Category: Sunday Standard

Gaborone 2026 World Athletics Relays Local Organising Committee (LOC) has officially released ticket prices. Priced in United States Dollars, the tickets are now on sale ahead of the global athletics event set for May.

The announcement has sparked mixed reactions, particularly on social media, where many local fans have expressed dissatisfaction with the pricing. Soon after the prices were released on Thursday, social media platforms were filled with criticism from members of the public.

Many locals argued that the tickets are too expensive and not suited to the Botswana market. Some said they had expected the prices to be only slightly higher than those of local sporting events. Others described the prices as unaffordable for ordinary Batswana, especially families and young people who regularly attend sports events.

Despite the backlash, organisers have stood firm, insisting that the ticket prices were carefully structured to cater for both the local and international market. They argue that the World Relays is a global event and that its pricing cannot be compared directly to local competitions.

World Relays Ticketing Manager Naledi has defended the pricing structure, saying it was designed after careful consideration of international standards and local realities.

‘Our pricing strategy is benchmarked against international athletics standards, reflecting the global prestige of the World Relays. At the same time, we were careful not to undersell Botswana’s value on the world stage,’ Naledi said.

She explained that Botswana, as the host nation, had to strike a balance between hosting a world-class event and ensuring that local supporters were not excluded. According to Naledi, ticket prices for the World Relays are actually lower than what is normally charged at similar international athletics events.

‘We deliberately kept prices below typical international rates to ensure accessibility for local fans,’ she said. ‘We are mindful that Batswana are generally accustomed to paying around P200 for major events, which is why we capped our pricing to remain competitive and affordable.’

Naledi further noted that most of the seating at the National Stadium is priced with locals in mind. She said around 80 percent of the available seats fall within what organisers consider affordable price ranges.

‘Our most expensive category has a limited capacity of just 2,000 seats,’ she said. ‘The rest of the seating is priced to cater for the wider public, so that many people can attend and enjoy the event.’

She also addressed concerns around international ticket pricing, saying even foreign visitors will be paying less than the usual rates for such events.

‘Even for international audiences, our prices are lower than standard global rates because we took into account what Batswana are used to paying,’ Naledi said. ‘This is why general seating is priced below P500, while international tickets are set at 25 US dollars for Day One and 35 US dollars for Day Two.’

Media voices have also weighed in on the debate. Mmegi Sport Editor Mqondisi Dube has come out in support of the ticket pricing, arguing that it is fair when viewed in the context of global sport.

‘The ticket prices are fair. Some may feel they are too steep, but when you look at pricing for similar world events, they are in line with international standards,’ Dube said. ‘This is a world event and must be viewed as such.’

However, Dube acknowledged the concerns raised by local fans and said organisers should continue to think creatively about how to include more locals.

‘To address concerns from the local audience, a two-tier ticketing system can be introduced,’ he said. ‘One tier can be for locals and residents, and another for the international audience. This allows organisers to price tickets differently while ensuring the stadium is filled and locals are not left out.’

‘If it was me, I would reserve Panda stand strictly for Batswana at ticket price of P200, and the rest of the stadium remains at that proposed rate. Keraa ke lebile gore Batswana re tshela jang,’ Nyviah Thelo commented on Facebook.

‘Although we may not be the primary target audience, the tickets are well worth the price, given that it’s a world-class event. We’re thrilled to have the opportunity to host and it’s a chance for us to capitalise on the event’s success and maximise our revenue. So, I don’t see it wrong to have such a price,’ commented Khapsen CT Terence on ticket prices.

Botswana will host the World Relays on 2 and 3 May at the National Stadium in Gaborone. The event is expected to attract top athletes from around the world and place the country firmly on the global athletics map. As preparations continue, the debate around ticket pricing highlights the challenge of hosting a major international event while meeting local expectations.

A couple of days ago, our Vice President invited the public to comment on and make suggestions for his upcoming Budget Speech. In an act of citizenship, I also want to offer one or two ideas that the budget should address. So, for whatever it is worth, I offer my thoughts.

The key thing the budget obviously needs to address is revenue and spending. I think the VP or the nation at large needs to make prudent decisions about where the money should go. What should we spend our money on? And here again, I think there should be a broad consensus that we should spend money only on activities or projects that generate positive returns.

And which are those projects? Just to name a few, they would be education and health. I’m struck by the number of people who do not have access to good health care. I was surprised to learn of someone who had to drive all the way from Mogoditshane to Ramotswa to see a dentist.

If ordinary people do not have access to good health care, it has a negative impact. It has a bearing on the ability of people to be productive. It leads to absence from work, which, again, undermines productivity.

Good health care does not always have to be provided by the government. So the government does not have to provide the service directly. This helps the government collaborate with other parties and avoid thinking that it should be doing this directly. It is also true that non-government operators are more efficient than the government.

So, the minister should spend money wisely by partnering with existing private hospitals in the case of education to improve health standards. We should also extend support to mission hospitals, for instance, that we have across the country, while allowing them to maintain their independence.

Well, I’ve spoken about what the VP, who is also the Finance Minister, must do. Let me then turn to what he should not do. He should not make Botswana a high-tax nation anchored on a huge public sector. We are already experiencing an economic slowdown, and we cannot tax our way out of it. The feasible way to grow is to reduce spending, lower our taxes, and allow people to keep as much of their own money as possible in their pockets.

Last year, Nima Sanandaji and Stefan Fölster published a book titled The Welfare State Myth. The book makes for interesting reading, and I recommend it to the VP since he comes across as an avid reader. The book goes against conventional wisdom insofar as the welfare state is concerned. We know that many believe that the state needs not only to be big but must tax people heavily and aggressively in order to provide support to the population. However, Sanandaji and Fölster draw on data to show that ‘it is possible to achieve positive social outcomes without a large state, and that a large state does not guarantee positive social outcomes.’ They cite Singapore and South Korea as examples of countries whose tax burden is not heavy but provides adequate social support.

They also show that the ‘level of unemployment, especially among the less educated, is systematically higher among countries with a higher tax rate. This indicates that generous welfare systems create a poverty trap, characterised by dependency on benefits and high thresholds into the labour market.’

So I urge the VP to note that it is possible to provide social support without ballooning the state and burdening us with more taxes.

Anglo American has warned that it may cut the value of De Beers Mining Company for the third time in as many years, underlining the depth and persistence of the slump facing the global diamond market and renewing uncertainty for Botswana, De Beers’ long-standing partner.

In a statement ahead of its full-year results, Anglo said it is conducting an impairment review of De Beers’ carrying value, citing weak market conditions. The review could result in another write-down, following a $2.9 billion impairment booked last year and a $1.6 billion reduction in 2023.

For Botswana, which owns the remaining 15 percent of De Beers, a further impairment would reinforce concerns about the near-term outlook for a sector that underpins government revenues, foreign exchange earnings and employment. More than $2 billion of De Beers’ value was previously linked to unsold inventory, reflecting sluggish demand in key markets such as China and rising competition from lab-grown diamonds.

De Beers is now valued below the price Anglo paid in 2011 to acquire the Oppenheimer family’s 40 percent stake, highlighting how sharply fortunes have turned for the world’s largest diamond producer.

Anglo has made clear that diamonds are no longer core to its strategy. The group is pursuing options to sell or potentially list De Beers as part of a broader portfolio reset, following last year’s defence against a takeover bid by BHP and as it advances a major transaction with Teck Resources.

Botswana government has previously expressed interest in increasing the country’s stake in De Beers, a prospect that could gain urgency if Anglo proceeds with an exit. However, another write-down would complicate valuation talks, at a time when the diamond market shows few signs of a rapid recovery.

n his first, foot-in-the-mouth incident of 2026, President Duma Boko used part of his podium time to explain the concept of ‘social contract.’ He did so on the basis of public perception that his government is failing to meet its obligations in terms of a ‘social contract’ that the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) entered into with voters in the 2024 general election. To whittle down Boko’s more detailed legalistic definition into digestible bits, a social contract is actually no more than a legally unenforceable gentleman’s agreement. On such basis, government is not legally obliged to deliver on its electoral pledges. As opposed to a social contract, a legal contract is enforceable and more importantly, spells out penalties that a defaulting parties would be subjected to.

While there has been public outrage over Boko’s statement, the fact of the matter is that he was right with regard to how a social contract operates. Thus, the actual problem is not what he said but how democracy works against the interests of voters.

For five or so minutes every five years inside a polling booth, eligible voters get a chance to hire and fire candidates in a general election. The only legal contract they sign is with the Independent Electoral Commission and not the political parties or independent candidates that they vote for. In contract law, there is thus no legally binding agreement between the parties and voters – only a non-binding gentleman’s agreement. The absence of a written agreement means that if the elected parties or candidates don’t deliver on their promises, the only option voters have is casting their vote again in the next election.

Going back to 1966 and only until five years ago, elected officials in MPs and councillors could happily cross the floor between parties. When that happened, voters were helpless precisely because there was no legal contract that compelled these elected officials to remain in the party that they had used to get into office.

An unwritten agreement also gives parties and candidates leeway to reinterpret this agreement by exploiting more loopholes. Perhaps the most perfect example to illustrate the latter point is when former President Mokgweetsi Masisi reinterpreted an electoral promise that the Botswana Democratic Party made ahead of the 2019 elections. Then, the BDP made a non-legally-binding promise to create jobs. After the election and in response to being constantly reminded of that promise, Masisi said that what the party actually meant was that it would create the right economic environment for the private sector to create jobs and not that it would create such jobs itself. A legal contract would have used language very precise regarding who would create such jobs, leaving no room for ambiguity.

There is another set of players in electoral democracy who also expect favourable treatment from the government – oligarchs. Unlike the mass of voters, these players enter into an enforceable legal contract not with voters but the winning party. The wording of this contract is very precise and there are very well-defined penalty clauses. On the basis of the latter, if one party defaults on its legal obligations, it can seek legal recourse, annexing the legal agreement as evidence that it has been cheated out of what it is legally entitled to.

From when the UDC took over the reins of power, the president and his ministers have been signing legal contracts, some a direct result of behind-the-scenes political horse-trading. The horse-trading happened with a unique set of circumstances. Well before elections and far from madding freedom-square crowds, political leaders cut deals with oligarchs about how the latter would give back in return for the funding they got. At this point, there are no legal contracts but there is clear understanding on the part of politicians that, never having been angels, the oligarchs have a variety of means to get revenge if they are cheated. They can collapse an economy, stir up civil disturbance, topple a government by force or assassinate the leader.

It has been credibly alleged that the president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Laurent Kabila, was assassinated because he went back on a gentleman’s agreement involving the country’s vast mineral wealth that he made with oligarchs. Voters have no leverage because they generally don’t have the means to collapse an economy, stir up civil disturbance, topple a government or assassinate the leader for failure to honour a gentleman’s agreement. Post-election, the gentleman’s agreements are given legal character by signing formal contracts that can be used as evidence in a court of law should the new government fail to deliver on its promises. Whereas political parties deal with voters (through largely through rallies, media and manifestoes) as a mass with no legal character, they deal with each business entity on a one-on-one basis.

On the basis of the latter, it is for oligarchs that democracy works perfectly. However, they also have to maintain the illusion that democracy works for everyone to keep the masses happy and make them feel important when they are really not. The latter explains why entities that these oligarchs control and fund lavishly (media, think tanks, political parties and NGOs) heavily promote the myth of democracy being the best political system. Those who don’t vote are typically characterised as ‘irresponsible’ when it is actually the height of irresponsibility to participate in an elaborate ritual that doesn’t guarantee a positive outcome for you.

Democracy is also attractive for oligarchs because while they can’t capture the millions of voters (a task they have outsourced to politicians), they can easily capture the far fewer political officeholders. As a rule of thumb, these oligarchs are vehemently opposed to genuinely patriotic leaders whose pro-people policies threaten their economic interests and routinely topple such leaders. After failing to oust Brazil’s socialist president, Dilma Rousseff, through elections, the country’s elite power class, including media oligarchs, connived with American corporate interests to topple her through parliament. Assassination is always an option where a leader can’t be captured. Patrice Lumumba of Zaire and Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso were murdered because their pro-people policies threatened the economic interests of mostly Zionist oligarchs.

Upon conviction that UDC is not a gem diamond they thought it was but a fake diamond hewn from the bottom of a Coke bottle, some voters have already made a firm, anti-UDC resolution for the 2029 general election. The irony is that none of the parties they want to replace UDC with has ever expressed any aversion to electoral democracy as a system of government. The result will be that whatever party replaces UDC will also get into a social contract with voters. That contract, as the UDC’s and the BDP before it, will place no legal obligations on the new government to deliver on its electoral pledges. As the UDC and the BDP before it, the same government will sign legal contracts with oligarchs that the new government delivers on its promises.

Democracy’s main attraction to the Zionist oligarchs who control the world is that that they can manipulate its processes and systems to produce an outcome they want. In that regard, if Burkina Faso were to hold elections, France would easily find puppet opposition leaders whose campaigns it would fund lavishly to enhance their chances of winning. After such leaders win, France would regain control of the country’s vast mineral wealth. For decades, Yoweri Museveni has rigged both the electoral process and the vote and has ruled Uganda with an iron fist. However, he (like Rwanda’s Paul Kagame) is safe because he is facilitating the plunder of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s mineral wealth by western corporations. Museveni just rigged an election in which he literally unleashed terror on his opponent but major western media organisations are not reporting that and no western leader has criticised him.

Holding elections is itself not adequate if the result is a government that is not subservient to western interests. An election which produces a leader that the west can’t control was ‘rigged’ and where western intelligence agencies don’t foment some kind of civil strife, they will connive with local operatives to topple such leader.

Rather obsess over democracy, countries across the globe should be exploring alternatives to it – like the Chinese model. However, they have been duped into believing that democracy is the best system. To their credit, the Zionist sociopaths who control the world through democracy have, through all the powerful institutions and platforms they control, done so good a job in maligning non-democratic systems (that obviously won’t give them backdoor access to a country’s administrative apparatus) that replacing democracy is not even seen as an option.

In the evening of the last Sunday of November, a South African television channel 403 screened a talk show on the topic ‘is entry level in our politics too low?’ The anchor, a certain Dan Moyane had assembled an array of distinguished people of different political groupings and background. They tackled the subject with maturity setting aside their political inclinations as they discussed the topic. Among them, were professors, lawyers, doctors, lecturers and so forth. The only one that I recognized was professor Job Mokgoro who is the former North West Premier. I was able to recognize him because he was instrumental in the appointment of the Commission of Enquiry into the bogosi of Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela in Moruleng, South Africa and its relationship with that of Mochudi in Botswana. At the end of the commission’s job, he posed for a photograph in a happy mood with Kgosi Kgafela II. He was subsequently recalled by the African National Congress (ANC).

Views expressed during the television talk show varied and were very enlightening. Majority were agreed that it was time for their country to set entry level in their politics. However, it was with a big but. The majority were agreed that when it comes to corruption, the educated were the culprit in most societies. Citing their country as an example, they were of the view that the enlightened were the majority in the State Capture report compiled by Justice Raymond Zondo. Nevertheless others were of the view that professionalizing the public sector was one way of making things difficult for those who go into politics to loot. Those who were of the view that there be entry level in their politics backed their version by referring to a Norwegian study which has revealed that education makes politicians endure high level of efficiency in their situation. It was stated that in most cases, people go into politics because it is the road to prosperity.

Nevertheless, emphasis was laid on having political leaders with university degree. It was said that the most educated political leader in South Africa is Pieter Gronerwald of Freedom Front Plus with a doctorate degree while Mosioa Lekota of Congress of the People (COPE) has metric qualifications and Jacob Zuma very low qualifications yet he served the country as the president. Participants generally agreed that party leaders should be equipped with university degree qualifications.

When I watched the debate and read the topic for discussion, I wished the discussions would be taking place in Botswana where there is deficit of degree holders at various levels of political and traditional leadership and where looting of state institutions by the elite leads to projects being delayed indefinitely or abandoned. The nearest example is the Tshele Hills Fuel Depot near Rasesa. Construction work there has been stopped ever since it was announced that millions of funds set aside for the project have been misappropriated. I pass through that project every week on my way to the cattle post. I would not be surprised if people would start vandalizing what had been put up before funds found their way into personal bank accounts. The National Assembly is gradually becoming an improved house concerning the level of education. It is no longer like some years back when Dr. Kenneth Koma was the only member with doctorate degree and perhaps Ponatshego Kedikilwe, Archie Mogwe, David Magang, Ray Molomo, Gaositwe Chiepe and Margret Nasha being among a few only ones with university degree. During those olden days there were members who would spend the life of parliament without ever contributing to the debate except for voting. Some would try their best to speak the language of parliament which was English but they struggled. I remember when the artificial insemination scheme was introduced; a member who wanted to argue that the scheme should benefit the small farmer only, his slip of the tongue said ‘the rich must use their own semen’. The unfortunate thing among current crop of members of parliament is lack of discipline. There are some who are ill mannered so much that they don’t feel ashamed to utter insults in front of television cameras.

At councils, the level of education has been disappointing for many years including the period when this country had just attained independence. However, at that time it was understandable to even have councillors who had not been to school. By the beginning of the 90s, surely Botswana’s political parties should have begun to field at least people with Cambridge certificates as council candidates. It has been my wish all along for Botswna to set entry level for politicians and dikgosi.

Sometime in an election year, a team of campaigners arrived at my mother’s home in the Mochudi East Constituency. Their mission was to solicit support for their candidate. After introducing themselves and the purpose for the visit, I asked them why we should vote for their candidate. They said their candidate was better than the rest of the other candidates and that he would bring development closer to our home. I knew the candidate well. H was a form II failure at a community junior secondary school. I asked the candidate to tell me the number of zeros in the figure ten billion Pula. When he could not tell me, I reminded him and his campaign team that gone were the days when council budget were in the region of thousands pula and that councils’ budget had gone up to billions. That meant that it required people with better qualifications to run those budgets. He started wobbling saying he was going to bring us development if elected.

I said to the candidate that, when I grew up we did not have stand pipes in our yards and now we have them. We had only three primary schools and one secondary in Mochudi. The number of primary schools has gone up to 13 including the three which were constructed before independence. I further told him that the number of schools offering secondary education has gone up to seven. The team then left our home unceremoniously saying I was wasting their time. Honestly, I am not highly educated but I considered myself better candidate than the one who wanted me to vote for him so that he represented me at council. I wanted to be represented by a strong person who would understand the work of all council committees and their budgets. Looking at the kgotlas, one sees nothing except an area neglected by the dikgosi themselves and the government. The level of education of people charged with the responsibility to dispense of justice to the community is so poor that one wonders how their judgements fare if taken on appeal to the higher courts.

Using Kgatleng as an example, this is an area where the majority of court presidents have not passed the junior certificate. I read a judgement of one of them the other day. It was a matter between the Pheko family versus another. The matter had been adjudicated by the land board and somehow was registered at the kgotla as a new matter. It was heard by a court president with standard seven qualifications who ended up tempering with a decision taken by land board members majority of who have university degrees. The need for better educated court presidents at the kgotlas is overdue. Kgosi Linchwe II was one of the people who were concerned about the level of education of dikgosi. In a paper he presented at a symposium on the topic, ‘Chieftainship in the 21st Century’ organized in Gaborone by Botswana Society, he said if chiefs were to continue to contribute effectively to the development of Botswana, future chiefs would need to be better educated and more conversant with developments not only in Botswana, but throughout the world. He said if they did not improve their levels of education, ‘we might see an increase in the appointment of non-chiefs as tribal authorities’ undermining the status of hereditary chiefs.

The completion of a nature guiding qualification by Junior Atlang Lubinda under the Anthony Birtles Scholarship is being presented by the Bush Ways Foundation as evidence of a deeper, more deliberate investment in skills development rather than once-off community support.

Lubinda recently completed a Nature Guiding course at the African Guides Academy and has since begun a 12-month internship with Bush Ways Botswana, a pathway that places him directly inside one of the country’s most important economic sectors. Tourism remains a major employer in northern Botswana, particularly for young people in rural and conservation-adjacent communities.

Unlike many short-term bursary schemes, the Anthony Birtles Scholarship fully funds training and links recipients to structured workplace experience. Lubinda was selected through a competitive process that, according to the Foundation, prioritised clarity of purpose and a demonstrated commitment to conservation and community upliftment.

Marketing coordinator Lesego Keeng said the programme reflects a shift in thinking around community development in tourism.

‘This is not just about assisting one student,’ Keeng said. ‘It is about creating practical routes for young Batswana to enter professions that matter to the sustainability of tourism and conservation.’

Lubinda completed his training in December 2025, with the Foundation citing strong academic results and leadership potential. His internship is expected to allow him to accumulate field hours required for full professional guiding certification and the acquisition of a Professional Guide Licence, a critical step for long-term employability in the sector.

Foundation manager Thato Israel said Lubinda’s progress illustrates what targeted investment in youth skills can achieve when training is linked to industry needs rather than abstract empowerment goals.

For Lubinda, the scholarship represents more than a qualification. He described it as a turning point that allowed him to see a future in a field often viewed as inaccessible to young people without financial backing or industry connections.

Introduced in 2025, the Anthony Birtles Scholarship is an annual initiative and forms part of the Bush Ways Foundation’s broader community upliftment strategy. The programme focuses on developing a pipeline of local professionals who can participate meaningfully in Botswana’s conservation and tourism economy, an approach increasingly seen as essential as the sector faces pressure to localise skills and leadership.

The Botswana Council of Non-Governmental Organizations (BOCONGO) has sharply criticized the timing the consultations on the proposed Constitutional Court, accusing the process of being a potential ‘procedural formality’ that puts the cart before the horse.

The consultations focus on the Constitution (Amendment) Bill No. 14 of 2025, a piece of legislation that seeks to establish a dedicated Constitutional Court. The proposed court would be tasked with the exclusive jurisdiction to hear and decide matters pertaining to the interpretation, protection, and enforcement of the Constitution. Its creation is seen by supporters as a significant step in strengthening the judiciary’s role as the guardian of the supreme law.

In a statement, BOCONGO welcomed the government’s efforts to create space for public participation, calling it ‘a cornerstone of democracy’ and ‘an important step toward inclusive constitutional review.’ The organization also praised the ‘multisectoral approach,’ which includes engagements with council leadership, civil society, trade unions, and the business community.

However, BOCONGO raised substantial concerns about the integrity of the process. The primary critique centers on the fact that the Bill has already been drafted, published, and debated in Parliament before the launch of nationwide public consultations. ‘This timing. raises questions about whether input will meaningfully influence the proposed Constitutional Court and the broader Constitutional Review Process,’ the statement reads. BOCONGO argues that true consultation should be a ‘genuine opportunity for citizens and stakeholders to shape outcomes,’ not a box-ticking exercise held after key decisions appear to have been made.

To ensure the process is credible, BOCONGO made several demands of the government. They insist that public input must be properly documented, addressed, and reflected in the final legislative outcome. The council called for the government to publicly share the outcomes of the consultations to demonstrate how they informed the process and to show a clear willingness to revisit and amend the bill, or re-start the process, based on public submissions. Furthermore, BOCONGO urged a shift from a ‘piecemeal approach’ to initiating a comprehensive, People-Centred Review of the Constitution, supported by widespread civic education and a published roadmap as guided by the Constitution Review Act.

The council also urged for more accessible consultations, suggesting flexible timings and varied platforms beyond the kgotla to ensure broader participation from all segments of society. BOCONGO reiterated its commitment to promoting civic education on the Constitution and urged all Batswana to actively participate in the ongoing consultations.

A government spokesperson has claimed ignorance of any attempt to weaponize the public media towards engineer public approval or manufacturing consent for the Constitutional Court, although Mass Media Complex reporters insist that there is coordinated political messaging across all public media platforms, on the Constitutional Court and healthcare crisis debates.

The Ministry stated this week that, it ‘respects the independence of media institutions and does not issue directives that undermine these constitutional principles..

No directive has been issued to suspend phone-in programmes on Radio Botswana. Decisions relating to programme formats and scheduling are managed internally by the broadcaster in accordance with its operational and editorial guidelines.’

The ministry was responding to claims from public media reporters that government has set out to regiment the public media, and for the whole of last week, call-in segments of all RB1 and RB2 programmes were suspended in a bid to control the public debate on the controversial Constitutional Court and national drug shortage.

The journalists stated that RB 1 broadcaster Letumile Lets Montsosa was removed from the Masa -a-sele morning programme and later reinstated, after letting slip that there are official instructions to ‘manage’ the callers. Montsosa’s aborted re-deployment is reported to be part of a bigger plan to co – opt the Mass Media Complex newsrooms. Government was however forced to climbdown on its plans following public backlash.

Following the incident, all call-in segment of Radio Botswana programmes were suspended for the whole of last week. The reporters claimed that, even the selection of guests invited to discuss both the Constitutional Court and drug shortages has been tightly controlled to stack the card in favour of the Constitutional Court.

Responding Sunday Standard queries, the Ministry of State, Defence and Security said it is not aware of any such instructions having been issued. ‘Editorial content and programming decisions within government media institutions fall under the operational mandate of the Department of Broadcasting Services and established editorial structures.’

The Ministry also insisted that ‘No directive has been issued to suspend phone-in programmes on Radio Botswana. Decisions relating to programme formats and scheduling are managed internally by the broadcaster in accordance with its operational and editorial guidelines.’

The government spokesperson further stated that, the Ministry ‘does not manage or oversee the selection of guests for programmes aired on state media platforms,’ adding that ‘Guest selection is an editorial function undertaken by programme producers in line with established broadcasting standards and principles of balanced reporting.’ The government official was responding to journalist reports that guest selection for RB1, RB2 and Btv programmes are not editorial decisions, but part of government’s play to saturate the public media information space with its narrative.

The Ministry further denied reports that BTv content on President Duma Boko’s tour of government hospitals is not generated by journalists, but by government enclave boosters who have been deployed to come up with massaged positive messages.

It has emerged that (Btv) reporters are not assigned to cover President Duma Boko’s hospital tours. Instead, the channel given ready-to-air footage choreographed by government officials limiting on-the-ground reporting.

Government journalists spoke of coordinated state-driven efforts to control information, by prioritizing government enclave narrative over the watchdog function of the public media. President Boko and Health Minister Stephen Modise are currently touring several hospitals following the release of a damning Ombudsman report that highlighted serious deficiencies in healthcare delivery and drug procurement.

Government ministers have also been dispatched to lead public consultations on the proposed Constitutional Court, an initiative that has stirred public debate. Some citizens have expressed strong opposition to the perceived rush to establish the court, arguing that the government should first prioritise securing essential medications for public hospitals.

The government spokesperson argued that BTV reporters have not been barred from independently covering presidential activities.

‘Where pooled or shared footage is utilised, this is generally for logistical or coordination purposes and does not preclude independent reporting by media practitioners.’

The Botswana Government has been operating out of touch with the realities facing public health facilities across the country. In its newly released report, the Ombudsman has exposed what it describes as a profound disconnect between government policy-making and the grim realities inside Botswana’s public health facilities revealing that the Ministry of Health was largely unaware of the depth and scale of the crisis unfolding on the ground.

According to the Ombudsman’s investigation, there are ‘significant deficiencies in the Ministry’s awareness of, and effective oversight over, conditions prevailing within public health facilities,’ exposing what the report also describes as a ‘marked disconnection between policy-level governance and operational realities on the ground.’

Information reaching Sunday Standard suggesting that President Duma Boko and the Minister of Health Stephen Modise’s recent nationwide tour of some public hospitals was triggered by the release of the damning investigation. Sources within the government enclave say the report’s findings jolted the leadership into action after it became clear that senior decision-makers had been operating in the dark while conditions in hospitals deteriorated.

The report paints a bleak picture of systemic dysfunction. Among the most alarming findings was the operation of an X-ray machine at Hukuntsi Primary Hospital that was emitting unsafe radiation levels, exposing patients and staff to serious health risks. In other facilities, laboratory analysers acquired outside formal procurement processes were abruptly withdrawn following ministry directives, in the absence of any policy governing donations. This left hospitals routinely referring patients to distant facilities for basic laboratory tests due to chronic shortages of equipment and reagents.

Infection control has also been severely compromised. The Ombudsman found a ‘widespread absence of functional autoclaves’, forcing hospitals to transport surgical instruments over long distances for sterilisation. The report notes that this practice not only undermined efficiency but also heightened the risk of infection. Compounding these failures, medical personnel frequently advised patients especially in urgent cases to purchase essential medicines and non-medical supplies out of their own pockets.

‘These realities highlight a stark disconnect between the Ministry’s oversight responsibilities, the duty to provide medicines, and the lived realities of service delivery within public healthcare facilities,’ the report states.

The investigation found that through a series of administrative actions and omissions, Botswana has ‘to a certain extent failed in her obligations regarding the right to health, particularly the duty to respect this right.’ This failure is linked to inadequate ambulance services, limited hospital bed space, shortages of demoralised staff, weak patient complaints mechanisms, chronic medicine stockouts, and budgetary mismanagement.

Across the country, investigators encountered overcrowded wards, lack of privacy, inadequate bedding, and delayed emergency responses conditions described as ‘incompatible with human dignity’. The Ombudsman warns that these shortcomings disproportionately affect low-income and rural populations who depend exclusively on public healthcare, thereby undermining the constitutional principles of equality and non-discrimination.

Princess Marina Hospital (PMH) emerged as the epicentre of the crisis. Allegations previously reported in the media were substantiated with the report stating that the hospital is operating beyond its functional limits and is ‘effectively at a breaking point’. the report says hospital management likened PMH to ‘an old, heavily worn vehicle, overloaded with passengers and packages, yet still expected to transport the entire population of Botswana safely to its destination.’

Emergency medical services were found to be equally fragile. At the time of the report, the Ministry of Health was operating 101 active ambulances alongside 87 inactive ones. Many of the active vehicles are over five years old and fail to meet roadworthiness standards, forcing government to spend heavily on repairs. The Ministry also lacked any policy framework to determine the optimal number of ambulances needed nationally, resulting in ad hoc procurement and escalating inefficiencies.

The report says the government spends an estimated P12 million annually on private emergency medical services, a move the Ombudsman describes as ‘reactive’ and lacking long-term sustainability. Matters were worsened by the Government Purchase Office moratorium, which restricted fuel procurement for ambulances, directly delaying patient transfers and, in some cases, leading to adverse outcomes.

Laboratory services have also been crippled. Persistent reagent shortages and obsolete equipment have left most public laboratories without accreditation. Only five government laboratories currently meet accreditation standards, while Scottish Livingstone Hospital’s accreditation was suspended in November 2025.

The Ombudsman warns that these systemic failures not only endanger patients but also significantly increase government exposure to legal liability. ‘Each failure undermines patient well-being and places the state at risk through breaches of non-delegable duties and vicarious liability,’ the report notes.

The investigation says that unless these barriers are urgently addressed, Botswana’s public health system will continue to erode public trust, deepen inequality, and fall short of safeguarding the fundamental right to health and life.

Dozens of patients left permanently injured after spinal cord stimulators were implanted to treat chronic back pain say government continues to ignore their pleas to have the devices removed, leaving them trapped in pain, disability and prolonged legal limbo.

The affected patients are victims of neurosurgeon Dr. Thabo Rowland, who inserted the spinal cord stimulators during procedures carried out after referrals from the public health system. Dr. Rowland has since been cited in multiple lawsuits alongside the government and health authorities, with patients accusing him of negligence and of implanting devices that were allegedly not properly authorized for use in Botswana.

Instead of relief, patients say the stimulators triggered devastating and irreversible complications. These include severe mobility problems, loss of bladder control, neurological impairment, chronic pain, sexual dysfunction and, in some cases, strokes. Several patients have since been forced into early medical retirement, losing their livelihoods and independence.

Correspondence seen by this publication shows that some victims have written directly to senior government offices in desperation after failing to secure help from the Ministry of Health. In their letters, they describe how the devices inserted by Dr Rowland years ago continue to cause daily suffering, while local specialists either decline or delay removing them.

Although the Ministry of Health has stated in writing that neurosurgeons exist locally who are capable of assessing and managing the removal of spinal cord stimulators, patients say this assurance has not translated into real action. They complain of endless referrals, repeated assessments and instructions to ‘wait’, while their conditions steadily worsen.

‘We were referred by government doctors to the doctor who implanted these devices,’ said one affected patient. ‘Now the same system says help is available, but nothing is being done.’

Court records from an ongoing High Court case question whether the Ministry of Health conducted proper due diligence before referring patients to Dr. Rowland and before allowing the importation and use of the spinal cord stimulators he implanted. The lawsuits further allege that at least one of the devices inserted by Dr. Rowland was not registered with the national medicines regulator, meaning its safety, quality and effectiveness were unknown at the time of implantation.

According to the court documents, patients were not given meaningful alternatives or second opinions before undergoing surgery by Dr. Rowland, and many only later discovered that the devices implanted in their bodies were potentially unlawful. Some victims reportedly underwent as many as seven procedures funded by government, yet emerged significantly worse off than before the interventions.

Dr. Rowland is cited as a defendant in the lawsuits, accused of failing to exercise due care and professional diligence when inserting the spinal cord stimulators. Government, meanwhile, is accused of failing to protect patients by referring them to the doctor without ensuring that the devices he used were lawful, safe and properly regulated.

For a brief period, hope emerged when authorities explored sending patients abroad for specialist treatment. A small number were taken to India, where some stimulators were removed. However, many others were left behind. Subsequent correspondence from senior government offices indicated that further overseas treatment would not be funded, with patients advised instead to pursue pain management and counselling.

Victims argue that such advice ignores the root cause of their suffering. ‘Pain management cannot fix a device that was implanted and that continues to damage our bodies,’ said another patient. ‘We need these stimulators removed.’

Patients say delays in both court proceedings and medical intervention are compounding their misery.

‘We are fighting the doctor who implanted these devices, the government that referred us to him, and a system that now refuses to undo the damage,’ said one victim. ‘All we are asking for is to have these stimulators removed.’