. On one side stands the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), the formidable labour body representing thousands of oil and gas workers. On the other side is the Dangote Group, led by Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, whose 650,000 barrels-per-day refinery is poised to redefine, or perhaps dominate, Nigeria’s petroleum landscape.

This is no ordinary industrial dispute. It is a struggle over the soul of Nigeria’s energy economy, over the balance between private capital and public interest, and the preservation of workers’ rights in a sector too vital to be monopolised.

NUPENG’s Stand: Rights are non-negotiable. At the heart of the standoff lies the alleged refusal of the Dangote Refinery to recognise unionism among its workforce. NUPENG accuses the company of blocking union activities, intimidating potential members, and breaching Nigeria’s labour laws that guarantee the right to freedom of association.

Union officials claim that efforts to register refinery workers and tanker drivers under NUPENG have been frustrated. Workers reportedly face subtle threats for aligning with labour movements, while management insists that union membership ‘is a personal choice.’

Recall that one of Nigeria’s foremost lawyers, Femi Falana, SAN, once said that any company or employer who denies workers this freedom is acting outside the law and against the democratic spirit of the nation

For NUPENG, anything that contradicts this position is untenable. Under Nigeria’s Trade Union Act (Cap T14, LFN 2004), all junior workers in an organisation are automatically deemed members of the appropriate trade union unless they opt out in writing. Section 40 of the Constitution further guarantees workers the right to freely associate.

NUPENG’s President, Prince Williams Akporeha, has vowed that the union will not fold its arms while a new corporate empire attempts to roll back decades of hard-won workers’ rights.

The Bigger Fear is that this is monopoly in the making. Beyond the question of union rights lies a larger fear, the growing concentration of power in Nigeria’s oil sector. With its massive refining capacity, expansive logistics network, and over 4,000 CNG-powered tankers, the Dangote Group now controls almost every link in the petroleum value chain: refining, storage, distribution, and retail.

NUPENG warns that this structure represents the embryo of a private monopoly. The union fears that if unchecked, Dangote could replicate his dominance in cement and sugar industries where competition has virtually disappeared and prices remain high despite earlier promises of affordability.

‘We cannot allow a repeat of the cement story in oil,-Afolabi Olawale, NUPENG General Secretary. Dangote dismisses such fears as unfounded, arguing that over 30 other refinery licences have been issued by government, and that his refinery is meant to complement, not dominate, the market.

Yet the optics tell a different story. The refinery’s scale and vertical integration have already created a structural imbalance that smaller marketers and tanker owners fear they cannot survive.

Echoes from cement and sugar industries are cautionary tales. This is not unfamiliar territory for Nigerians. When Dangote Cement rose to prominence in the early 2000s, it was celebrated for reducing import dependence. But as competitors faded, the market narrowed and prices climbed.

The same story played out in the sugar industry, where government import restrictions designed to encourage local production instead entrenched Dangote’s dominance, leaving smaller producers struggling.

The lesson, according to NUPENG, is clear: Monopoly, whether public or private, always comes at a cost. Today, the risk is that Nigeria’s newly deregulated oil sector could be quietly reconsolidated under one private empire.

Current Effects: Labour Unrest and Market Anxiety. The standoff has already triggered shockwaves across the industry. In early September 2025, NUPENG threatened a nationwide strike, accusing the Dangote Refinery of ‘anti-labour practices.’ The move, backed by PENGASSAN, raised fears of fuel scarcity and price instability.

The DSS and the Federal Ministry of Labour intervened, brokering a temporary truce. A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed, guaranteeing workers the right to unionise within a given period.

Yet many within the labour movement doubt the sincerity of Dangote’s concession, seeing it as a temporary appeasement to buy time until his market dominance is irreversible.

Meanwhile, smaller marketers report restricted access to supply, delayed allocations, and rising logistics costs symptoms, they say, of an emerging one-gate control over Nigeria’s oil economy.

Legal and Constitutional Stakes. At stake are not just workers’ rights or business interests, but the rule of law itself. If the Dangote Group continues to limit union activity or dominate market access, it risks violating Nigeria’s trade, competition, and labour laws.

The Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act (FCCPA, 2019) prohibit monopolistic practices that ‘prevent, restrict, or distort competition.’ Any conduct that ‘amounts to abuse of a dominant position’ can attract penalties, including forced divestment or fines.

No nation deregulates only to replace a public monopoly with a private one.To do so would betray the very philosophy of a free and fair market economy.

An Appeal to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu: See Beyond the Immediate It is within this context that I join NUPENG and all advocates of economic justice in calling on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to act decisively.

The Tinubu administration has championed market reforms, including fuel subsidy removal and downstream liberalisation. Yet those reforms must not pave the way for private monopolisation disguised as efficiency.

The Federal Government must; Enforce competition laws under FCCPC and NMDPRA frameworks; Protect small and medium marketers from exclusionary practices; Ensure full recognition of NUPENG’s union rights at the Dangote Refinery as well as Diversify refinery licensing and crude access, preventing any single entity from controlling the entire value chain. ‘No economy thrives when one man becomes the market.’-NUPENG

President Tinubu must look beyond the excitement of a local refinery and see the long-term danger of allowing a single titan to dictate prices, access, and opportunity.

The Future: What Is at Stake If left unchecked, Dangote’s dominance could rewrite Nigeria’s economic DNA shifting the nation from public monopoly to private empire.

Workers could lose their bargaining power, smaller firms could collapse, and government itself might one day negotiate not with an industry, but with an individual.

If fairness and competition prevail, Nigeria’s deregulated market will thrive. But if silence and complicity endure, the nation may soon find itself in a refined version of economic feudalism, where the refinery becomes the new fortress of power.

The Last Wall Standing

NUPENG’s battle with Dangote seems not just a union struggle; it is a national test of will.

Can Nigeria build a capitalist economy that is competitive yet compassionate, dynamic yet democratic? In an era where power increasingly resides in private hands, NUPENG stands battered but unyielding as the last wall between monopoly capital and the Nigerian worker. I called on the government must choose: Between an open market that empowers millions or a private monopoly that serves a few; between workers’ dignity- or corporate dominance; between a refinery for the nation or a nation at the mercy of one refinery. History, as always, will remember who stood where.

The Alaafin of Oyo, His Imperial Majesty Oba Abimbola Akeem Owoade, has called for improved nutrition and economic empowerment through poultry farming as Oyo State joined the rest of the world to mark the 2025 World Egg Day.

Oba Owoade, made the call while playing host to the Poultry Association of Nigeria (PAN), Oyo State Branch, at his palace.

This year’s celebration has the theme: ‘The Mighty Egg: Packed with Natural Nutrition’.

Oba Owoade highlighted the health and economic importance of egg consumption, urging residents to make it a regular part of their diet.

He said: ‘Today, we are flagging off the celebration and my prayer is that it will be a hitch-free event that brings more growth to our poultry farmers.

‘I implore the public to consume more eggs because they are very good for the body. Eggs nourish both children and adults, helping us grow well and stay healthy.’

The monarch also described poultry farming as a vital source of livelihood and economic growth, calling it a gift of nature that sustains life and supports livelihoods.

‘Egg is another good source of income. By engaging in poultry business, people can create jobs and sustain their families. Let us embrace egg production and let the world know that Oyo is celebrating the egg and the value,’ he said.

Oba Owoade, commended members of PAN Oyo for their resilience and innovation despite the challenges confronting the poultry industry.

He pledged royal support for the association and called for stronger collaboration to boost production and promote local consumption.

In his keynote address, the Chairman of PAN Oyo State, Pastor Oyekunle Omidokun, reaffirmed the association’s commitment to innovation and cooperative growth in the sector.

He also unveiled a new premium egg brand, EggXotic, designed to improve quality assurance, market access, and consumer confidence in Oyo State’s poultry products.

‘EggXotic is more than a brand; it is a promise, a promise that Oyo State eggs will be safe, nutritious, and globally competitive,’ Omidokun said.

‘Through this initiative, we are building consumer trust, supporting certified farms, and positioning Oyo as the poultry capital of Nigeria.’

He appealed to the government for targeted interventions in feed production, access to affordable credit, and youth empowerment to sustain poultry farming across the state.

‘Our farmers are resilient, but they need structured programmes for feed production, soft loans to stay afloat, and youth-focused incentives to make poultry farming attractive again,’ he added.

After the palace ceremony, the PAN Oyo delegation visited the Oba Adeyemi Primary Health Care Centre, Oyo, where they distributed eggs to staff as part of an awareness campaign on egg nutrition.

Speaking during the visit, the PHC Coordinator, Mrs. Oladeji Gbenjo Abosede, commended the association’s effort, describing the outreach as thoughtful and impactful.

‘This visit, is timely, many people don’t realise that eating eggs regularly can prevent malnutrition, especially among children and pregnant women. We appreciate PAN Oyo for bringing not just eggs, but awareness that can save lives,’ She said.

Other dignitaries present include: Dr. Adigun Olufemi, Tewogbade Bukola, Pastor Lawal Bayo, and Feyisetan Samson, Ayooluwa Okediji, Founder/CEO of AgroInfoTech Africa who also doubles as one of the technical assistant of PAN, officials of Doorcas Africa, among others.

Similar celebrations were held simultaneously across the 10 zones of Oyo State, highlighting the nutritional, economic, and social value of eggs in strengthening food security and improving rural livelihoods.

The Department of State Services (DSS) has warned the public against engaging with a dismissed officer, identified as Victor Onyedikachi Godwin, who has allegedly been using the agency’s name to defraud unsuspecting individuals.

According to a statement from the agency late Sunday, the former staff member has been involved in fraudulent activities, misrepresenting himself as a serving officer of the DSS to extort money from members of the public.

The Service clarified that Godwin no longer works with the organisation and urged citizens to avoid any form of dealings with him.

The DSS also advised individuals seeking information or assistance to contact the agency directly through its official phone line or email address to prevent falling victim to impersonation or fraud.

The statement reads, ‘DISCLAIMER VICTOR ONYEDIKACHI GODWIN

‘The Department of State Services (DSS) hereby alerts members of the public of the activities of one Victor Onyedikachi Godwin, a dismissed staff. He is reportedly engaging in unscrupulous activities, including using the name of the Service to defraud unsuspecting members of the public.

‘Members of the public are therefore advised to desist from any dealings with him. For requests, enquiries or complaints the Service can be reached on 09088373515 or via email: dsspr@dss.gov.ng.’

The elders of my place caution that the sacrificial akara should not be given to an emèrè child to share. When you ask why, they respond that she will merely make her kindred spirits the sole beneficiaries. And when that happens, the elders further caution, the tragedy (ultimate death) which the sacrifice is designed to avert will eventually happen.

Having shared this traditional caution, I would like to turn to my own childhood experiences. Growing up in the hinterland can be fun. In my part of Yorubaland, we have special children called emèrè. They are mostly females. Emèrè are not abíkú, which the Igbo call ogbanje. The difference here is that while a typical abiku dies and returns to the same parents as many times as he or she can muster before he or she is overpowered, an emèrè remains a pain in the neck of her parents through frequent and indeterminable illnesses. The illnesses don’t kill her but merely drain the resources of her parents.

Powerful children, Yoruba metaphysics says that emèrè are husbands of witches (emèrè ni oko ajé) because they are stronger and more ‘wicked’! Emèrè children are treated specially, most times, with utmost attention. They are fragile in looks and conduct. They are also particularly spoilt in the real sense of the Yoruba concept of àkébajé. Parents offer sacrifices to appease them to stay here on earth. Our belief is that emèrè children have their kindred spirits waiting for them by the gates of heaven. If an emèrè eventually dies, it is believed that a replacement might not come easily. Everything is therefore done to prevent such a tragic end.

So, to keep them alive with their suffering parents, sacrifices, known in the local dialect as osè, are offered. The sacrificial items, mostly small edibles ranging from groundnuts to sugarcane, ekuru (white moi moi) to akara, are prepared and offered to children who are in the same age bracket as the emèrè. After the preliminary prayers, the emèrè is asked to share the items with the ever-joyous children who sing traditional praise chants for her.

But there is a strange practice in the sharing of the sacrificial edibles. While all the other items are given to the ‘celebrant’ to share, the akara is never given to her. The explanation for this exception is illustrated in the saying that nobody gives the sacrificial akara for the emèrè to share; otherwise, she will simply give it to her kindred spirits to pave the way for her journey to the great beyond (A kìí fún emèrè ní àkàrà osè pín kí ò má baà pín fún egbé è láti pa ònà orun mó).

In our elementary Government classes from Form Three to Form Five of those days, the then Miss Folake Afolabi, and Messrs Abayomi Oduntan and Vice Principal Ojo repeatedly listed what they called ‘The Presidential Powers of an Executive President.’ We were taught that an Executive President is both the Head of State and Head of Government, a fountain of honour; he declares a state of emergency; assents to and vetoes bills; declares wars and signs treaties; and has the prerogative of mercy, among almost twenty of such powers.

On the prerogative of mercy, we were told that an Executive President has the right to pardon a convict on death row. And once pardoned, such a beneficiary can no longer be held in relation to the offence(s) that led to his or her conviction.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu exercised his prerogative of mercy power last week and set free 147 ex-convicts. The controversy that greeted that act is one that will not abate in a hurry. In all the comments for and against the action by the President, everyone, including the President’s political enemies, agreed that Tinubu’s action was, and is, within the ambit of the law. The Constitution allows him to extend pardon to any manner of convicts, and his action cannot be subjected to any judicial review. Good enough.

However, the grey area in the review of the President’s exercise of his prerogative of mercy has to do with the morality that informed the choices of some of the ex-convicts President Tinubu set free. Majority of the people who frowned at the list of the beneficiaries of the President’s kindness argued, and very correctly too, that the huge percentage the President allocated to convicts of drug-related offences speaks volumes of the President’s disposition to the fight against narcotics in the nation.

The argument here is that of the 147 convicts President Tinubu pardoned, 60 of them are those who were convicted and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment for dealing in hard drugs. A simple arithmetic puts that figure at 40.8 percent of the total number of 147 beneficiaries! Many, justifiably, concluded that if not for anything, Mr. President should have exercised discretion in freeing those drug lords.

Reviewing the arguments for and against this latest action of President Tinubu, I drew inspiration from the words of wisdom by our elders as quoted above-that one should not give the sacrificial akara osè to an emèrè to share. Of the ‘Executive Powers of an Executive President’ those good teachers of yore taught us, the one that looks more like an akara osè (sacrificial akara) is the prerogative of mercy. In the hands of an emèrè president, who causes the people pain and agony, draining their meagre resources by the minute, that power can be easily abused. The morality of 60 drug offenders benefiting from the list of 147 pardoned ex-convicts flies in the face of decency!

Colleen Shogan, a former Senior Executive at the Library of Congress, U.S. Senate, on December 2, 2022, wrote The History of the Pardon Power: Executive Unilateralism in the Constitution. In the article, which was published by The White House Historical Association under the Rubenstein Center Scholarship, she said that when the exercise of the clemency power is not used discretionally, the one who wields the power suffers public opprobrium. Hear her:

‘Gerald Ford’s 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon was arguably the most famous exercise of executive clemency in American history. After Ford’s pardon of Nixon, his approval rating fell over twenty points in the ensuing days. Many political analysts conclude that Ford never recovered from the pardon, thus severely damaging his chances to win election to the White House in 1976.’ She added that Ford’s explanation-that he granted the pardon as an act of mercy to Nixon and for the broader purpose of restoring domestic tranquillity in the nation after Watergate-could not salvage the situation.

Imo Udofa, Professor of Law, University of Uyo, reinforces Shogan’s arguments. In his The Abuse of Presidential Power of Pardon and the Need for Restraints, published in the Beijing Law Review, Vol. 19, No. 2, June 2018, Udofa argues that ‘The power of pardon is virtually unfettered and unchecked by formal constraints in most jurisdictions, thereby rendering it susceptible to abuse.’

Udofa further states that ‘The recent exercise of presidential power of pardon by the current American President, Donald Trump, by granting pardon to Joe Arpaio (a former sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, who was found guilty in July 2017 of criminal contempt for defying a judge’s order against prolonging traffic patrols targeting immigrants) has rekindled the discussion on the uses and abuses of the pardon power.. It has been argued that Arpaio should have been allowed to serve his punishment, and the presidential pardon amounted to a presidential endorsement of the criminal contempt for which Arpaio was punished.’

In Nigeria, the teacher of law says the case of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s pardon of Chief D.S.P. Alamieyeseigha, former Governor of Bayelsa State, convicted of several corruption charges, remains the most controversial exercise of presidential pardon power in the country.

He posits further that while ‘The power to grant pardon is of ancient origin and recognised today in almost every nation.. However, in recent times, the pardon power has been abused as political and other extraneous factors tend to determine its application. It has also been seen as capricious and inaccessible by ordinary people. The usefulness of the power has seriously been dented by lack of control and checks in most jurisdictions, including Nigeria.’

‘Sacred’ as prerogative of mercy is, Udofa says its application should be alongside ‘checks and guiding principles.’ I add here: with utmost discretion!

The U.S., for instance, punishes tax evasion and drug-related offences severely. On drugs, the U.S. would go to any length to get the culprit to book. That was why, against international conventions, the administration of President George H. W. Bush ordered the invasion of Panama in an operation code-named Operation Just Cause and had President Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno (February 11, 1934 – May 29, 2017), simply Noriega, kidnapped on January 3, 1990, on the accusation of dealing in hard drugs.

Dr. Rotimi Olulana is a former governorship candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in Lagos State. In this interview with BOLA BADMUS and JEPHTHAH BAREYEI, he speaks on Nigeria’s 65th Independence Anniversary, the gains and losses recorded in the journey to nationhood. He also speaks on the two years of the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, declaring that the country can still attain its potential with the right leadership. Excerpts:

Nigeria just marked its 65th independence anniversary on October 1. Looking at the journey so far, how pleased are you with the journey so far?

To me, I will say thank you to the Lord because I believe that it is by the grace of God that we are all alive today. Fortunately, enough, the 1st of October 1960 was my birthday, so when you are talking to me about Nigeria’s Independence, you are talking to the child of independence. So, it is through the grace of God that I am alive today to witness the 65th anniversary of Nigeria’s independence, and I believe that every Nigerian, no matter what level you find yourself, should be happy to witness this day. Then, I would like to say that it is true that we have gone through a lot of trauma, that is, ups and downs of leadership system – different leadership of the country – however, I believe Rome wasn’t built in a day, I believe it is a gradual step, some will come and put all their efforts to make it work. If you look back, you will see that we have a series of military governments before the advent of civilian government. The military government that we have experienced right from 1960, we had one that was led by General Aguiyi Ironsi. After Ironsi, we had some crises that brought in General Yakubu Gowon at the end General Yakubu Gowon. We had the civil war when General Gowon came in, and we were able to enjoy some kind of peace. After that, we had other series of governments like the one led by General Murtala Muhammed, which was quite brief, you know, but the few months he spent in power, I think every Nigerian appreciated what he was doing.

And following that, we had General Obasanjo’s government. Obasanjo’s government tried to put things right but to me, as much as I can see what really happened during this period of years, I can tell you that Gowon’s government was able to do a lot of things that one can physically see today, just like I can also say categorically that the Ibrahim Babangida’s government which came later equally tried its best. I can say categorically that they have all tried. I can say that the government of General Yakubu Gowon, General Murtala Muhammed, which later metamorphosed to Obasanjo’s regime, offered good leadership to the country. Then we had another civilian government at the time that was led by Alhaji Shehu Shagari; his government equally tried to do a lot of programmes, most especially his Green Revolution, and so on. But I think the governments that have come, they’ve all tried one way or the other to put things right, but I want to say congratulations to the then government of Western Nigeria because that is the government that one can say had done perfectly well and one can physically see those projects on ground till today, and I am referring to then government of Western Region headed by Chief Obafemi Awolowo. With the few years he has spent in power up till today, no one can doubt his integrity. He was a very sound leader and a man who had the ambition of becoming the president of the country, but was not able to get there. I say congratulations to his then government because we can see what Chief Awolowo did when he was in charge of the leadership of the Western Region. So, to me, I believe that everything that has a beginning will always have an end.

In specific terms, what would you regard as the gains, the benefits, since Nigeria gained independence from the British government?

Well, I can say that educationally, we have been able to move forward, because it is the foundation, and that is why I am referring to the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s government in the then Western Region. He was the one who introduced free, qualitative education, and that was part of what I enjoyed because I remember I benefited from the primary education, which was introduced by Chief Awolowo. Remember also that during the Second Republic, the same thing was also introduced in the states controlled by the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), led by Chief Awolowo. And that’s why the Western Region, whether in the 1950s or the 70’s under the leadership of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, had been able to have sound, qualitative, free education, and that is one of the benefits which I and several others had been part and parcel of. And it is a gain that today we can say that when we look at the educational advancement of the nation, the Western Region carries the flag; it is an achievement.

Ibrahim Babangida would have been the number one president in Nigeria today, but he collapsed his entire sweat through the nullification of the June 12 election. He would have been the best president ever produced in Nigeria, as far as I am concerned, because I remember vividly how he ran that government and what was going on in the country. We were able to see things happen economically, physically, infrastructure-wise, and the establishment of different institutions of learning. Go back to records, Ibrahim Babangida was the best, but the nullification of the June 22 election won by the Late MKO Abiola became his administration’s albatross, and that is why he became the worst leader ever produced because he refused to announce Abiola the winner of the best election that ever took place in the country. But I think recently we can all see the outcome because he had been able to come out and tell the whole world that Abiola was the winner of that election. Unfortunately, there is no justice in our land.

At Independence, every Nigerian was full of hope that Nigeria was going to be better with their leaders being in control instead of the colonialists. They expected a lot of developments and a lot of things that would happen so that Nigerians would become a transformed country, but have we achieved much 65 years after?

What I can say in that respect is that we have not been able to make a solid achievement that we are supposed to make, but that is not the wrongdoing of Nigerian leadership, no!

So, who do we blame for that?

The colonial masters who brought the so-called Independence are the real people, not only Nigerians. What they have done is totally against the development of every country in Africa because they programmed it. They made sure that people who were educated, well-enlightened, were not allowed to take over leadership of the country; it’s all about all their operational systems. They have their eyes on our resources, and that is the bottom line. They are far interested in how to rake our resources from us; they are not interested in the development of our country in any form, they are after those who can listen to them and carry out their own plans. These are the people they allowed to get to the leadership positions in the country.

Should we still blame the colonialists 65 years after, and is what you described still going on now?

Indirectly, can I tell you? Indirectly, it is still going on. If you look at France, it colonized some countries, such as Niger, and so on. You can see what those countries are doing now. The young people who came up in those countries, even though they were not elected, discovered that these colonial masters had no good plan for their countries, and this is why they disagreed totally to allow them (colonial masters) to be in control of their resources anymore. So, if in Nigeria, if tomorrow we can be able to do the same thing, I can assure you that there will be a tremendous achievement if we have honest leadership, people who are dedicated to the progress of Nigeria. The colonial masters, with their evil machinations, have put their plans and programmes into process, which they are following diligently because what they are after is what they can rake from our countries in Africa. So, the white people do not have an interest in the development of your Individual countries in Africa.

But they achieved some infrastructural development in Nigeria before independence in 1960?

They were able to put up leadership that had no standard education to diligently follow the progress and development of the land. They put their puppets, that is what they succeeded in doing against Nigeria, and we are all witnesses. Today, really, I don’t want to go deep into that because it might look as if it is a tribal statement. But no, we all know the truth, we know what is happening, we understand the system. They believed that they should give power to the group that would ensure their plans and programmes would continue to manifest in every system or whatever system of government, whether military or civilian, so that was what they did to us.

Before the 1966 coup, from your statement, the Western Region was moving ahead, based on the type of system that was in place then. Now, as of today, things are not working right, and people are actually calling for the reintroduction of the parliamentary system. Is that the way out for Nigeria, and how do you think we can achieve that?

Well, I am not part of those who believe that a system of government is our problem; the system of government is not our problem. Our problem is dishonesty, selfishness, which bedeviled the hearts of those who have access to leadership of the country; that is our problem. It is not the system, yeah! If you are determined to be a committed leader to the progress of your society, or whatever level of leadership you find yourself, if you determined to be honest, if you determined to be dedicated to the progress and success of your society, nobody can push you around, you will follow the trend of the kind of leadership that can give the best to your society. But if you follow the trend that you met on the ground, which is, get there and have your master, whom you are reporting to, then they give you the guide on how to go about it. So when you have about N10 billion to spend as a local government chairman, then in that N10 billion, it may mean that you have to go and give N6billion to the man who put you in that seat. This is because most of the people you are seeing today who find themselves in the position of governorship or whatever level of government were sponsored by one political leader here and there, through godfatherism. Before you know what is happening, what is left in your kitty out of N10billion is N2billion or N1.5billion, and you will have to take your own share, and that is why there is nothing left for society to develop the community, because you have little to spend.

So, what you are saying is that this lack of development has nothing to do with the presidential system of government or the parliamentary system of government?

It has nothing to do with all that; it is all about leadership, that is, the person in the seat of power. If we have a good president, assuming Chief Awolowo emerged as one or someone in that class, the country would be better run.