Category: Nigerian Tribune

In commemoration of the 2025 World Egg Day, the Poultry Association of Nigeria (PAN), Lagos State chapter, has encouraged the consumption of eggs as it commenced direct sales to consumers at Local Government Areas.

According to the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) PAN Lagos Chairman, Mr Mojeed Iyiola, disclosed this on the sidelines of the association’s road walk in Lagos.

Iyiola reiterated the importance of eggs consumption and the association’s efforts to reduce the produce cost for consumers through its direct sales.

‘In commemoration of World Egg Day being celebrated today and every second Friday of October across the world, we are showcasing the importance of egg and what it does to our body.

‘We gave out some free eggs at Ojo General Hospital and public secondary schools in the area to encourage egg consumption for all.

‘You see egg is not only a meal, it is like a medicine. If you consume eggs as required, you will hardly go to the hospital. That is why we went to the hospital and the schools to increase awareness of egg consumption,’ he said.

Iyiola, however, noted that the association had begun the direct sales of eggs to consumers in the different LGAs to cut down the exploitation of middlemen.

‘The price of eggs is relatively high but stable, however, you cannot say that the government’s intervention in the poultry sector is not being reflected in the prices of eggs.

‘Now, the price of egg is moderate given the current economic realities. From the farm gate we sell between N5,000 and N5,200 that is the maximum.

‘However, the distributors, they are selling a crate between N6,000 and N6,500, we have been engaging them that a crate should not sell more than N5,600 or N5,700 because of transportation.

‘Due to the problems we have encountered with the eggs distributors, we have decided to start selling our eggs directly to the consumers at designated LGAs in the state.

‘We commenced the direct sales to consumers at Alimosho LGA and the Idimu-Egbe Local Development Council Area of the state, at N5,400 to N5,600 per crate every weekend.

‘We will gradually extend the direct sales of eggs to consumers across all the local government areas in the states as soon as possible so as to ensure the stable price of eggs,’ Iyiola said.

On his part, Mr Foluso Adams, the Deputy Chairman, PAN Lagos, and the President of Aiyediti farms Ojo, called for the government intervention on price regulation in the sector, for the small-scale farmers to thrive.

‘Right now, we thank the government for even blocking the borders and stopping the exportation of a maize. However, the price of Day old Chicks (DOC) is not encouraging.

‘The big poultry industries are trying to clamp down on the small industries, the indigenous one. They are not making them grow.

‘So, we need the government to interfere in this. They have to be free and fair play in the sector . The multinationals are trying to muscle out the small ones, the indigenous, one which is not too good.

‘I think this be a free playing game for all control. They has to be price control.

‘The price of eggs from the farm gate still remains at N5,000 or N5,200 from the farm gate, but the issue is that there is low purchasing power on the part of the consumers, and this cannot be blamed on poultry farmers,’ Adams said.

As dust is yet to settle over the recent structures demolished by the Lagos State Government at the Trade Fair Complex along Lagos – Badagry Expressway, developers and occupants of structures within the complex seemed to have been abandoned by their landlord – the federal agency that gave them the authority to build.

The latest worry bordered on the two-week ultimatum issued them by the Lagos’ State Ministry of Physical Planning and Urban Development, urging them to approach it to regularise approval status of their buildings in line with extant regulations.

Nigerian Tribune reports that caution is required in order not to send wrong signals to the investing public.

While some of them affected traders claimed to have secured approval to build from the Federal Ministry of Housing, settlement experts, who spoke with the Nigerian Tribune on the matter, said the federal agencies lacked authority to grant building approval on building development in the state, going by the 2003 Supreme Court judgement on physical planning matters.

The settlement experts, popularly known as town planners, have urged developers and occupants of structures within the complex to approach the Lagos State Government for planning permit or building approval.

Their advice is hinged on the 2003 Supreme Court judgement which empowers states to regulate physical development within their territories, including federal lands.

Expert’s view

Speaking on the matter, former Chairman, Nigerian Institute of Town Planners (NITP) and former President, Association of Town Planning Consultants of Nigeria (ATOPCON), Dr. Moses Ogunleye, said that following the 2003 Supreme Court ruling on physical development matters, federal agencies lacked authority to regulate on physical development matters in all the states of the federation.

In a situation like the Trade Fair Complex and FESTAC Town in Lagos, he said the Federal Ministry of Housing or the Federal Housing Authority can only give what he called ‘Clearance’, while referring the allottees or applicants to the Lagos State authority for planning or building approval.

He said: ‘What has happened after the Supreme Court judgement, and what FHA and the then Federal Ministry of Work were doing was to give clearance. They are supposed to give clearance , Lagos State government will now give approval.

‘This is trying to say that you want to build on our land, we know you and then look at your drawings and capture it.

‘Another example is in WEMABOD Estate. If you are building anywhere in the estate like Adeniyi Jones, Oba Akran roads, WEMABOD will look at your drawings and give you clearance. It is that clearance you will take to the Lagos State Physical Planning Permit Authority for approval.’

Ogunleye, who is this CEO, MOA Planners Ltd, warned developers and build owners in the Trade Fair Complex not to rely on approval from FHA or Federal Ministry of Housing.

He said: ‘The town planners in FHA know that what they can give is just the clearance – just to identify that we know you are there.

‘Every developer knows that he or she needs to contact the Lagos State Government for permit or approval.

‘Why I am worried is that the buildings at Trade Fair are not just one, but many. Number two is that they served notice or contravention notice to say we are going to demolish. People should be sure of what the law says because ignorance of the law is not an excuse

‘All the developers and building owners need to do is to regularise and Lagos State government will give abridged approval, and they would be allowed to develop.’

‘I don’t think any of those buildings have been there pre- 2003 Supreme Court judgement . Many people know the law, they just want to work against the law,’ Ogunleye said.

Traders’ view

When visited the complex, the Chairman, Association Progressive Traders, Trade Fair Complex, Eric Ilechukwu, told Nigerian Tribune that all buildings demolished in the complex by the agency from the Lagos State Government had approval from the Federal Government ‘s agency in charge.

He urged that both the state and the Federal governments should sit at a roundtable and settle their differences, instead of inflicting pains on his members.

‘They should settle their matter and convey their resolution to us; we are ready to abide.

‘We are traders and investors, we are ready to comply.This is not the time in the history of the country to witness such destruction/ demolition.

‘Trade Fair Complex was opened in 1977. This is 48 years, so what has suddenly changed now.

‘We can’t fight government, let the two authorities meet and resolve their matter, we are ready to comply,’ Ilechukwu said.

He alleged that they building owners were not served notices before the demolition.

When approached, officers at the Trade Fair Management Office, said that most development in the complex had approval from then Federal Ministry of Work, now Ministry of Housing.

FHA’s response

When contacted on the matter, Spokesperson at the Federal Housing Authority, Lagos, said the agency has no jurisdiction over the Trade Fair Complex but FESTAC Town.

Efforts to have the Director of Public Affairs, Federal Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, Badamosi, speaks on the matter proved abortive as he failed to pick his calls.

Another View

Also, Former President of ATOPCON, Muyiwa Adelu, said that whatever happened at the Trade Fair Complex had to do with the implementation of the Urban and Regional Planning Law.

‘When that law is implemented, everybody knows his role,’ he said.

He cited the Supreme Court ruling that gave the Lagos government authority on planning issues.

‘Not only lagos, the judgement gave all states authority to implement planning laws in there state.

‘The law still standing till today. So the federal government can’t give permit to any building development. It’s an aberration for affected persons to say they got permit from the federal government.

‘Lagos State Government cannot argue on land ownership, but planning permit. Developers and building owners along the corridor must get planning permit from the Lagos authority’

He described development in the Trade Fair Complex as ‘massive’, arguing that one can’t have such huge development without planning approval.

‘You cannot do commercial development without parking space and resolving sanitation issues.

So they need to regularise with the state government so that there businesses can thrive. Sanitation issues

‘My take is that, the state government must be approached and the permit should be issued . Those that don’t fall under urban renewal issue should go,’ Adelu said.

Latest issue

Meanwhile, the Lagos State Government has given all developers and occupants of structures within the Trade Fair Complex a two-week ultimatum to approach the Ministry of Physical Planning and Urban Development to regularise the approval status of their buildings in line with extant regulations.

Besides, the state government called on all residents and stakeholders to cooperate with its ongoing efforts to ensure a safe, well-planned, and sustainable Lagos for all.

This was contained in a statement signed by the Commissioner of Physical Planning and Urban Development in the state, Dr. Oluyinka Olumide.

The state government , in the statement, reiterated its zero tolerance for illegal and unapproved developments within the complex, Ojo, pending full compliance with planning regulations and the attainment of a safe, orderly, and sustainable physical environment.

He pointed out that the Trade Fair Complex, over time had degenerated into an enclave of haphazard and unsafe structures, posing grave risks to public safety and emergency response.

The commissioner said that government’s action was in line with Sustainable Development Goal 11 – ‘Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable’ – and the state’s T.H.E.M.E.S+ Agenda.

According to him, government acted strictly within its constitutional and statutory mandate, as derived from the Nigerian Urban and Regional Planning Act 1992, as domesticated by the Lagos State Urban and Regional Planning and Development Law 2019, and reinforced by the Supreme Court Judgment of 2003 (Attorney-General of Lagos State v. Attorney-General of the Federation).

‘These legal instruments empower states to regulate physical development within their territories, including federal lands, except for areas under exclusive federal use such as military formations,’ he said

‘For clarity, the commissioner said that land ownership and title are not in contention at the Trade Fair Complex, explaining that the ongoing enforcement focused solely on the approval status of physical developments, ‘as every structure in Lagos State must obtain a valid planning permit from the Ministry of Physical Planning and Urban Development in accordance with the law.’

The commissioner for physical planning in the latest statement said: ‘The attention of the Lagos State Government has been drawn to attempts by certain political actors, particularly of South-East extraction, to misrepresent facts and discredit the ongoing enforcement at the complex.

‘Such actions are populist, ill-motivated, and aimed at scoring cheap political points, rather than advancing the cause of public safety and sustainable development,’ the commissioner said

He affirmed that the administration of Babajide Olusola Sanwo-Olu remained firmly committed to promoting an orderly, inclusive, liveable, and sustainable physical environment.

This commitment, he said underpinned urban renewal and redevelopment efforts across the state, which have necessitated the removal of illegal structures in several locations, including:

Pelewura Market, Lagos Island – predominantly occupied by Yoruba traders; Bombata Market, Lagos Island – predominantly occupied by Yoruba traders; LSDPC Low-Cost Housing Estate, Ilasan, Eti-Osa – largely allotted to Yoruba occupants; Otumara, Ebute Metta – mainly occupied by people of Ilaje origin; Alaba Rago – predominantly occupied by Hausa traders; and Oluwole Market, Lagos Island – dominated by Yoruba traders.

‘Furthermore, it is on record that several States in the East such as Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi and Imo State have also embarked on demolition of identified Illegal structures for the purposes of flood control mitigation efforts, urban renewal or master plan enforcements. All carried out by the respective governors without taints of ethnic coloration attached. Why should that of Lagos State be different?

‘It is, therefore, disingenuous and divisive for anyone to resort to ethnic sensationalism whenever enforcement actions involve structures owned or occupied by individuals of Igbo extraction. The Lagos State Government will not be drawn into political grandstanding and urges those fanning ethnic sentiments to desist and instead focus on addressing the pressing socio-economic issues within their constituencies. The actions of the Lagos State government are always guided by the Law,’ the statement read.

Ekiti State Governor, Biodun Oyebanji, has disbursed a fresh sum of N2 billion to no fewer than 800 retirees in the state, reiterating his commitment to the welfare of the pensioners.

The Governor posited that with this current payment, his government has expended a total sum of N14.6 billion on gratuity, while a staggering amount of N25 billion had been paid as pension to the elder statesmen in three years.

Oyebanji spoke in Ado Ekiti while presenting cheques to a new set of 800 retirees, who bowed out of the service in 2015 and 2016, respectively.

Addressing the beneficiaries, Oyebanji, represented by his Deputy, Chief Monisade Afuye, was ecstatic that his government has fulfilled all righteousness, by keeping to his promise during electioneering to make elders happier in line with his vision.

Having a retrospective of the good dealings he had dispensed to the retirees, Oyebanji revealed that his government in 2024 paid out a sum of N1.3 billion gratuity arrears, saying he then promised to upscale the amount, which is now reflected in the N2 billion disbursement.

Oyebanji maintained that as of September 2025, there were 10,106 retirees on the state pensioners’ payroll, whose pensions are being paid regularly and timely. He said part of the efforts to enhance the welfare include the approval of a N20 million upward review of the monthly pension across the board for all categories of pensioners.

The Governor was upbeat that his administration would increase the tally of payments and cover more mileage in 2026, with prudent management of resources and shrewd prioritisation of government expenditures.

He said, ‘I am more than sure that you are all excited to be here today. Let me tell you that you cannot be happier than I am today. One of the things that makes me happy as Governor is seeing that I am in a position to wipe away the tears of others.

‘As a son of a retired father, I understand the anxiety and uncertainty that greets every retiree as they retire. The news of many people marking time on the queue for many years before earning their gratuity can be very traumatic.

‘I wish to note that through disciplined financial management and unwavering commitment, the Government has paid a sum of N25,967,151,534.89 as pension since I took over the reins of administration of this State in October 2022, while N1,140,943,594.38 was paid as arrears of pension.

‘Also, in gratuity payment, we have so far disbursed N7,600,000,000.00 to State Pensioners. With additional payment of N2,000,000,000.00 being paid today, from 2022 to date, this Government has achieved a cumulative gratuity payment of N9.6 billion to state pensioners.

‘By implication, under this administration, all 2013, 2014, 2015 and 2016 State retirees would have been paid their gratuity in full. Under the Contributory Pension Scheme, a total sum of N183,868,625.40 was disbursed to 159 retirees between 2022 and 2025.’

As part of his steely resolve to liquidate the backlog of gratuities, Oyebanji said his government has continued to ensure a regular monthly release of N100 million for gratuity payment at the State level, which has provided a wider coverage in the last three years.

Commending the governor for his preference for the welfarist programme, the Head of Service, Dr. Folakemi Olomojobi, described the payment as a fulfilment of the governor’s promise to buffer the sufferings of pensioners and make lives more rewarding for the retirees.

‘Apart from the N250 million the governor released to pensioners for the payment of gratuity monthly, he has decided to do this to cover another round of 800 retirees for the 2015 and 2016 years.

‘Going by the records, the governor has paid a sum of N25 billion as pension, N9.6 billion as gratuity for state retirees and N3 billion for local government staff, making a cumulative of N14.6 billion in three years. This, to me, is commendable and historical,’ she said.

The Special Adviser on Pension Matters, Pa Pius Oduola, described the governor as a pensioner-friendly leader, whose success in office could be majorly predicated on his immense love and respect for the elders.

Africa’s debt burden, worsening inequality, and weak social protection systems have become a ticking time bomb, warns Kwesi Obeng, Oxfam’s Accountable and Inclusive Governance Lead in Africa. In this interview with CHRISTIAN APPOLOS, he explains how these forces are pushing the continent toward a crisis that could dwarf the Arab Spring.

How serious is Africa’s debt problem at the moment, what other factors pose a great threat to Africa?

Debt, weak social protection, and extreme inequality are the three most dangerous threats to everything Africa aspires to become. The reason is simple: those who lend to African governments dictate what these governments can or cannot do. They tell them not to fund public institutions such as schools and hospitals, or to invest in social protection. In short, they discourage spending on anything that serves the public good.

Because of this, debts owed by our governments limit or completely cancel social protection programmes, deepen inequality, and drive millions into extreme poverty and hardship. The consequences are unemployment, insecurity, and in many cases, violent crises and wars. That is the simple truth, and the most alarming part is that the worst is yet to come. If a coordinated and targeted intervention is not taken soon, Africa will be in a very sorry state. The Arab Spring will look like child’s play.

See, debt is a massive burden on African countries. At the moment, quite a number of countries are paying close to half of their annual tax revenue just to service debt. In some cases, it’s only the interest they are paying, not even the principal loan. So, debt has become a huge drain on African economies.

The cost of borrowing exacerbates the problem. Africa borrows at almost 5 per cent to 10 per cent times what economies in the Global North borrow. African countries are charged between 8 per cent to 12 per cent interest rates, while countries in Europe borrow at rates below 1 per cent. That cost differential is a big part of the problem. But beyond the cost, our economies are structured in ways that keep us perpetually dependent. We import almost everything, including food. When we import food, we convert local currencies: the naira, cedi, shilling, or rand, into foreign currencies. What that means is that we are sending our capital and potential jobs abroad, while we only buy to consume.

This dependency puts pressure on our local currencies, making them unstable. It also increases the cost of imports and forces us to borrow even more. Yet, we have the natural and human resources to produce what we consume. Food is fundamental, without food, nothing works. It’s the fuel of human productivity, just as electricity powers industry. We must therefore invest our resources in productive sectors so we can depend on ourselves.

Another layer to the debt problem is the role of the big credit rating agencies. They consistently rate African countries as ‘high risk,’ often for dubious reasons. This bias is rooted in colonial and neo-colonial structures that make it difficult for African countries to raise capital competitively. Their methodologies are skewed against developing nations, particularly African ones.

But even beyond external factors, our governments also fail to make the best use of the loans they acquire. The value derived from these loans is often minuscule compared to the burden they create. The result is that citizens bear the cost of debts that did not contribute meaningfully to development. Tax revenues that should fund basic services are now being used to pay off unsustainable debt.

That is the connection between the debt, social protection and extreme inequality, and its impact on access to basic services that all citizens depend on.

How do these economic realities affect jobs and well-being of the African people?

As I said, when we spend hundreds of millions of dollars importing food we could produce locally, we are exporting jobs. We are sending our manufacturing potential abroad.

We saw during the COVID-19 pandemic how fragile global value chains were. When they crashed, many African countries couldn’t even access basic needs such as food and medicine. Some countries have since re-engineered their economies to produce basic manufacturing inputs domestically. We need to do the same.

Now, in our (Oxfam) report on Africa’s inequality crisis, we found that in the last five years, particularly during and after COVID, the wealth of Africa’s richest 0.02 per cent increased by 56 per cent. Today, just four men own nearly half of the continent’s total wealth. Meanwhile, about 850 million Africans face some form of food insecurity.

Many people now eat only once a day, skip meals, or go without protein. The implications are severe, especially for children’s development and the elderly. Malnutrition destroys human potential.

The social protection gap is a dangerous reality in this situation. Outside of a few exceptions like South Africa, most African countries have no social safety nets. Less than 10 percent of people contribute to any form of pension scheme. As people age, they become fragile and vulnerable, yet there is little to fall back on. The burden, therefore, is carried by a small, overtaxed segment of the population.

Meanwhile, Africa is the only region in the world where taxation of the wealthy does not contribute to redistribution of wealth. Elsewhere, taxes on the rich help fund education, healthcare, and infrastructure. Not here. Our governments often say they borrow because they lack revenue but the truth is, they can raise revenue by taxing the wealthiest properly. Some of the rich are even calling for fair taxation. But in Africa, the poor are the ones carrying the heaviest tax burden.

The poor pay for public services they barely benefit from. For example, wealthy communities have access to piped water, while the poor buy water in gallons and barrels at higher cost. It’s both unjust and inefficient.

We (Oxfam) calculated that if all African countries could match Morocco’s property tax performance: 1.5 per cent of GDP, they could collectively raise $70 billion annually. Imagine how many hospitals, schools, and jobs that could be created in just five years. But the wealthy don’t feel the urgency because their children don’t attend the underfunded schools, and they don’t rely on the failing public hospitals.

Yet, inequality hurts everyone. Studies show that once inequality passes a certain threshold, it undermines growth, fuels violence, increases corruption, and erodes governance. Look at the crisis in the Sahel region. For years, it has been seen purely as a military crisis. But it’s actually a crisis of inequality. In Niger, just a few years ago, a girl had only a 1-in-24 chance of advancing to secondary school compared to a boy. Poverty, early marriage, and lack of essentials force girls to drop out. Many of the children begging on the streets of Accra, Abuja, or Lagos come from such inequality-stricken regions. They’re not fleeing war, they’re fleeing inequality.

How wide is the inequality gap in Africa, especially in West Africa? And what will it take to close it?

African governments are the least committed to tackling inequality anywhere in the world, and West Africa is the weakest region in that regard. Of the 30 least committed countries globally, 25 are African, and more than half of those are in West Africa. Nigeria is one of them. There are over 10 million Nigerian children out of school. That’s our future being wasted.

Our data show that at the current pace, it will take over 600 years to eliminate extreme inequality. But if we could grow our economies by 2 percent annually and reduce inequality by 2 percent, we could eliminate extreme inequality in less than 70 years. That would save lives, give children from poor backgrounds a shot at life, and build safer, more stable societies. Because people who feel they have nothing to lose can easily turn to violence, drugs, or extremism.

Unfortunately, rich countries and international financial institutions are pushing African governments to slash public spending. As of now, 44 out of 47 African countries with IMF programs have agreed to reduce social spending, deepening inequality even further.

Almost 90 per cent of countries have reversed progressive taxation. That means the poor are now carrying an even greater burden.

China offers a powerful lesson. In one generation, they lifted over a billion people out of poverty. Africa can too, if we show the same seriousness. But at this rate, it will take us over six centuries to achieve the same.

How did Africa get to this point of extreme inequality, and who is responsible? What’s the way out?

Africa is not poor. Africa is crazily wealthy. What we lack is sound policy and political will. Corruption, stealing or diversion of public funds for personal use and lack of political will got Africa to this point.

One simple example of a way out is capital gains tax. When you sell property or stocks and make a profit, that profit should be taxed. But in many African countries, it isn’t. Kenya introduced a capital gains tax in 2015 at 5 per cent, but the wealthy fought it and it was withdrawn. In 2023, the government reintroduced it at 15 per cent, and the Kenya Revenue Authority has since recorded a significant increase in tax revenue from the wealthy. Every African country can do the same. Inequality is not a divine condition, it’s a man-made failure of public policy.

And if it’s caused by policy, it can be fixed by policy.

Also, governments must have the courage to tax wealth properly. We are not anti-wealth. We want more Africans to prosper. But those who are able must contribute fairly to society.

I’ll give you an example: a Ugandan woman, Abby Christine, a mother of five who sells mixed flour in northern Uganda. She pays local market dues that amount to 44 percent of her income annually, yet the wealthiest companies and individuals pay very little tax.

She has no social protection. If she falls ill and cannot work for a month, her children may go hungry. That’s the human face of inequality.

The solutions are available. The African Union has already urged member states to reduce inequality by 15 percent over the next decade. It’s possible but only with political will. At the current pace, it will take 600 years to close the gap.

What would be the role of trade unions across Africa in these issues?

Well, every African citizen must play a role if the narrative must change. Everyone must come to terms with reality. People should not think it is just a fairy tale or the responsibility of trade unions. However, trade unions must reconnect the struggles of labour with the broader struggles of society. For a while, labour became somewhat complacent and disengaged. But now we are seeing re-engagement, and that’s encouraging.

Labour and civil society and citizens have a common agenda and a common enemy: extreme inequality. Together, we can push governments to invest in productive sectors, create decent jobs, and strengthen the formal labour market.

This will make trade unions stronger and more influential in shaping public policy. The renewed mobilization of trade unions, led by ITUC-Africa and other partners, is a positive development. We must build on it. This is a fight we must win at all costs.

In a political landscape often marked by division and rivalry, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State has chosen a distinctly different path – one defined by compassion, empathy, and a commitment to unity that transcends party lines and ideological boundaries. His actions evoke an earlier era when political differences did not preclude mutual respect and national cohesion.

In today’s climate, where partisan divides too often dominate public discourse, his approach serves as a refreshing reminder that true leadership is, above all, about service to humanity.

Governor Yusuf’s leadership stands as a beacon of hope for a more inclusive and harmonious political environment. His example challenges the assumption that politics must be inherently adversarial, instead championing a vision of governance rooted in empathy and a shared sense of purpose.

For the younger generation – especially those stepping into the arenas of politics and governance – there is much to learn from Governor Yusuf’s approach. He exemplifies the importance of prioritizing people over personal ambition, and placing the common good above partisan interests.

Tangible progress is evident across critical roads in the metropolis. Noteworthy among these are the flyover and underpass projects at Dan’Agundi and Tal’udu. These are just a few examples of the transformative infrastructure being executed by the AKY administration.

Kano is also witnessing a revival of nightlife, and this is no coincidence. Governor Yusuf has made deliberate efforts to reinvigorate the city by installing solar-powered streetlights throughout the metropolis. This initiative has not only enhanced the aesthetic appeal of the city but has also contributed to crime reduction, particularly in curbing phone-snatching and other petty crimes that once plagued city roads. As a result, residents now feel safer and more confident going about their activities well into the night.

Every administration has its unique character. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s politics of compassion is not a weakness – it is a strength. At a time when global leadership often prizes aggression over understanding, his model presents a compelling alternative. By centering empathy, he is cultivating not just political goodwill, but also a renewed sense of collective identity in Kano.

Of course, this model of leadership is not without its challenges. Governing with compassion requires balancing tough decisions with a moral lens, often in the face of political opposition. Yet, Yusuf’s consistency in prioritizing people over politics reflects a long-term vision rooted in social justice and sustainable development.

The tone and substance of Governor Yusuf’s leadership are already shaping his legacy. He is redefining what it means to lead – not through dominance or fear, but through listening, understanding, and responding to the real needs of his constituents.

In a world yearning for humane governance, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf reminds us that politics can be both effective and compassionate. His journey is a testament to the idea that empathy is not a liability in leadership – it is its highest calling.

While Africa’s giant sits on a fortune of oil and gas, its citizens live by the hum of a generator. But amidst the gloom, a few sparks of a solar revolution are showing a brighter path forward as evidence of Real Hope.

In Nigeria, the day often begins not with an alarm clock, but with a question: is the generator on? For 200 million people, life is a daily dance between diesel, darkness, and dwindling hope. The national grid, a fickle beast at the best of times, seems to have taken a permanent vacation, leaving businesses to sputter and homes to fall silent.

It is a national tragicomedy of the highest order. A nation blessed with some of the world’s largest fossil fuel reserves cannot keep the lights on. Our leaders, meanwhile, seem to be operating on a different power source altogether. Critics say the nation’s leadership appears distracted-some even accusing key officials of focusing more on future political ambitions than on fixing today’s power failures. In one instance, public commentary in Oyo State highlighted frustrations that political aspirations often take precedence over service delivery.

This dependence on fuel we can’t reliably provide has left us choking on fumes and frustration. The question is no longer if we need a new way, but whether we have the courage to flick the switch.

Amidst the national gloom, a few sparks are catching. In Oyo State, His Excellency Governor Seyi Makinde’s administration is engaged in a radical act of common sense: using the sun.

Quietly, without grand pronouncements, solar mini-grids are sprouting in villages like Ajia, Otefon, and Agbaruru-places long forgotten by the central grid. These aren’t just infrastructure projects; they are lifelines. Solar-powered streetlights are pushing back the darkness in markets and on bridges, allowing commerce to thrive after dusk and making streets safer for everyone. Solar-powered boreholes deliver clean water without the daily clatter and cost of a diesel pump.

This isn’t a perfect solution, but it is something far more important: proof of concept. Oyo is demonstrating that a decentralised, sun-powered future is not only possible but practical. It’s a simple equation: sun plus panel equals progress. It seems some have finally done the maths.

If Nigeria needs inspiration, it need not look far. We should really take lessons from our neighbours. Consider Rwanda, a nation that has overcome an unimaginable history to become a leader in clean energy. With a clear target of universal electricity access by 2030, Rwanda is aggressively diversifying with solar, hydro, and bioenergy, proving that political will can triumph over limited resources.

Then there is Singapore, an island so small it makes Lagos look like a continent. With no natural energy resources to speak of, it is a masterclass in ingenuity born of necessity. Singapore harvests sunlight from every available surface-rooftops, building facades, and even vast floating farms on reservoirs. Their goal of hitting 2 GWp of solar capacity by 2030 is a stunning rebuke to anyone who claims a lack of space or resources is an excuse for inaction.

Nigeria has the necessity in abundance; it’s the ingenuity that seems to be on backorder.

So, must we wait for the government to see the light? Absolutely not. True change in Nigeria has always bubbled up from the ground. Here’s how to start:

Declare War on Waste. That flickering incandescent bulb? It’s a traitor. The humming freezer from 1988? An enemy of progress. Switching to energy-efficient appliances isn’t just about saving naira; it’s a patriotic act to reduce the strain on a grid already on life support.

Become a Sunlight Evangelist. Demand more from your leaders. Ask why your local clinic isn’t covered in solar panels. Agitate for policies that make renewables cheap and accessible. Make ‘solar’ the most popular word at your next town hall meeting.

Guard the Gridlet. Those new mini-grids and solar streetlights in your community? They’re gold. Protect them, maintain them, and treat them like the lifeline they are. A little community ownership goes a very long way.

Nigeria can continue its toxic relationship with fossil fuels-a romance that gives us blackouts, pollution, and international pity. Or we can look up.

The sun that beats down on our land isn’t a curse; it’s a promise. The path being lit by Oyo, Rwanda, and Singapore shows that a renewable future isn’t a utopian dream but a matter of political will and collective action. Real national dignity isn’t found in barrels of oil we export, but in the simple, profound power of a light that always switches on for our own people.

Amofin Beulah Adeoye

About the Author:

Amofin Beulah Adeoye is a legal and financial expert with international recognition for his work in forensic accounting, governance, and philanthropy. A First Class Law graduate from the University of Ibadan and a certified Fraud Examiner (CFE) and Associate Chartered Accountant (ACA), he previously served as Financial Advisory Partner at Deloitte and Touche West Africa, where he led forensic services until his withdrawal in August 2024 to become active in political and community development efforts in Nigeria, for which he now has significant following and has received both local and international awards for his contributions. He maintains affiliations with multinationals across Europe, Asia, the US, and Africa spanning sectors such as healthcare, financial services, energy, logistics, and real estate. Adeoye is actively engaged with the Nigerian diaspora, and has facilitated strategic dialogues with community stakeholders across the globe and leads several philanthropic initiatives through the Beulah Adeoye Foundation.

Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Hon. Benjamin Kalu, on Monday underscored the need for Nigeria to develop and invest in the girl child.

Speaking at the 6th TOS Foundation Symposium over the weekend to commemorate the ‘International Day of the Girl Child’ in Abuja, Kalu advocated for equal opportunity for women within the political space to enable them to contribute their quota to national development, saying it was the reason for the introduction of the reserved seats bill at the National Assembly.

He said, ‘No matter how gifted a legislator may be, there are realities that only women can legislate from experience. And until women sit at the table, entire chapters of our national story will remain unwritten. That is why the Special Seats Bill (HB 1349), which I proudly sponsor, seeks temporarily reserved seats for women in Nigeria’s legislature; a necessary step to correct decades of exclusion.

‘Under the visionary leadership of Rt. Hon. Tajudeen Abbas, the 10th House of Representatives, has placed inclusion at the heart of its Legislative Agenda. Our Constitution Review process, which I am honoured to lead, is the most participatory in our nation’s history, anchored on genuine dialogue with women, youth, civil society, and traditional leaders across all regions and sectors of Nigeria, to ensure that every reform truly reflects the voice of the people.

‘Every law we make must open doors for the next generation. Investing in the girl child is a worthy investment in Nigeria’s future. We must therefore ensure that girls have equal access to education, mentorship, and leadership pathways, especially in science, technology, and innovation, where tomorrow’s economy will be built.’

The Deputy Speaker, who expressed his gratitude to TOS Foundation for organising the symposium that attracted dignitaries such as the Sultan of Sokoto, Sir Sa’adu Abubakar, who pledged their support for the reserved seats bill, also encouraged the Women not to lose focus.

‘To every Nigerian girl: there are no boundaries to what you can become. The world will test your courage, but you already have within you the strength to rise above every barrier. Dream boldly, work diligently, and never doubt your potential. You have what it takes to lead, to shape, and to redefine the future.

‘To the women of Nigeria: your voice is a force. The nation is in the labour room of reform, keep pushing until a new dawn of equity is born. To the men and society at large: progress requires partnership. Every home must be the first classroom of equality, for nations rise higher when both genders rise together.

‘I thank the TOS Foundation for convening this symposium and for its tireless advocacy for women’s representation. Across civil society, women’s groups, youth networks, and development partners, many have worked diligently behind the scenes. I urge you to continue, for victory is almost here.

‘Let us leave here today with the conviction that advancing women’s representation through thoughtful policy is more than a reform; it is an investment in Nigeria’s future. When we enshrine inclusion in policy and practice, we do more than change laws; we shape the Nigeria we all dream of,’ Kalu said.

Prompt engineering is the process of formulating instructions to produce an answer or outputs from a generative artificial intelligence. ‘Prompt’ is a natural language text that directs AI on what to do. It could be a command, query, providing a context or just a statement.

The main aim of prompt engineering is to be able to optimise outputs; being precise, ensures that the generated AI output aligns with the goal or desired result. An hallmark of a prompt engineer is to be able to bring the best out of different generative AI models. For instance, Open AI’s GPT-3 and GPT-4 are different from Google Gemini. Hence, they require different styles to get what you want.

As a prompt engineer, expected to design, test and refine prompt to bring out the best performance from generative AI models, you must be able to understand and familiarise yourself with the capacities and differences of artificial intelligence models including their limitations.

Skills you need as a prompt engineer

Technological companies hire prompt engineers to improve machine translation and to also introduce content. These are the skills that can help you secure a job:

1. Data structures and algorithms

You need to have the knowledge of how data structures and algorithms help in optimising prompts including understanding the mechanisms of generative AI systems.

2. Interpret technical concepts

One of the exceptional qualities you can possess is to be able to interpret technical concepts in a very relative way that even non technical professionals would understand.

3. Large language models

You must understand how Large Language Models (LLM) work in order to create effective prompts and optimised AI outputs. Their capabilities and limitations are also important.

4. Communication skills

Communication skills are very vital. You should be able to communicate in clear and precise language instructions to AI models.

5. Programming languages

Proficiency in programming languages such as python is key for understanding and designing AI solutions and automating workflows.

The elders of my place caution that the sacrificial akara should not be given to an emèrè child to share. When you ask why, they respond that she will merely make her kindred spirits the sole beneficiaries. And when that happens, the elders further caution, the tragedy (ultimate death) which the sacrifice is designed to avert will eventually happen.

Having shared this traditional caution, I would like to turn to my own childhood experiences. Growing up in the hinterland can be fun. In my part of Yorubaland, we have special children called emèrè. They are mostly females. Emèrè are not abíkú, which the Igbo call ogbanje. The difference here is that while a typical abiku dies and returns to the same parents as many times as he or she can muster before he or she is overpowered, an emèrè remains a pain in the neck of her parents through frequent and indeterminable illnesses. The illnesses don’t kill her but merely drain the resources of her parents.

Powerful children, Yoruba metaphysics says that emèrè are husbands of witches (emèrè ni oko ajé) because they are stronger and more ‘wicked’! Emèrè children are treated specially, most times, with utmost attention. They are fragile in looks and conduct. They are also particularly spoilt in the real sense of the Yoruba concept of àkébajé. Parents offer sacrifices to appease them to stay here on earth. Our belief is that emèrè children have their kindred spirits waiting for them by the gates of heaven. If an emèrè eventually dies, it is believed that a replacement might not come easily. Everything is therefore done to prevent such a tragic end.

So, to keep them alive with their suffering parents, sacrifices, known in the local dialect as osè, are offered. The sacrificial items, mostly small edibles ranging from groundnuts to sugarcane, ekuru (white moi moi) to akara, are prepared and offered to children who are in the same age bracket as the emèrè. After the preliminary prayers, the emèrè is asked to share the items with the ever-joyous children who sing traditional praise chants for her.

But there is a strange practice in the sharing of the sacrificial edibles. While all the other items are given to the ‘celebrant’ to share, the akara is never given to her. The explanation for this exception is illustrated in the saying that nobody gives the sacrificial akara for the emèrè to share; otherwise, she will simply give it to her kindred spirits to pave the way for her journey to the great beyond (A kìí fún emèrè ní àkàrà osè pín kí ò má baà pín fún egbé è láti pa ònà orun mó).

In our elementary Government classes from Form Three to Form Five of those days, the then Miss Folake Afolabi, and Messrs Abayomi Oduntan and Vice Principal Ojo repeatedly listed what they called ‘The Presidential Powers of an Executive President.’ We were taught that an Executive President is both the Head of State and Head of Government, a fountain of honour; he declares a state of emergency; assents to and vetoes bills; declares wars and signs treaties; and has the prerogative of mercy, among almost twenty of such powers.

On the prerogative of mercy, we were told that an Executive President has the right to pardon a convict on death row. And once pardoned, such a beneficiary can no longer be held in relation to the offence(s) that led to his or her conviction.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu exercised his prerogative of mercy power last week and set free 147 ex-convicts. The controversy that greeted that act is one that will not abate in a hurry. In all the comments for and against the action by the President, everyone, including the President’s political enemies, agreed that Tinubu’s action was, and is, within the ambit of the law. The Constitution allows him to extend pardon to any manner of convicts, and his action cannot be subjected to any judicial review. Good enough.

However, the grey area in the review of the President’s exercise of his prerogative of mercy has to do with the morality that informed the choices of some of the ex-convicts President Tinubu set free. Majority of the people who frowned at the list of the beneficiaries of the President’s kindness argued, and very correctly too, that the huge percentage the President allocated to convicts of drug-related offences speaks volumes of the President’s disposition to the fight against narcotics in the nation.

The argument here is that of the 147 convicts President Tinubu pardoned, 60 of them are those who were convicted and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment for dealing in hard drugs. A simple arithmetic puts that figure at 40.8 percent of the total number of 147 beneficiaries! Many, justifiably, concluded that if not for anything, Mr. President should have exercised discretion in freeing those drug lords.

Reviewing the arguments for and against this latest action of President Tinubu, I drew inspiration from the words of wisdom by our elders as quoted above-that one should not give the sacrificial akara osè to an emèrè to share. Of the ‘Executive Powers of an Executive President’ those good teachers of yore taught us, the one that looks more like an akara osè (sacrificial akara) is the prerogative of mercy. In the hands of an emèrè president, who causes the people pain and agony, draining their meagre resources by the minute, that power can be easily abused. The morality of 60 drug offenders benefiting from the list of 147 pardoned ex-convicts flies in the face of decency!

Colleen Shogan, a former Senior Executive at the Library of Congress, U.S. Senate, on December 2, 2022, wrote The History of the Pardon Power: Executive Unilateralism in the Constitution. In the article, which was published by The White House Historical Association under the Rubenstein Center Scholarship, she said that when the exercise of the clemency power is not used discretionally, the one who wields the power suffers public opprobrium. Hear her:

‘Gerald Ford’s 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon was arguably the most famous exercise of executive clemency in American history. After Ford’s pardon of Nixon, his approval rating fell over twenty points in the ensuing days. Many political analysts conclude that Ford never recovered from the pardon, thus severely damaging his chances to win election to the White House in 1976.’ She added that Ford’s explanation-that he granted the pardon as an act of mercy to Nixon and for the broader purpose of restoring domestic tranquillity in the nation after Watergate-could not salvage the situation.

Imo Udofa, Professor of Law, University of Uyo, reinforces Shogan’s arguments. In his The Abuse of Presidential Power of Pardon and the Need for Restraints, published in the Beijing Law Review, Vol. 19, No. 2, June 2018, Udofa argues that ‘The power of pardon is virtually unfettered and unchecked by formal constraints in most jurisdictions, thereby rendering it susceptible to abuse.’

Udofa further states that ‘The recent exercise of presidential power of pardon by the current American President, Donald Trump, by granting pardon to Joe Arpaio (a former sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, who was found guilty in July 2017 of criminal contempt for defying a judge’s order against prolonging traffic patrols targeting immigrants) has rekindled the discussion on the uses and abuses of the pardon power.. It has been argued that Arpaio should have been allowed to serve his punishment, and the presidential pardon amounted to a presidential endorsement of the criminal contempt for which Arpaio was punished.’

In Nigeria, the teacher of law says the case of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s pardon of Chief D.S.P. Alamieyeseigha, former Governor of Bayelsa State, convicted of several corruption charges, remains the most controversial exercise of presidential pardon power in the country.

He posits further that while ‘The power to grant pardon is of ancient origin and recognised today in almost every nation.. However, in recent times, the pardon power has been abused as political and other extraneous factors tend to determine its application. It has also been seen as capricious and inaccessible by ordinary people. The usefulness of the power has seriously been dented by lack of control and checks in most jurisdictions, including Nigeria.’

‘Sacred’ as prerogative of mercy is, Udofa says its application should be alongside ‘checks and guiding principles.’ I add here: with utmost discretion!

The U.S., for instance, punishes tax evasion and drug-related offences severely. On drugs, the U.S. would go to any length to get the culprit to book. That was why, against international conventions, the administration of President George H. W. Bush ordered the invasion of Panama in an operation code-named Operation Just Cause and had President Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno (February 11, 1934 – May 29, 2017), simply Noriega, kidnapped on January 3, 1990, on the accusation of dealing in hard drugs.

In the heart of Nigeria’s economic engine room, a quiet but consequential war is being fought, a war not of guns or politics, but of control. On one side stands the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), the formidable labour body representing thousands of oil and gas workers. On the other side is the Dangote Group, led by Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, whose 650,000 barrels-per-day refinery is poised to redefine, or perhaps dominate, Nigeria’s petroleum landscape.

This is no ordinary industrial dispute. It is a struggle over the soul of Nigeria’s energy economy, over the balance between private capital and public interest, and the preservation of workers’ rights in a sector too vital to be monopolised.

NUPENG’s Stand: Rights are non-negotiable. At the heart of the standoff lies the alleged refusal of the Dangote Refinery to recognise unionism among its workforce. NUPENG accuses the company of blocking union activities, intimidating potential members, and breaching Nigeria’s labour laws that guarantee the right to freedom of association.

Union officials claim that efforts to register refinery workers and tanker drivers under NUPENG have been frustrated. Workers reportedly face subtle threats for aligning with labour movements, while management insists that union membership ‘is a personal choice.’

Recall that one of Nigeria’s foremost lawyers, Femi Falana, SAN, once said that any company or employer who denies workers this freedom is acting outside the law and against the democratic spirit of the nation

For NUPENG, anything that contradicts this position is untenable. Under Nigeria’s Trade Union Act (Cap T14, LFN 2004), all junior workers in an organisation are automatically deemed members of the appropriate trade union unless they opt out in writing. Section 40 of the Constitution further guarantees workers the right to freely associate.

NUPENG’s President, Prince Williams Akporeha, has vowed that the union will not fold its arms while a new corporate empire attempts to roll back decades of hard-won workers’ rights.

The Bigger Fear is that this is monopoly in the making. Beyond the question of union rights lies a larger fear, the growing concentration of power in Nigeria’s oil sector. With its massive refining capacity, expansive logistics network, and over 4,000 CNG-powered tankers, the Dangote Group now controls almost every link in the petroleum value chain: refining, storage, distribution, and retail.

NUPENG warns that this structure represents the embryo of a private monopoly. The union fears that if unchecked, Dangote could replicate his dominance in cement and sugar industries where competition has virtually disappeared and prices remain high despite earlier promises of affordability.

‘We cannot allow a repeat of the cement story in oil,-Afolabi Olawale, NUPENG General Secretary. Dangote dismisses such fears as unfounded, arguing that over 30 other refinery licences have been issued by government, and that his refinery is meant to complement, not dominate, the market.

Yet the optics tell a different story. The refinery’s scale and vertical integration have already created a structural imbalance that smaller marketers and tanker owners fear they cannot survive.

Echoes from cement and sugar industries are cautionary tales. This is not unfamiliar territory for Nigerians. When Dangote Cement rose to prominence in the early 2000s, it was celebrated for reducing import dependence. But as competitors faded, the market narrowed and prices climbed.

The same story played out in the sugar industry, where government import restrictions designed to encourage local production instead entrenched Dangote’s dominance, leaving smaller producers struggling.

The lesson, according to NUPENG, is clear: Monopoly, whether public or private, always comes at a cost. Today, the risk is that Nigeria’s newly deregulated oil sector could be quietly reconsolidated under one private empire.

Current Effects: Labour Unrest and Market Anxiety. The standoff has already triggered shockwaves across the industry. In early September 2025, NUPENG threatened a nationwide strike, accusing the Dangote Refinery of ‘anti-labour practices.’ The move, backed by PENGASSAN, raised fears of fuel scarcity and price instability.

The DSS and the Federal Ministry of Labour intervened, brokering a temporary truce. A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed, guaranteeing workers the right to unionise within a given period.

Yet many within the labour movement doubt the sincerity of Dangote’s concession, seeing it as a temporary appeasement to buy time until his market dominance is irreversible.

Meanwhile, smaller marketers report restricted access to supply, delayed allocations, and rising logistics costs symptoms, they say, of an emerging one-gate control over Nigeria’s oil economy.

Legal and Constitutional Stakes. At stake are not just workers’ rights or business interests, but the rule of law itself. If the Dangote Group continues to limit union activity or dominate market access, it risks violating Nigeria’s trade, competition, and labour laws.

The Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act (FCCPA, 2019) prohibit monopolistic practices that ‘prevent, restrict, or distort competition.’ Any conduct that ‘amounts to abuse of a dominant position’ can attract penalties, including forced divestment or fines.

No nation deregulates only to replace a public monopoly with a private one.To do so would betray the very philosophy of a free and fair market economy.

An Appeal to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu: See Beyond the Immediate It is within this context that I join NUPENG and all advocates of economic justice in calling on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to act decisively.

The Tinubu administration has championed market reforms, including fuel subsidy removal and downstream liberalisation. Yet those reforms must not pave the way for private monopolisation disguised as efficiency.

The Federal Government must; Enforce competition laws under FCCPC and NMDPRA frameworks; Protect small and medium marketers from exclusionary practices; Ensure full recognition of NUPENG’s union rights at the Dangote Refinery as well as Diversify refinery licensing and crude access, preventing any single entity from controlling the entire value chain. ‘No economy thrives when one man becomes the market.’-NUPENG

President Tinubu must look beyond the excitement of a local refinery and see the long-term danger of allowing a single titan to dictate prices, access, and opportunity.

The Future: What Is at Stake If left unchecked, Dangote’s dominance could rewrite Nigeria’s economic DNA shifting the nation from public monopoly to private empire.

Workers could lose their bargaining power, smaller firms could collapse, and government itself might one day negotiate not with an industry, but with an individual.

If fairness and competition prevail, Nigeria’s deregulated market will thrive. But if silence and complicity endure, the nation may soon find itself in a refined version of economic feudalism, where the refinery becomes the new fortress of power.

The Last Wall Standing

NUPENG’s battle with Dangote seems not just a union struggle; it is a national test of will.

Can Nigeria build a capitalist economy that is competitive yet compassionate, dynamic yet democratic? In an era where power increasingly resides in private hands, NUPENG stands battered but unyielding as the last wall between monopoly capital and the Nigerian worker. I called on the government must choose: Between an open market that empowers millions or a private monopoly that serves a few; between workers’ dignity- or corporate dominance; between a refinery for the nation or a nation at the mercy of one refinery. History, as always, will remember who stood where.