Category: Sunday Standard

Scud Missile Promotions is preparing to host one of the biggest boxing tournaments ever staged in the country. The event is sanctioned by International Boxing Organization (IBO). The highly anticipated boxing extravaganza will take place on May 26 at the prestigious Grand Palm Hotel in Gaborone. It will bring together top boxing talent from Botswana, South Africa and Zimbabwe.

Speaking ahead of the tournament, Scud Missile Promotions director Thuso Khubamang described the event as a major milestone for Botswana’s sporting industry.

He said it is rare for African countries to host an event of this calibre. As such, the code is honoured to receive recognition to stage such a prestigious tournament. Khubamang further noted that South Africa hosted the event last year where Botswana’s own Kagiso Bagwasi captured the junior middleweight championship.

This year local fans will rally behind Kutlwano Ogaketse as he fights on home soil for the vacant IBO Africa Junior Welterweight title. ‘This is the highest profile boxing event to ever be hosted in Botswana. Boxing should be taken seriously just like other sports because we have highly talented athletes. Due to limited funding, we have not been able to host many tournaments of this magnitude, but we have hungry and ambitious fighters who are ready to showcase their fitness, discipline and skill,’ Khubamang added.

The promoter revealed that preparations for the tournament are progressing well, with ticket sales already gaining momentum.

‘This mega event is expected to attract a huge crowd. Ticket sales are moving very well and we are expecting an electrifying atmosphere on fight night. The championship belt has already arrived from the United States of America. This is the same prestigious belt that has been won by legendary fighters such as Floyd Mayweather Jr., which tells you just how massive this event is,’ he said.

Local boxing sensation Ogaketse, who will headline the main event against South Africa (SA) national champion Aphiwe Mboyiya, expressed confidence ahead of the career defining bout.

‘I am thankful for this opportunity. It means a lot to be making history. I am proud to represent Botswana and I am coming to leave my mark, Batswana are really looking forward to this fight. Big moments always come with pressure, but it depends on how you handle it,’ he said.

Ogaketse further highlighted the importance of the tournament for the growth of boxing in Botswana. It shows that Botswana boxing is growing and that we belong in these conversations. Offering advice to aspiring fighters, the confident boxer encouraged young athletes to remain focused and disciplined.

Over the past few weeks, I have raised formal concerns regarding the upcoming Makgadikgadi Challenge, which is currently being marketed as taking place within the Nata Bird Sanctuary.

My concern is specific.

During the 2025 instalment of this event, sections of the Nata Bird Sanctuary were mechanically graded to create a horse racing track and concert venue within or near recognised flamingo feeding and breeding areas. This type of land alteration, together with large-scale activity and amplified sound, raises serious questions about the suitability of such events within a protected avian habitat.

Following the event, further concerns were observed regarding post-event stewardship. Litter, including broken bottles and other waste, remained uncleared in the area for an extended period exceeding 6 months. There were also concerns about a noticeable scarcity of flamingos in sections where they are commonly seen after the event period. These outcomes reinforce the need for careful environmental assessment and responsible management of any future activities in sensitive habitats.

In response, I have written to:

The outgoing Nata Conservation Trust Board (custodians of the Sanctuary) (term ended April 2026), letter dated 27th February 2026.

The new Nata Conservation Trust Board (elected 17th April 2026), letter dated 27th April 2026.

The Permanent Secretary at The Ministry of Environment, Natural Resource Conservation and Tourism, letter dated 27th February.

The Member of Parliament – Nata Gweta, letter dated 8th January 2026.

The Technical Advisory Board (TAC) to the Nata Conservation Trust, letter dated 27th April 2026

Other local stakeholders.

To date, I have not received substantive responses, while marketing of the 2026 event continues to reference the Sanctuary as its venue.

This is not about opposing development or events in the Makgadikgadi region. In fact, I strongly support responsible investment, tourism growth, cultural events, and new economic opportunities that bring value to local communities. The Makgadikgadi has vast potential for well-planned festivals, sporting events, adventure tourism, and hospitality development in suitable areas and at suitable times. My concern is simply that such growth must be located and timed in ways that do not compromise sensitive feeding and breeding habitats or undermine long-term conservation efforts.

It is about ensuring that:

Sensitive ecosystems are protected

Decisions are transparent and accountable

The community is properly consulted on the use of shared conservation land

Development is sustainable and benefits future generations

The Makgadikgadi Pans, and particularly the Nata Bird Sanctuary, are one of the most important feeding and breeding landscapes for flamingos in Southern Africa. Seasonal gatherings of flamingos, pelicans, and many other migratory and resident bird species create one of Botswana’s most unique wildlife spectacles, drawing birdwatchers, photographers, safari travellers, and nature enthusiasts from around the world.

This natural attraction has long supported tourism businesses in the area. Lodges, together with guides, camp operators, transport providers, restaurants, craft sellers, and many other local enterprises, have sustained jobs and livelihoods because visitors travel specifically to experience the birdlife and landscape of the Sanctuary.

Their protection is directly linked to the long-term sustainability of tourism and local livelihoods.

We have already seen what strong conservation can do for communities in Botswana.

The Chobe River helped build Kasane into a thriving tourism centre with jobs in lodges, guiding, transport, retail, and hospitality.

The Okavango Delta has done the same for Maun, creating one of the country’s most important economic hubs through conservation-led tourism.

The Nata Bird Sanctuary – with its flamingos, birdlife, and unique landscapes – holds similar long-term potential for Nata and the surrounding communities. But that potential depends on how well the environment is protected and managed today.

At a time when the Nata community is actively engaging with the future governance of its Trust, this is a moment to place stewardship, accountability, and vision at the centre of decision-making.

I encourage residents, stakeholders, and all interested parties to engage constructively on this matter. For the residents of Nata and surrounding villages, a kgotla platform may be an appropriate space for open discussion and shared understanding.

This is about protecting a critical ecosystem – and ensuring that decisions made today do not compromise the opportunities of tomorrow.

This past Friday, Botswana’s biggest football brand, Township Rollers, in partnership with Sogo, launched its own branded ice cream, Blue Magic. The launch marks Rollers’ new venture into the FMCG sector, a bold move towards the team’s sustainability. It is among many initiatives the team leadership have embarked on since taking over the reigns at the embattled Gaborone outfit.

Forsaken by financiers and with some of the touted sponsors who were unveiled at the beginning of the season nowhere to be found, Rollers found itself in dire straits. Bills mounted. Players’ salaries went unpaid. At one point, players even boycotted a scheduled match as they pressured the club to pay outstanding salaries.

In the midst of this, a mutiny ensued. The then Rollers executive committee jumped ship and an interim committee was ushered in. Just about two months after taking over, the interim committee suffered a setback as the then chairperson Nelson Onkabetse unexpectedly quit his role.

The leadership struggles coincided with struggles on the field of play. In their moment of despair, the interim committee co-opted Thapelo ‘Fish’ Pabalinga and Kaizer Sekaba as chairman and Public Relations Officer (PRO) respectively.

Amidst these difficult times, with no financiers in sight, Pabalinga and his committee knew they would have to adapt. As is sometimes said, they understood they have no luxury of waiting for the storms to pass. New strategies and initiatives were needed.

Among these is the adopt-a-player, an initiative which called on interested organisations, individuals and supporters to adopt a player and support their welfare. So far, through this initiative, some team branches have adopted players, thus reducing some of Rollers’ financial burden.

However, with self-sustainability as a priority, Rollers has moved to tap on to its massive following as a long-term solution. As the most followed sports team in the country, Rollers has robust presence in the social media space. The team’s Facebook page alone boasts of 472 000 followers, a testimony to its appeal.

To tap into this, Rollers recently called on companies and institutions to advertise on its Facebook page. The response has been as expected. ‘We are pleased to announce that corporates such as Stanbic Bank, Spar, Options and RedBull have already bought into the campaign – a very encouraging sign that Township Rollers is a marketable brand,’ Pabalinga told the media on Friday.

The invitation for other companies seeking ‘real, measurable visibility and increased sales’ is still open. It’s a win-win situation for all involved. Strong reach and engagement for advertisers and financial gain for Rollers.

Now is the team’s entry into the FMCG sector, another bold move to turn the team’s brand into actual financial gain. Here, Rollers is again tapping into its strong supporter base as well as the goodwill of ice cream lovers to drive its financial self-sustainability drive.

‘Blue Magic will be sold at all our games, and at retail outlets countrywide, some of which are already our partners explained previously … and rolled out to additional retail partners to ensure easy access for fans and the public. Township Rollers as a team will earn 35 percent of the gross sales of the ice cream,’ Pabalinga says.

And this may just be the start. The Rollers chairman hints that the team may venture more into the FMCG sector with new products. ‘Our vision is that one day when you go shopping, there will be a whole isle packed with Rollers’ products manufactured in partnership with various brands. Why can’t we for instance have a Rollers loaf of bread? When our supporters go to buy bread daily, they will do it fully aware that some of the proceeds will go towards the team. This is the vision that we would like to see.’

Interestingly, the launch of the Blue Magic ice cream coincides with the upturn of the team’s fortunes in the field of play. Under the guidance of Tor Thodesen, Rollers are currently on an eight-game winning streak. Though the surge in good results have come late in the campaign when the title was already out of contention, it sets a solid base for the team to build on in the coming season.

While Thodesen’s contract is short term and comes to an end at the end of the season, Pabalinga believes there is a huge possibility for renewal. Even better, the team is engaged in negotiations with potential sponsors and financiers. There is a huge belief within the team that something good will happen in the not-so-distant future in regards to this.

However, for the team’s followers, success means silverware. Flickers of promise are there that the team is experiencing a revival. But whether Rollers has now truly found its Blue Magic to success, only time will tell!

A new United Nations assessment has warned that Botswana’s celebrated development model is approaching a critical inflection point and growing governance pressures following the country’s historic 2024 political transition.

The United Nations country analysis cites growing structural weaknesses in governance, human rights compliance and national data systems at a time of rising economic and political pressure. The assessment describes Botswana’s development path as shifting ‘from exceptional performance to structural inflection.’ It warns that longstanding strengths in governance and macroeconomic management are increasingly constrained by institutional fragmentation, capacity gaps and emerging socio-economic pressures.

The report notes how that at the centre of the concerns is Botswana’s evolving human rights architecture. While the Office of the Ombudsman was granted a human rights mandate in 2023 and now serves as the country’s National Human Rights Institution (NHRI), the United Nations notes that it is still not aligned with the Paris Principles governing independence and effectiveness of such bodies.

This gap, the UN says, raises questions about institutional autonomy and credibility at a time when rights-based governance is becoming increasingly important. Botswana has ratified six of the nine core United Nations human rights treaties, but has yet to accede to key instruments including the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the migrant workers convention, and the convention on enforced disappearances.

UN human rights mechanisms have repeatedly flagged concerns over the death penalty, corporal punishment, treatment of migrants and asylum seekers, and detention conditions. During its 2023 Universal Periodic Review, Botswana received additional recommendations to accede to the ICESCR, some of which it accepted, signalling partial alignment but continued policy hesitation.

The United Nations also raises concerns about weakening statistical systems, warning that disruptions in labour force reporting by Statistics Botswana have created critical gaps in economic analysis.

Operational and financial constraints have affected the publication of Quarterly Multi-Topic Survey (QMTS) labour data, limiting policymakers’ ability to accurately assess employment trends. The report warns that without timely and disaggregated data, including on poverty, labour markets, and national accounts, Botswana risks weakening its evidence-based policymaking capacity at a time when fiscal and social pressures are increasing.

The analysis comes in the wake of Botswana’s historic 2024 general elections, which ended decades of uninterrupted rule by the Botswana Democratic Party and ushered in a new governing coalition.

While the transition is described as a landmark democratic moment, the UN warns it has also increased pressure on institutions already facing capacity constraints. Combined with weaker economic growth, fiscal tightening, and rising unemployment, the shift has heightened demands on the state to maintain service delivery while pursuing structural reforms.

Using a systems-thinking approach, the United Nations warns that Botswana’s challenges are interconnected rather than sector-specific. Weak job creation feeds into inequality; inequality undermines social cohesion; fiscal constraints limit investment in education, health, and infrastructure; and institutional fragmentation reduces policy coherence across government.

The United Nations argues that Botswana’s long-term development success will depend on strengthening institutional independence, improving human rights compliance, and rebuilding statistical and planning systems.

Without these reforms, the report warns, the country risks slowing its transition toward a more inclusive, resilient, and diversified economy.

In the third week of April, I was contacted by the editorial team of the Sunday Standard newspaper asking if I could consider writing them a story about the relationship between the Botswana National Front (BNF), Kgosi Linchwe II and former Speaker of National Assembly, Ray Molomo. For me it was not going to be a difficult task requiring me to travel here and there conducting a series of interviews. The necessary material needed for such a story was already readily available in my old diaries, files as well as in memory.

In view of that I immediately responded to the request asking myself the question, ‘who am I to refuse an assignment from the newspaper editor?’ I considered the request an honour on my part. Such requests are rare, especially coming from credible newspaper such as this one. I had been writing to them until illness interrupted my services some months ago. The idea of such a story was apparently triggered by news suggesting that this year marks the BNF’s 60 years. It is said that the BNF recently held its 60th anniversary gala dinner where its leader, President Duma Bolo spoke.

It is debatable as to whether this year is the party’s 60 years or not. Others say the party’s 60th birthday was last October. We will see as the story progresses. In his book, ‘Democratic Deficit in the Parliament of Botswana’, Ray Molomo states that the BNF was launched on October 10th 1966. If this is correct, then indeed the party will be 60 years old this year. Although I did not verify this with him, I am reliably informed that even former BNF leader, Otsweletse Moupo believes that the party was launched in 1966. It is said that Moupo believes that if the launch was in 1965, the founders of the party would have called it Bechuanaland National Front instead of Botswana National Front.

The real story of the BNF began at Serowe Teachers’ Training College (TTC) and ended in Mochudi. One day Dr. Kenneth Koma unexpectedly arrived at the college visiting his sister-in-law, Mable Koma who was the wife of former Member of Parliament for Mahalapye, Gaolese Koma. The sister-in-law was a matron at the college and she and Dr. Koma had not seen each other for many years as the latter was studying abroad. He had just returned to the country to start a new life. Ray Molomo was lecturing at the college and was introduced to the visitor to their school. That visit to the college, is well captured in the book, ‘Democratic Deficit in the Parliament of Botswana’. It is in that book that the author, Ray Molomo recalls that Kenneth Koma appeared in Serowe like a ‘bold from the blue’ meaning that he arrived unexpectedly.

By that time, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) was still enjoying their great victory over Bechuanaland People’s Party (BPP) and Bechuanaland Independence Party (BIP) in the general elections which had been held on March 1. The election date for that election is reflected in the Daily News of February 1st, 1965. It came by way of the Bechuanaland Constitution Order made by the Privy Council in London and immediately passed by the British Parliament. The two gentlemen, Dr. Koma and Ray Molomo discussed politics at the highest level and engaged each other meaningfully on any issue they raised because their field of experience overlapped.

Dr. Koma had studied for an arts degree with the University of Cape Town in South Africa, before going to the University of Nottingham in England where he obtained a law degree. He had also studied political science at the Charles University in Czechoslovakia and a doctoral degree in political economy at the African Institute, Academy of Sciences of Moscow in Russia. Ray Molomo had returned to the country from Canada a year earlier. He had been studying educational psychology at the University of Ottawa. Within a short time of knowing each other, the two men agreed that there was the need to found a political party with a completely different ideology from that of the BDP.

It was at that stage that Kenneth Koma started scouting for allies among the young progressive minds that had been labelled radical or communist in the country. Dr. Koma’s visits took him to Mochudi where he paid courtesy call on Kgosi Linchwe II. He had been installed as Kgosi of Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela in April 1963, almost a year after his return from England where he had been studying. He and Kenneth Koma had not met before but because a lot had been written about the Bakgatla Kgosi and his people in the British newspapers by Lady Mitchison, a British author of many books he probably had an idea of the animal called Kgosi Linchwe II. Lady Mitchison was Kgosi Linchwe’s ‘adopted mother’. It would appear that Kenneth Koma had read some of her writings while still abroad.

Furthermore, Ray Molomo might have told him about the Kgosi in their Serowe meeting. Ray Molomo was a relative of Linchwe II and were very close to each other. It is therefore unlikely that Ray Molomo would hold political discussions with Dr. Koma without the latter making reference to Linchwe II. When Dr. Koma met Linchwe II in Mochudi, he also raised the idea of forming a new political party in place of the People’s Party and the Independence Party. In Linchwe, Dr. Koma found a person who was resourceful on national and international issues. Linchwe II and Dr. Koma agreed that the first thing would be to try to dissolve the BPP and BIP and come up with a strong united party. Kgosi Linchwe agreed to chair the peace conference.

After weeks of deliberating, talks culminated with the launch of the BNF in Mochudi. In his book, ‘Democratic Deficit in the Parliament of Botswana,’ Ray Molomo says the BNF was born on 10th October 1966 when he was elected party leader in absentia. However, he did not accept the position because as a civil servant, he was not allowed to take active part in politics. After I had read his book and realizing that the date of birth he had mentioned contradicted the date mentioned in Tlhoiwe’s letter, I went to his home where I showed it to him. He was surprised and asked me where I got the letter from. But he was quick to concede that the date in his book was wrong. He even said Tlhoiwe could not be mistaken because he was present at the launch, became the party’s first secretary-general and stayed active in the party longer.

Similarly, former BNF leader, Otsweletse Moupo is also said to be one of those who believe that the party was launched in 1966. I did not verify this with him but I am reliably informed that he believes that if indeed the party was launched in 1965, it would have been named Bechuanaland National Front instead of Botswana National Front as is the case now. . Writing from his home in Ramotswa to Kgosi Linchwe in Mochudi on October 6th 1965, BNF’s first secretary-general, Henderson Moatlhodi Tlhoiwe states that the party was launched on October 3rd 1965. That letter is one of the documents given to me by Kgosi Linchwe in 1994 after my return from Harare where I studied mass communication.

He gave me the letter and other documents knowing that at some stage, I will make good use of them. The letter was written three days after the launch when the event was still fresh in Tlhoiwe’s mind. Tlhoiwe, who had completed degree in political economy at the Charles University in Czechoslovakia, had participated in all the meetings including the launch. The reason for writing that letter was to apologize to Kgosi Linchwe because the launch took place in his absence even though he had asked that it be postponed since the date of the launch coincided with his engagement outside Mochudi. Tlhoiwe said it was not due to indifference that his request was not adhered to. He said the launch went ahead because Kgosi Linchwe’s request for postponement was received when majority of delegates had already arrived in Mochudi for the launch and many others due to arrive.

Tlhoiwe’s letter was preceded by one written by Leetile Raditladi to the leader of BIP, Motsamai Mpho. Raditladi was the founder of what is generally believed to be the first political party in this country, Bechuanaland Federal Party. Delegates were further up with Motsamai Mpho who had appeared to be playing hide-and-seek game by either not attending talks or attending with no mandate from his party. In the letter, Raditladi tells Mpho that time was running out for him to contribute to the talks otherwise he would be left behind. Mpho also kept on asking who the leader of the new party would be despite being told that the important thing was to unite the people first before thinking of who would occupy what.

It was made clear to Mpho by Raditladi that with or without the BIP, the Front would be launched in the next meeting which was due to be held on October 3rd 1965. In the eyes of delegates, Mpho was concerned about the stiff competition he would face when election for leadership positions was held. He feared competition. There were the likes of Dr. Koma, Leetile Raditladi, Daniel Kwele and of course Henderson Tlhoiwe who would give him a challenge if they were to contest for positions. It was generally accepted that if it were not for Kgosi Linchwe’s strengths, Motsamai Mpho would have succeeded in derailing the talks.

I first met Dr. Koma, in 1979 when I was stationed in Mahalapye. He was with retired journalist, Mmolotsi Sekgoma and Gorden Dlale. Mmolotsi Sekgoma had previously been my supervisor at Information Services. They had come to our office in Mahalapye to discuss with me a story idea about Mahalapye as a village. Mmolotsi Sekgoma introduced me to Dr. Koma telling him that I was from Mochudi and that I was Kgosi Linchwe’s close associate. Indeed I was Kgosi Linchwe’s favourite. Dr. Koma was excited and asked ‘monna o kae Morena, o modumedise thata’, adding that ‘we formed the Front because he guided our deliberations superbly’.

By that time, Dr. Koma was still of the view that Kgosi Linchwe was so skillful that he prevented Motsamai Mpho from derailing the talks. Dr. Koma expressed the wish that Kgosi Linchwe could one day participate in partisan politics where his talents could be fully utilized. Kgosi Linchwe was one of the high profile individuals who contributed funds to help finance the BNF’s legal costs when its officials were on trial facing sedition charges. Two other dikgosi, Bathoen II of Bangwaketse and Niel Sechele of Bakwena contributed for the defence of the party.

Tlhoiwe was accused NO.1while Dr. Koma was accused NO, 2 and the rest followed when the trial opened in Mahalapye. They had written a seditious material in their party’s ‘Puopha’ news letter. Common sense dictates that when you solve a mathematical problem, arriving at two different answers, one of them is wrong and you should start again. This means that BNF leaders debate these dates and remain with one.

Botswana is starring down a massive economic hit as soaring global fuel prices threaten to burn a P8.5 billion hole in the country’s finances.

A fresh warning from Econsult Botswana reveals that if international fuel prices jump by 50% and stay there for a year, Botswana could be forced to cough up an extra P8.5 billion just to keep the lights on and vehicles on the road. That is a staggering 3% of the entire economy wiped out by fuel costs alone.

The latest quarterly review by Econsult Botswana underscores the scale of exposure. ‘In Botswana’s case, fuel represents the largest single category of imports reported by Statistics Botswana, with total fuel imports valued at P16.9 billion in 2025, or around 6% of GDP. If global fuel prices rise by 50% and this is maintained for a full year, the cost to Botswana would be huge, around P8.5 billion, or some 3% of GDP,’ the report notes.

If the shock hits, ordinary Batswana will feel it immediately. Transport costs could surge, food prices could climb, and daily life could become far more expensive. From combi fares to supermarket shelves, nothing will be spared.

As a landlocked economy with no domestic refining capacity, Botswana is acutely vulnerable to supply disruptions and price swings. The report warns that ‘fuel prices will feed through to inflation, reduced real incomes and a likely growth slowdown,’ a transmission mechanism that has repeatedly strained consumers and fiscal planning.

Even before the dreaded 50% jump in fuel prices, the country is already suffering the ravages of the global fuel crisis.

The Bank of Botswana hiked its monetary policy rate by 200 basis points on Thursday, saying inflation was expected to breach its target band mainly due to fuel price hikes linked to the Iran war. The central bank raised the rate to 5.5% from 3.5%.

Inflation is projected to breach the bank’s preferred 3%-6% target band in the second quarter of this year and average 8.7% in 2026 before easing to 5.6% in 2027, Bank Governor Lesego Moseki told a press conference.

Botswana’s vulnerability to global fuel shocks is prompting renewed focus on electrification of transport as both an economic buffer and a climate-aligned policy shift. Electric vehicles (EVs), still nascent in Botswana’s market, offer a pathway to decouple mobility from imported petroleum. ‘Botswana needs to reduce its dependence on imported fuels, in part by developing an electric mobility strategy that result in reduced usage of petrol and diesel,’ states the Econsult report.

Reduced fuel imports would ease pressure on foreign reserves while insulating the economy from global oil shocks.

Globally, investment is accelerating into ‘energy industries, electric vehicle manufacturing and other industries,’ the report observes, signalling a broader structural transition that Botswana risks missing if it remains anchored to fossil fuel imports.

For policymakers, the challenge lies in expanding grid capacity, incentivising EV adoption and building charging networks. Fuel price shocks have already demonstrated their reach across the economy, from transport and logistics to food prices. With fuel embedded in the consumer price index, even modest increases ripple widely. ‘The impact will be largest on fuel importing countries such as Botswana,’ the report states, reinforcing the asymmetry faced by economies without domestic energy buffers.

Transitioning to EVs would not eliminate all vulnerabilities, particularly given electricity generation constraints and reliance on imported power at times. But it would diversify the energy mix and gradually reduce one of the country’s largest import bills. ‘Botswana needs to develop an EV strategy, particularly the provision of charging infrastructure. The country

also needs a proper urban public transport strategy, based around EVs,’ states the report.

The shift also aligns with regional and global trends as governments tighten emissions standards and automakers pivot production lines toward electric fleets.

Amnesty International has raised concerns over Botswana’s human rights record in its latest global assessment, citing a public health crisis, shrinking civic freedoms and persistent gender-based violence as key issues in 2025.

In its latest report titled The State of the World’s Human Rights, the organization paints a troubling picture of a country grappling with systemic challenges despite a historic political transition following the 2024 general elections.

Botswana ushered in a new era when the Umbrella for Democratic Change, led by President Duma Boko, ended decades of rule by the Botswana Democratic Party. However, Amnesty International notes that the political shift has yet to translate into tangible human rights improvements.

At the centre of the report is a severe public health emergency declared in August 2025 after the collapse of the country’s medical supply chain. Public hospitals and clinics were left without essential medicines, including drugs for cancer, diabetes and tuberculosis. The crisis, attributed to government arrears owed to private suppliers and economic strain linked to a downturn in the diamond sector, forced authorities to postpone non-urgent surgeries.

Although government injected P250 million in emergency funding and deployed the military to assist with distribution, shortages reportedly persisted, exposing deep vulnerabilities in Botswana’s healthcare system.

The report also criticises new legislation, the Digital Services Act 2025 and the Cybersecurity Act 2025 warning that both laws risk expanding state control over online activity without adequate safeguards for privacy and freedom of expression. Amnesty argues that these laws could be used to stifle dissent in an increasingly digital public sphere.

Concerns over press freedom were echoed by Reporters Without Borders, which ranked Botswana 81st out of 180 countries in its 2025 World Press Freedom Index. While noting a decline in outright attacks on journalists, the watchdog said structural barriers continue to hinder media operations.

Freedom of assembly also came under scrutiny. Police in Gaborone blocked planned student protests in August, preventing members of the Student Power Botswana movement from delivering a petition demanding increased allowances. Authorities cited scheduling conflicts, but Amnesty described the actions as arbitrary restrictions on peaceful protest.

Gender-based violence remains a major concern, with UN agencies reportedly declaring it a national emergency. Amnesty highlighted the continued absence of legislation criminalising marital rape, leaving significant gaps in legal protection for women and girls.

On the issue of capital punishment, Botswana continues to retain the death penalty, although no executions have been carried out for four consecutive years. Human rights groups have renewed calls for an official moratorium as a step toward abolition.

The report further noted the relocation of rejected asylum seekers from a detention facility in Francistown to the Dukwi Refugee Camp, where access to employment and essential services remains limited.

Amnesty International says that while Botswana has long been viewed as a stable democracy, the latest findings highlight mounting pressure on fundamental rights, calling on authorities to urgently address systemic weaknesses and uphold constitutional freedoms.

Botswana’s public debt trajectory is edging toward a critical threshold, with analysts warning that persistent fiscal deficits and rising borrowing costs could push the country’s debt load beyond 100% of GDP sooner than expected.

Econsult’s latest quarterly review highlights a widening disconnect between the government’s stated commitment to fiscal discipline and the reality of continued high spending, weak revenues and increasingly expensive financing, a mix that is accelerating debt accumulation.

At the centre of the concern is a structurally imbalanced budget. The 2026/27 fiscal plan projects expenditure at around 35% of GDP, with revenues covering only about 75% of that spending, leaving a large and sustained financing gap. The report is blunt about the implications. ‘The budget as presented envisages a continued high level of spending… and a huge budget deficit,’ adding that key assumptions may understate the true scale of the imbalance due to ‘implausibly low budget figures for debt interest payments.’

While Botswana’s debt has historically been moderate, the current trajectory suggests a sharp and potentially destabilising shift. With deficits running near 9% of GDP and no immediate correction in sight, debt is set to rise rapidly with the 100% threshold increasingly within reach.

‘Nevertheless the trend is unsustainable, and it would not take long for debt to reach crisis levels at this rate of increase. With continued budget deficits of this magnitude, after a decade debt would exceed 100% of GDP – perhaps even sooner if government’s borrowing costs continue to rise,’ states the Review.

Econsult warns that the central challenge is to halt, or at least significantly slow, the rise in public debt. ‘This can only be done by reducing the budget deficit. With little expectation of a significant increase in revenues, this can only be achieved by a reduction in spending,’ states the report.

Yet despite repeated commitments, there is little evidence of restraint as spending is projected to remain at about 35% of GDP in 2026/27, virtually unchanged from the previous year. The review notes that this raises fundamental questions about sustainability as the government prepares to lift statutory borrowing limits.

The government itself has acknowledged the scale of the problem. The finance ministry described the situation as a ‘structurally overstretched fiscal framework,’ where ‘expenditure commitments persistently exceed available and realistic realisable resources.’ Such a mismatch, the minister warned, ‘is fiscally unsustainable over the medium to long term and underscores the urgent need for more credible, disciplined and prudent fiscal planning.’

Yet despite this recognition, the review finds little evidence of immediate corrective action. Planned fiscal consolidation is pushed into the outer years of the Medium-Term Fiscal Framework, a pattern that has repeatedly failed in the past. ‘Commitments made for 2-3 years into the future are never realised, but are perpetually postponed,’ the report notes.

The convergence of large deficits, rising yields and slowing growth is narrowing the window for policy adjustment. Without a credible shift toward fiscal consolidation, either through spending restraint or stronger revenue mobilisation, Botswana risks breaching the 100% debt-to-GDP threshold and entering a far more constrained fiscal environment.

A forensic audit by R4 Forensics has uncovered a web of gross financial misconduct at the Civil Aviation Authority of Botswana (CAAB).

Preliminary findings from the audit suggest that CAAB systematically misrepresented its financial position. Government subventions were allegedly recorded as revenue, enabling the authority to declare profits that did not exist.

The practice concealed sustained losses, with investigators estimating that between P50 million and P70 million may have been lost over the past four years. The authority is now understood to be operating at a deficit, contradicting earlier financial presentations that suggested stability.

The investigation was initially triggered by CAAB’s internal audit unit, which identified irregularities in the payroll system, including payments amounting to roughly P6 million into so called ghost accounts, fictitious or inactive accounts used to divert funds. What began as a targeted probe into payroll controls was subsequently broadened after newly appointed chief executive Thuto Toise ordered that the scope be expanded to include all financial and operational areas of the authority and an independent auditor,R4 Forensics commissioned to conduct a forensic audit.

That decision appears to have exposed a far wider pattern of alleged abuse. The forensic audit details a payroll fraud scheme involving more than 50 ghost employee accounts used to siphon funds over an extended period. The findings suggest that the mechanism may not have been isolated, with claims that senior officials channeled bonus payments through proxy accounts linked to these ghost employees, potentially to avoid tax liabilities and bypass standard payroll reporting systems.

The revelations echo an earlier case involving a suspended payroll officer at CAAB, who was accused of orchestrating the diversion of more than P6 million through ghost accounts. According to media reports at the time, the officer allegedly indicated that he would not act alone and threatened to implicate members of executive management.

He was suspected internally of having close links to executive management and was believed to have facilitated the routing of bonus payments, including the so called 13th Cheque, through ghost accounts to obscure income and evade taxation. The forensic audit’s findings appear to lend weight to those earlier allegations, suggesting that the misuse of payroll systems may have been embedded at multiple levels within the organisation.

Procurement practices have also come under scrutiny. The audit, carried by Robert Masitara’s R4 Forensics, flagged repeated use of direct contractor appointments, bypassing competitive tender processes. In some cases, companies linked to individuals within CAAB were allegedly awarded contracts. Cost escalations appear significant. A refurbishment project at Maun airport, initially budgeted at P50,000, reportedly increased to P3.7 million, with no clear justification provided in the audit findings.

Revenue collection systems were found to be similarly vulnerable. Aeronautical charges collected manually at airports could not be fully accounted for. The absence of robust tracking mechanisms appears to have created opportunities for revenue diversion, further compounding the authority’s financial difficulties.

The audit also highlights alleged abuse of employee benefits and allowances. Investigators cite instances of fraudulent overtime claims as well as travel per diem payments claimed for trips that did not occur. These practices, while individually smaller in scale, contribute to what the report characterizes as a broader pattern of financial indiscipline.

Beyond financial misconduct, the findings raise operational and regulatory concerns. Critical navigational equipment has reportedly remained unserviceable for extended periods despite maintenance contracts being awarded. At Maun airport, radar systems have allegedly been non-functional since December 2025.

The audit further points to the alleged issuance of air operator certificates under irregular circumstances, a finding that could have implications for regulatory compliance within the local aviation sector.

Governance failures emerge as a central theme. According to the audit, these issues were not escalated to the previous board, with management allegedly presenting an overly favourable account of the authority’s performance.

In a related development, CAAB has placed several senior officials on administrative leave as part of ongoing internal processes linked to the investigation. Those affected include Director Human Capital and Administration Services Ontibile Radira, Director Finance and Procurement Kebagaise Segakise, Director Airport Services Isaac Mabote, Director Airport Engineering and Maintenance Christopher Diswai, as well as Manager of Projects. The authority has described the leave as administrative and precautionary, stating that it does not constitute a finding of misconduct or guilt, and that the affected individuals are restricted from performing official duties or engaging staff on work related matters unless authorised.

The preliminary findings from R4 Forensics depict an organization where financial controls, procurement discipline and operational accountability may have been systematically undermined. The scale of the alleged irregularities, spanning accounting practices, payroll systems, procurement processes and regulatory functions, points to challenges that extend beyond isolated incidents.

sit and watch in real time what the opposition Botswana Congress Party is going through.

From a distance it looks chaotic. It is not.

For a party that has been in existence for close to 30 years now, the BCP finds itself in a foreign territory.

It is a campaign season. And for BCP this season is like non other.

Online exchanges between party members are breaking the internet.

It would seem like a civil war is afoot. Opponents are smiling. In their imagination they see a crisis playing out at the BCP.

It is because the party’s big wigs are calling each other names.

Lobbies and sleights are flying around.

Big names are openly campaigning against each other – from the position of vice president downwards.

They are not at each other’s throat. They are just shouting out so that they can be heard.

Some people have called it baptism of fire. It is actually democracy at work.

And to an untrained eye, the BCP is about to collapse.

No, it is not. It will actually emerge stronger and if the will of members is respected, more united too.

Even internally, there are some BCP people who have been rattled by latest developments.

Reports indicate that going forward they will consider banning lobby lists, because, they assume, lobby lists polarize the party.

That would be a mistake. Just let the party play on.

Democracy never begets a crisis. Crisis is often a result of throttling people’s will.

For a long time the BCP has tried to micromanage its growth phases, including by way of stage-managing internal elections.

There comes a time in life when growth can no longer be subjected to test tube experiments.

When that time arrives growth runs on its own, it breaks free of all the shackles and on its own it starts to blossom.

Growth always gets to a stage where it behaves like a Frankenstein monster or should we say a jeannie out of a bottle.

That is true for human beings as it is for organisations.

In life there comes a time when children are no longer toddlers.

When that time comes parents should accept that their time of control is up.

Instincts often tell them to continue with their stranglehold. The reality on the ground says that control has become not only hard but also unsustainable.

The same applies to organisations that we build and grow to love.

On its own, and without seeking anybody’s consent, the BCP has outgrown the phase of acute control and micromanagement.

The sooner its high priests accept this, the better it will be for the whole organization.

Shortly after taking over the leadership of the Botswana Democratic Party, Festus Mogae decided that the inner party mechanics had to be reimagined.

The committee of 18, which was a powerful and largely unaccountable party organ that effectively decided on who could contest elections became Mogae’s first target.

He dismantled and uprooted.

In its position he introduced what he aptly named Bulela Ditswe.

Bulela Ditswe effectively took away power from the party strong men and gave it to the ordinary members.

Through Bulela Ditswe, for the first time the rank and file tasted not just power but democracy too. Bulela Ditswe gave them a choice.

They voted whoever they wanted to be their candidates in the general elections.

Nobody ever said Bulela Ditswe was perfect.

In fact democracy is itself not perfect.

But since its inception no BDP leader has come up with any other invention to replace Bulela Ditswe.

This is despite the fact that Bulela Ditswe has created problems for everyone who has led the BDP, starting with its chief architect – Mogae, Ian Khama, and even Mokgweetsi Masisi.

With Mogae it created chaos. With Khama it created rebellion. And with Masisi, something worse happened.

Khama wanted to reform it. He couldn’t. Masisi wanted to abolish it. He ended up losing power because he was perceived to be against primary elections.

My point is once the people taste democracy, you can’t take it away from them. You cannot even reduce it.

You can only increase it.

Democracy is like liberty. People will only accept more of it. Never less.

It is like giving a little kid a lollipop. You can’t take it away from them without them crying uncontrollably.

This column has the past heavily criticized the BCP for micromanaging democracy.

They have now opened up.

We should now give them credit.