Category: Sunday Standard

Last week president Duma Boko hosted Rwanda’s Paul Kagame who was here on a state visit.

Now we hear that South Africa’s Cyril Ramaphosa too will be here quite soon.

In geopolitics there is hardly a coincidence.

Rwanda and South Africa are fighting on different sides in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

In that conflict, which has been running since the late 1990s, South Africa, which is part of the United Nations backing the DRC government.

Rwanda is backing the M23 rebels that have since taken key cities in the east and have vowed to march all the way to Kingshasa, not altogether unfounded given not only their momentum but also the weakness of the government forces.

At one point no less than ten countries were involved in the DRC water, including Zimbabwe, South Africa and Namibia. More than twenty five years later the war still rages on.

At stake is the rare earth mineral wealth of the DRC, much of dug from the east of that country.

A few months ago, a war of words erupted between Kagame and Ramaphosa after a number of South African soldiers were killed.

The DRC, it must be pointed out has never known real peace for a very long time.

The situation in the DRC is so intricate and so unpredictable that former president Joseph Kabila who basically backed the current president Felix Tshisekedi to succeed him has now switched sides and is now fully behind M23.

In the meantime Tshisekedi’s government has sentenced Kabila to death in absentia.

The United States has recently become actively interested in getting the war resolved.

Other than president Donald Trump’s ego trip to be seen to be dowsing fires of war across the world, the United States will definitely want to dislodge the Chinese by way of putting their handle on the DRC rare earths.

Bringing peace to the DRC has proved exceedingly difficult not least because of the mistrust that exists between the regional players.

Rwanda has rejected many of the possible mediators, accusing them of not only bias but conflict of interest as well.

There is evidence that Rwanda is warming up to Botswana.

While this was the first state visit by Kagame to Botswana, it is worth noting that he had previously paid a short working visit during the presidency of Mokgweetsi Masisi.

This is very rare, by Kagame’s standards.

Can Botswana play a role in bringing peace to the DRC.

That would not be unprecedented.

The late Sir Ketumile Masire spent a lot of time trying to bring the warring factions of the DRC together.

At one point those factions descended on Gaborone under the facilitation of Masire and I had an opportunity to interview quite a few of them including Professor Ernest Wamba dia Wamba and also Jean-Pierra Bemba.

Again, we must add Tshisekedi of the DRC who is a very key player in all that is going on in the DRC paid a state visit to Botswana when Masisi was still President.

A big prize awaits whoever can bring lasting peace to the DRC.

Now with the backing of the United States, giving it another shot is something that Botswana government could consider.

Botswana has always punched way above its weight.

The country has solid credentials.

We also have internationalist pretensions and ambitions too.

Peace in the DRC will need to have a backing of South Africa.

And unlike Masisi before him, president Boko has cordial relations with Ramaphosa of South Africa.

Of course, the enduring problems will be much more than just security, as Kagame is wont to say. Nor will it be all about the minerals as Tshisekedi likes to point out.

It will be about egos.

Kagame has no regard for Tshisekedi. And on numerous occasions he has publicly accused him of incompetence, reminding the world that he is not surprised because the guy was driving taxis in Belgium until somebody told him to come and become president in the DRC.

Rwanda has ambitions to become a continental superpower

South Africa already is.

And again, Kagame has no regard for Ramaphosa.

The contempt is mutual. Which will give president Boko a hard task to think around.

Some people call Kagame a warlord.

Others call him a strongman. Both descriptions are not far off.

A few years ago I visited Rwanda. The infrastructure developments in Kigali compare with the best in the world.

World class Hotels are everywhere, including the famous one of the movie Hotel Rwanda.

But that all those amount to a veneer underneath which is a police state, tightly controlled by Kagame, his army, intelligence and security.

That said, you have to give the man credit.

He is thorough and forthright.

He is discreet as he intellectually serious.

He is meticulous and brave.

And he loves his country.

It is not usual to find such descriptions referring to one person. No wonder he has been doing as he likes in Rwanda for over two decades.

Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe once complained of the ‘little Rwanda.’ Mugabe backed Laurent Kabila.

They are now both dead.

Kagame is still here.

Former president Festus Mogae who led one of Africa’s most aggressive responses to HIV/AIDS and oversaw a period of sustained economic discipline anchored in diamond wealth, has died. He had been hospitalised in Gaborone in April after falling ill and was later released to recover at home.

President Duma Boko has announced a three-day period of national mourning in honour of the late former president. In a formal address delivered on Friday, he confirmed that the national flag will be flown at half-mast throughout the designated period, as a collective expression of respect and remembrance.

Mogae’s presidency from 1998 to 2008 is widely defined by two interlinked legacies, his early and unusually direct response to the HIV/AIDS crisis and his sustained commitment to macroeconomic stability in a resource-dependent economy.

At the height of the epidemic, when Botswana faced some of the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world, his administration broke with regional hesitation and stigma, publicly acknowledging the scale of the crisis and rapidly scaling up treatment. Botswana became one of the first African countries to roll out nationwide antiretroviral therapy, a shift widely credited with stabilising mortality trends and reshaping long-term public health outcomes.

International support, particularly through the U.S. President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), proved central to that response. Health officials and researchers have repeatedly credited the programme with helping Botswana expand testing and treatment capacity at scale, with one analysis noting that Mogae himself warned the country faced the risk of ‘extinction’ without urgent intervention.

Beyond treatment, his government invested heavily in prevention campaigns, expanded routine testing, and embedded HIV services into the public health system, positioning Botswana as a continental reference point for coordinated HIV response under domestic leadership.

Economically, Mogae’s tenure was defined by restraint rather than expansion. His administration maintained conservative fiscal policy, accumulated foreign reserves during periods of diamond-driven growth, and reinforced institutional stability in a sector that underpins much of Botswana’s revenue base. Analysts often credit this approach with insulating the economy from volatility that has affected other commodity-dependent states.

Even after leaving office in 2008, Mogae remained closely engaged in HIV/AIDS advocacy and global health policy. In post-presidency years, he continued to push for sustained international financing and long-term eradication goals, including through opinion writing and public advocacy on initiatives such as PEPFAR. In a 2023 op-ed co-authored with Tommy Thompson, former secretary of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2001 to 2005), he argued that the programme remained central to the goal of an HIV-free future and warned against political erosion of global HIV funding commitments.

‘The U.S. Congress and the American people have shown exemplary leadership in the global fight against HIV/AIDS. There is still more work to do – and an expeditious, bipartisan, five-year reauthorisation of PEPFAR will help us to reach our shared goal of an HIV-free world,’ reads part of the op-ed in which he urged the U.S. Congress reauthorise PEPFAR for another five-years to reach the shared goal of an HIV-free world.

He also repeatedly framed Botswana’s experience as evidence that strong political leadership, combined with international partnerships, could reverse what once appeared to be a catastrophic trajectory for high-prevalence countries.

Tributes began emerging shortly after reports of his death, with leaders and analysts highlighting his dual legacy of confronting one of the world’s most severe health crises while preserving economic stability in a resource-rich but vulnerable economy.

Botswana is entering a more dangerous phase of climate change, as intensifying heat and recurring drought strain the country’s water supplies, agriculture and economy, according to a recent regional study produced by a multidisciplinary team of scientists from Botswana, Eswatini, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, South Africa and Zimbabwe.

The landmark 2026 consensus report by the Academy of Science of South Africa finds that ‘Extreme heat is no longer an occasional hazard – it is becoming a defining feature of the climate’. The study titled Climate Change and Extreme Heat: Strengthening resilience and adaptive capacity in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) warns that rising temperatures are compounding existing vulnerabilities in food and water systems.

The researchers say fragmented responses and weak institutional alignment could leave countries increasingly exposed to economic and environmental shocks, adding that extreme heat is rapidly becoming the region’s most dangerous and least addressed environmental threat. It also warns that Botswana is among the countries facing heightened exposure due to its already arid conditions and limited water resources.

For rural communities, where livelihoods depend heavily on rainfall, the consequences are immediate. Farmers say shifting weather patterns have shortened growing seasons and reduced yields, while livestock losses are becoming more common during prolonged dry spells.

Urban areas are also under pressure as demand for water is increasing, particularly in and around the capital, Gaborone, where population growth and economic activity are placing additional strain on already stressed supply systems.

The report underscores the paradox facing the region that despite contributing less than 1.3% of global greenhouse-gas emissions, Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries are among the most exposed to climate impacts. ‘Structural inequities amplify transnational climate hazards,’ states the study.

The report notes that extreme heat is no longer just a weather issue but also an economic variable. In Botswana, rising temperatures are expected to reduce labour productivity, particularly in construction, agriculture, and mining. The report links heat exposure directly to fatigue, dehydration, and reduced output among workers.

Energy systems face parallel stress as high temperatures increase electricity demand for cooling while simultaneously reducing generation capacity. Water scarcity is also expected to intensify as evaporation accelerates. ‘High temperatures accelerate evaporation, reduce hydropower generation, and heighten urban water scarcity,’ it states.

Extreme heat is also associated with rising cases of cardiovascular, respiratory, and kidney disease, alongside worsening malnutrition and mental-health stress. In densely populated or low-income urban areas, heat is amplified by poor housing materials and limited cooling options, creating what scientists describe as ‘urban heat island’ effects.

The report warns that extreme heat acts as an ‘integrator hazard,’ cutting across health, food systems, labour markets, and infrastructure simultaneously. Without accelerated adaptation, rising temperatures could erode productivity, strain public services, and widen inequality.

‘The cost of inaction is far greater,’ warns the report, adding that failure to respond could undermine decades of development progress across Southern Africa.

Last weekend I drove with my brother in law to his farm, not exactly deep into the dry cattle country, but rural enough for donkey carts to still share the road with cars, and for herd-boys to spend long dusty hours trailing cattle across the bush.

In the back seat of the bakkie was something his farm workers urgently needed. Not animal feed. Not fencing wire. Not paraffin. A smartphone.

Botswana is changing rapidly, and herd-boys now carry smartphones in the same pockets that once carried only slingshots and tobacco. Mobile phones have become wallets, offices and entertainment centers all at once and government services are moving online. Even the farm workers in the remotest parts of Botswana are becoming unlikely pawns in a growing geopolitical contest.

As Botswana races deeper into the digital age, China and the United States of America are increasingly competing for control over the infrastructure, systems and data that will shape the country’s future.

For decades, Botswana’s greatest strategic asset was diamonds. Today, it is becoming apparent that the country possesses another resource just as valuable in the age of artificial intelligence. Data.

Every day, millions of pieces of information are generated across Botswana; financial transactions, health records, mobile phone activity, internet usage, consumer behavior and government data.

Artificial intelligence systems rely heavily on enormous volumes of such information to learn, improve and generate economic value. Thar reality is transforming data into an economic asset. And increasingly, powerful countries are competing for influence over Africa’s digital future.

This week at the Huawei ICT Congress 2026 in Gaborone, Chinese technology giant Huawei made clear that Botswana is central to its ambitions in the region. Huawei Botswana Managing Director Li Dalu told delegates that Botswana has the potential to become a regional technology and AI hub.

Botswana has made meaningful progress in building a resilient digital ecosystem, supported by strong mobile connectivity, expanding broadband access, and increasing adoption of digital services. Huawei is proud to have contributed to this progress through the delivery of reliable network infrastructure, cloud platforms, enterprise solutions, and skills development initiatives.

However, the next phase requires a shift in focus. The conversation is no longer only about connectivity, but about intelligence, value creation, and the effective use of data and emerging technologies.

Li Dalu further said, ‘Our shared ambition is to support Botswana in strengthening its position as a competitive technology and AI hub within the region, underpinned by robust infrastructure, innovation and local expertise’, he said.

Chinese Ambassador to Botswana Fan Yong echoed the message. ‘Looking ahead, China and Botswana can deepen cooperation in intelligent infrastructure, digital power, and talent development’ he said at the congress.

Speaking at the same event, Assistant Minister of Communications and Innovation, Shawn Ntlhaile said, ‘the ‘Age of Intelligence’ demands bold leadership, innovative thinking, and enduring partnerships. Botswana’s digital transformation strategy is clear, our political will is resolute, and our doors are open to collaboration.’

Ntlhaile further stated that, ‘Today’s Huawei ICT Congress 2026 provides exactly the kind of collaborative platform and strategic alignment we need to accelerate our national digital blueprint.’

The speeches reflected China’s growing interest in Africa’s digital future and Botswana’s desire to position itself as a modern technology driven nation.

But China is not the only major power deepening its strategic interest in Botswana’s information systems.

Over the past decade, Huawei has steadily expanded its footprint across Botswana and the African continent. The company has been involved in telecommunications infrastructure, broadband expansion, ICT training programmes and technology partnerships. Botswana officials have frequently praised Huawei for supporting digital transformation initiatives and skills development.

For many African governments, Chinese companies offer something attractive; relatively affordable technology, financing and rapid deployment. The Botswana government sees digital transformation as critical to diversifying the economy beyond diamonds.

Artificial intelligence, cloud computing and digital infrastructure are increasingly viewed as possible engines of future growth. But Huawei’s global role remains controversial.

The United States government and several Western allies have repeatedly expressed concern about Huawei’s involvement in sensitive telecommunications infrastructure, arguing that Chinese technology could potentially expose countries to security vulnerabilities. Huawei has consistently denied allegations that it poses security risks or acts on behalf of the Chinese state. Botswana has not publicly embraced western efforts to isolate Huawei. Instead, cooperation between Botswana and Chinese technology firms appears to be expanding.

Yet some analysts warn that dependence on foreign owned digital systems may eventually create new forms of dependency.

‘The issue is not simply about internet infrastructure anymore’ said one local ICT analyst. ‘its about who stores the data and who controls the systems that future economies will rely on.

America’s growing interest in Health Data

At the same time China expands its digital infrastructure presence, the United States has also been deepening strategic cooperation with Botswana, particularly in health security.

That relationship became controversial following debate around the America First Global Health Strategy partnership agreement between Botswana and the United States. Government defended the agreement as part of a broader international cooperation on health security, disease surveillance and pandemic preparedness. However critics, including the Southern African Litigation Center (SALC) raised concerns about aspects of the Memorandum of Understanding.

SALC questioned provisions relating to access, storage and control of health information and pathogen specimens. Critics argued that the agreement could potentially allow the United States access to sensitive national health data and biological materials over an extended period.

The concerns triggered broader debate about sovereignty, transparency and long-term control over strategic national assets.

For powerful nations, access to such information can fuel scientific breakthroughs, vaccine development and commercial research and advanced AI systems

For smaller nations like Botswana, the fear is that valuable national resources could quietly leave the country with little long-term benefits returning to ordinary citizens

Government has maintained that international cooperation is necessary to strengthen Botswana’s health systems and improve preparedness for future pandemics. But critics argue that agreements involving sensitive national data require stronger public scrutiny. That Botswana risk a surrendering too much control over sensitive national assets.

The controversy reflects a larger global reality. In the modern world, health information and biological data are increasingly valuable not only for medicine, but also for biotechnology research, pharmaceutical development and artificial intelligence systems. Countries and corporations around the world are investing heavily in data-driven technologies capable of transforming industries ranging from healthcare to finance and security.

What is happening in Botswana mirrors a broader global race unfolding across Africa. In the 19th century, powerful nations competed for African land and minerals. Today, the competition is increasingly focused on digital infrastructure, rare minerals, biotechnology and data. China builds telecommunications networks, smart cities and surveillance systems across the continent.

The United States focuses heavily on health partnerships, cybersecurity and strategic diplomacy. Both powers frame their involvement as partnership and development. Both insist they are helping Africa modernize. But many African intellectuals warn that the continent risks becoming trapped in a new form of dependency, not colonial control through armies but technological dependency through infrastructure, data and digital systems.

Botswana now finds itself balancing between those competing global interests.

On one side stands China offering AI systems. Cloud computing and digital infrastructure through companies like Huawei.

On the other stands America, increasingly interested in health security, strategic partnerships and scientific collaboration. Both want influence and access.

Botswana’s attraction to global technology powers is not accidental. Compared to many countries in the region, Botswana offers political stability, relatively strong institutions and growing digital infrastructure.

Government has repeatedly emphasised the importance of innovation and digital transformation in national development planning.

Mobile phone penetration is high, internet access has expanded significantly and digital financial services continue to grow.

Documents seen by Sunday Standard show that the new Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) government’s promise to restore accountability is facing one of its toughest early tests after the latest Public Accounts Committee (PAC) report reopened explosive allegations involving the Directorate of Intelligence and Security (DIS). The allegations include contract interference, hidden business interests and repeated court defeats.

The report reveals among others, unresolved matters involving alleged DIS interference in a water project, questionable ownership and accounting of the Tautona Lodge and Farm and a growing trail of court battles launched by disgruntled staff members.

Sunday Standard understands that for a government elected on promises of transparency, accountability and rule of law, the report now places the UDC administration in the spotlight.

The documents revel that at the centre of the controversy is a case in which the DIS is accused of interfering in a water project by allegedly removing a contract from one contractor and awarding it to another.

According to the PAC, the intelligence agency confirmed the existence of the case and said investigations had been completed before the matter was referred to the DPP for prosecution.

Information reaching Sunday Standard also shows that the latest revelation instantly transforms the issue from an administrative embarrassment into a legal and political test case.

Information seen by Sunday Standard also shows that if prosecutors proceed this could mark one of the first major corruption-linked prosecutions touching the DIS under the new administration. It is understood that if nothing happens, critics will likely accuse the UDC of protecting old networks it promised to dismantle.

Reports indicate that Boko said to safeguard the rule of law, discourse on judicial independence was often framed in a binary manner, with the judiciary on one hand and the state on the other.

The matter involving DIS interference in the water project arose from a controversial instruction of the DIS for WUC to cancel its contract with the two companies that DISS considered a security threat to the country.

The two companies consequently approached the High Court for redress. Following a protracted legal battle, the parties reached a court of settlement agreement that was fulfilled when WUC paid the two companies P112 million. ‘The contract that the parties had entered into arising from the invitation to tender that was published by Water Utilities Corporation bearing reference, essentially, Design, Supply, Treatment Plant-Tender No. WUC 015 (2018) is here by terminated,’ said the then Justice Tebogo Tau of the Lobatse High Court.

‘The Respondent (Water Utilities Corporation) agrees to pay the sum of P112 000 000.00 into the Trust Account of Tengo Rubadiri Attorneys on or before 1st June 2020, in full and final settlement of all contentions between the parties relating to the Invitation to Tender that was published by the respondent bearing the reference, essentially, Design, Supply, Treatment Plant – Tender No. WUC 015 (2018).’

The PAC also reopened questions over Tautona Lodge and Farm, a property reportedly bought by the DIS using operational funds.

In one of the report’s most startling findings, legislators noted that the property was not appearing in government books of account, neither was revenue allegedly generated from hotel operations.

The committee ordered the Accountant General and DIS to meet urgently and regularise the accounting treatment of the property and all income derived from it.

PAC further requested the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC) to provide updates on the status of cases linked to the DIS including the water project matter.

Ccording to the report, ‘The Committee requested the DCEC to undertake the following:

Provide an update on the status of the cases and alleged interference by the Directorate of Intelligence and Security (DIS) on a water project.’

The report also paints a picture of internal dysfunction inside the spy agency.

Lawmakers noted that aggrieved staff members had repeatedly been forced to seek justice through the courts in disputes that could have been resolved internally through the Parliamentary Committee on Intelligence and Security (PCIS), the oversight body created under the DIS Act.

PAC observed that the DIS had lost a number of those cases.

The committee stated that the PCIS must be constituted and convened effectively to ensure accountability, transparency and adherence to the rule of law.

The timing of the report could not be more sensitive.

President Boko came to power promising institutional reform after years of criticism that Botswana’s democratic institutions had been hollowed out.

The PAC report goes beyond the DIS. It also laments slow progress across government ministries in implementing old PAC resolutions, exposing a wider culture of impunity and bureaucratic indifference.

But it is the DIS chapter that carries the greatest political danger.

For years, the intelligence agency was viewed by critics as untouchable. The PAC has now dragged it back under Parliament’s harsh lights.

According to the report; ‘The Committee expressed concern on the above and requested the Directorate of Intelligence and Security to undertake the following: the DIS should submit to the PAC an up-to-date report on the court cases lodged by its

staff and the outcomes thereof and the Tautona Lodge and farm, together with all revenue generated therein, should be captured in the government books of account according to the requirements of the

Public Financial Management Act.’

The latest Public Accounts Committee (PAC) findings have placed Parliament under an uncomfortable spotlight as they raise hard questions about institutional independence. The report also questions staff morale, governance and public accountability.

The Committee warned that Parliament risks losing public confidence if internal weaknesses are not urgently addressed.

‘It was brought to the attention of the Clerk of the National Assembly that the Parliament of Botswana is perceived as lacking independence,’ the report says.

The Clerk of the National Assembly reportedly acknowledged the concerns as he reportedly agreed that ‘it is critically important for Parliament to operate independently.’

The PAC is also demanding updates on reforms meant to strengthen that independence alongside broader institutional restructuring.

‘The Clerk acknowledged this concern and agreed that it is critically important for Parliament to operate independently. The Committee requested that the Clerk provide an update on any measures being taken or planned to enhance the independence of Parliament,’ says the report.

The report shows that at the centre of the report is a push for transparency. The Committee wants all parliamentary committees to be broadcast live, just like the Public Accounts Committee. It stated that this is ‘in the quest to educate the public on other oversight portfolios/mandates.’ In response, the administration indicated that ‘efforts are underway to explore mechanisms for ensuring that the proceedings of other Parliamentary Committees are also aired online.’

The report states that ‘The Accounting Officer committed to consult further on the possible implementation of the initiative and give an update; improving Performance of Parliament: The Clerk informed the Committee that capacity building and training initiatives were being implemented to ensure that Parliament becomes a high-performing institution.’

But beyond visibility, deeper structural issues were exposed. The Committee flagged low staff morale and demanded urgent reforms. The Clerk admitted that ‘a review of the Parliamentary organisational structure is underway to create job opportunities,’ while also acknowledging plans to revive training programmes for both MPs and staff.

However, MPs were not convinced by assurances alone. They pressed for concrete action, including updates on whether the Clerk had ‘held a general staff meeting with all Parliamentary staff,’ noting that only senior management engagements had taken place so far.

‘Further to that, the Clerk of the National Assembly was requested to provide an update on the departure of the Former Technical Advisor to the Public Accounts Committee (within the next 2 weeks),’ the report says.

Financial accountability also came under scrutiny. The PAC raised concerns over ‘excessive hotel costs’ linked to the accommodation of Members of the 12th Parliament at Avani Hotel while awaiting renovations to official residences. The Committee further instructed that the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC) be invited to explain ‘the progress of investigations regarding the costs incurred.’

The report also demands updates on a wide range of reforms; from establishing a parliamentary budget office, to disposing of unused equipment, and even progress on intelligence and security committee structures.

The PAC has also lined up extensive site visits across the country, including infrastructure projects such as the North South Carrier, hospitals, roads, schools, and agricultural facilities.

The High Court has sentenced Tapologo Makwatse to death after finding no extenuating circumstances to justify a lesser penalty. The sentence brought to a close a murder case that tested the limits of mitigation arguments centered on intoxication and alleged provocation. Tapologo was convicted of hacking his ex-girlfriend Dipuo Ramalepa, to death with an axe.

In his judgment delivered this week, outgoing Judge Dr. Zein Kebonang said the court had been compelled to interrogate the evidence more closely than usual after identifying inconsistencies between the agreed statement of facts and the accused’s subsequent testimony in mitigation.

Makwatse had earlier been convicted of murder under Section 202 of Botswana’s Penal Code after entering a guilty plea. The conviction followed a formal statement of agreed facts submitted jointly by the prosecution and the defence in July 2023. At the time, the accused confirmed before the court that the contents of the document were true, voluntary and accurately reflected the events leading to the killing.

However, the sentencing phase took a more complex turn when Makwatse appeared to depart from that agreed version during his oral submissions in mitigation. According to the court, the accused introduced elements that suggested diminished responsibility, including intoxication and emotional provocation, which had not been clearly borne out in the original agreed facts.

Kebonang noted that such contradictions could not be ignored, particularly in a case where the ultimate sentence depended on whether extenuating circumstances existed. ‘The court cannot lightly accept mitigation that is inconsistent with facts previously admitted by the accused,’ Kebonang said, arguing that the integrity of the judicial process depended on consistency and credibility.

Central to the court’s analysis was whether the accused’s state of intoxication at the time of the offence could reduce his moral blameworthiness. Kebonang ruled that self-induced intoxication, without more, does not meet the legal threshold required to establish extenuation. The court further held that while emotional distress or provocation can, in certain circumstances, be relevant, the evidence presented did not support a finding that Makwatse acted under such overwhelming influence as to significantly impair his judgment.

‘The burden rests on the accused to prove, on a balance of probabilities, that extenuating circumstances exist,’ Kebonang said. ‘In this case, that burden has not been discharged.’

The judge also pointed to the deliberate nature of the conduct described in the agreed facts, which suggested a level of intent incompatible with the defence’s later attempt to portray the act as impulsive or driven by diminished capacity. The court found that the version initially accepted by the accused remained the most reliable account of events.

With no extenuating circumstances established, the court was bound by law to impose the mandatory sentence for murder. Kebonang accordingly sentenced Makwatse to death, in line with the law, which prescribes capital punishment in such cases. Makwatse now joins the ranks of inmates on death row.

The government is battling rising panic after an explosive national risk report confirmed fears first exposed by the Sunday Standard that some Botswana community trusts have become unwitting vehicles for international wildlife crime syndicates linked to money laundering and fraud.

A copy of the Money Laundering/Terrorist Financing National Risk Assessment Report Botswana seen by Sunday Standard paints a picture of how criminal networks are infiltrating Botswana’s prized wildlife economy through community-based organisations created to empower rural citizens.

The report directly makes reference to a Sunday Standard investigation report titled ‘Community Trusts in Global Mafia Network’ which was published in 2024. The Money Laundering/Terrorist Financing National Risk Assessment report cites Sunday Standard investigations and details how local communities are being used as ‘grey nodes’ or legal players unknowingly participating in illegal wildlife schemes.

‘It is through this programme that potential investors and partners invest financially with the organisations. Mostly these investors are safari hunting companies,’ the report states.

But it warns that the citizen empowerment model is now vulnerable to abuse.

‘Often, this citizen economic empowerment initiative is abused by investors,’ the report says.

The report shows that the findings will deepen concern within government which now fears that trusts established under the Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) programme may have become soft targets for foreign syndicates seeking legal access to wildlife quotas, hunting concessions and community resources.

The report says a community trust entered into an agreement with ‘a notorious rhino poaching syndicate and an international trafficker,’ raising fears of criminal infiltration.

It further states that one syndicate member, who allegedly entered Botswana in 2017, is facing more than 1,000 counts of racketeering, money laundering, fraud, intimidation and illegal hunting in foreign jurisdictions.

‘This presents a high risk to money laundering activities in the wildlife sector in Botswana,’ the report warns.

The report states that although the suspect has not been charged in Botswana, authorities believe he has used a Botswana-registered company through suspected fronting arrangements to gain access to community wildlife resources.

The reports suggests that revelations strike at the heart of Botswana’s conservation and tourism economy.

It says Botswana hosts one of Africa’s largest elephant populations which is estimated at over 130,000, nearly one-third of the continent’s total. Wildlife tourism remains a major economic pillar, contributing around 5 percent of GDP in 2023, while pre-Covid levels had reached as high as 13 to 14 percent.

The report indicates that for many rural communities, wildlife-based enterprises such as trophy hunting, photographic safaris and eco-tourism are lifelines.

But the report says environmental crime now threatens not only biodiversity, but governance itself.

‘Environmental crime has potential to fuel organised crime networks involved in the illegal harvesting and trafficking of wildlife resources and this ultimately weakens the rule of law,’ it states.

It also warns that declining wildlife populations destroy jobs and livelihoods for communities dependent on tourism and sustainable hunting revenues.

The report cites global concerns raised by Prince William during the 2022 Global Summit, where he said the illegal wildlife trade worth up to $20 billion annually fuels violent crime, corruption and strips nations of natural resources.

In the third week of April, I was contacted by the editorial team of the Sunday Standard newspaper asking if I could consider writing them a story about the relationship between the Botswana National Front (BNF), Kgosi Linchwe II and former Speaker of National Assembly, Ray Molomo. For me it was not going to be a difficult task requiring me to travel here and there conducting a series of interviews. The necessary material needed for such a story was already readily available in my old diaries, files as well as in memory.

In view of that I immediately responded to the request asking myself the question, ‘who am I to refuse an assignment from the newspaper editor?’ I considered the request an honour on my part. Such requests are rare, especially coming from credible newspaper such as this one. I had been writing to them until illness interrupted my services some months ago. The idea of such a story was apparently triggered by news suggesting that this year marks the BNF’s 60 years. It is said that the BNF recently held its 60th anniversary gala dinner where its leader, President Duma Bolo spoke.

It is debatable as to whether this year is the party’s 60 years or not. Others say the party’s 60th birthday was last October. We will see as the story progresses. In his book, ‘Democratic Deficit in the Parliament of Botswana’, Ray Molomo states that the BNF was launched on October 10th 1966. If this is correct, then indeed the party will be 60 years old this year. Although I did not verify this with him, I am reliably informed that even former BNF leader, Otsweletse Moupo believes that the party was launched in 1966. It is said that Moupo believes that if the launch was in 1965, the founders of the party would have called it Bechuanaland National Front instead of Botswana National Front.

The real story of the BNF began at Serowe Teachers’ Training College (TTC) and ended in Mochudi. One day Dr. Kenneth Koma unexpectedly arrived at the college visiting his sister-in-law, Mable Koma who was the wife of former Member of Parliament for Mahalapye, Gaolese Koma. The sister-in-law was a matron at the college and she and Dr. Koma had not seen each other for many years as the latter was studying abroad. He had just returned to the country to start a new life. Ray Molomo was lecturing at the college and was introduced to the visitor to their school. That visit to the college, is well captured in the book, ‘Democratic Deficit in the Parliament of Botswana’. It is in that book that the author, Ray Molomo recalls that Kenneth Koma appeared in Serowe like a ‘bold from the blue’ meaning that he arrived unexpectedly.

By that time, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) was still enjoying their great victory over Bechuanaland People’s Party (BPP) and Bechuanaland Independence Party (BIP) in the general elections which had been held on March 1. The election date for that election is reflected in the Daily News of February 1st, 1965. It came by way of the Bechuanaland Constitution Order made by the Privy Council in London and immediately passed by the British Parliament. The two gentlemen, Dr. Koma and Ray Molomo discussed politics at the highest level and engaged each other meaningfully on any issue they raised because their field of experience overlapped.

Dr. Koma had studied for an arts degree with the University of Cape Town in South Africa, before going to the University of Nottingham in England where he obtained a law degree. He had also studied political science at the Charles University in Czechoslovakia and a doctoral degree in political economy at the African Institute, Academy of Sciences of Moscow in Russia. Ray Molomo had returned to the country from Canada a year earlier. He had been studying educational psychology at the University of Ottawa. Within a short time of knowing each other, the two men agreed that there was the need to found a political party with a completely different ideology from that of the BDP.

It was at that stage that Kenneth Koma started scouting for allies among the young progressive minds that had been labelled radical or communist in the country. Dr. Koma’s visits took him to Mochudi where he paid courtesy call on Kgosi Linchwe II. He had been installed as Kgosi of Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela in April 1963, almost a year after his return from England where he had been studying. He and Kenneth Koma had not met before but because a lot had been written about the Bakgatla Kgosi and his people in the British newspapers by Lady Mitchison, a British author of many books he probably had an idea of the animal called Kgosi Linchwe II. Lady Mitchison was Kgosi Linchwe’s ‘adopted mother’. It would appear that Kenneth Koma had read some of her writings while still abroad.

Furthermore, Ray Molomo might have told him about the Kgosi in their Serowe meeting. Ray Molomo was a relative of Linchwe II and were very close to each other. It is therefore unlikely that Ray Molomo would hold political discussions with Dr. Koma without the latter making reference to Linchwe II. When Dr. Koma met Linchwe II in Mochudi, he also raised the idea of forming a new political party in place of the People’s Party and the Independence Party. In Linchwe, Dr. Koma found a person who was resourceful on national and international issues. Linchwe II and Dr. Koma agreed that the first thing would be to try to dissolve the BPP and BIP and come up with a strong united party. Kgosi Linchwe agreed to chair the peace conference.

After weeks of deliberating, talks culminated with the launch of the BNF in Mochudi. In his book, ‘Democratic Deficit in the Parliament of Botswana,’ Ray Molomo says the BNF was born on 10th October 1966 when he was elected party leader in absentia. However, he did not accept the position because as a civil servant, he was not allowed to take active part in politics. After I had read his book and realizing that the date of birth he had mentioned contradicted the date mentioned in Tlhoiwe’s letter, I went to his home where I showed it to him. He was surprised and asked me where I got the letter from. But he was quick to concede that the date in his book was wrong. He even said Tlhoiwe could not be mistaken because he was present at the launch, became the party’s first secretary-general and stayed active in the party longer.

Similarly, former BNF leader, Otsweletse Moupo is also said to be one of those who believe that the party was launched in 1966. I did not verify this with him but I am reliably informed that he believes that if indeed the party was launched in 1965, it would have been named Bechuanaland National Front instead of Botswana National Front as is the case now. . Writing from his home in Ramotswa to Kgosi Linchwe in Mochudi on October 6th 1965, BNF’s first secretary-general, Henderson Moatlhodi Tlhoiwe states that the party was launched on October 3rd 1965. That letter is one of the documents given to me by Kgosi Linchwe in 1994 after my return from Harare where I studied mass communication.

He gave me the letter and other documents knowing that at some stage, I will make good use of them. The letter was written three days after the launch when the event was still fresh in Tlhoiwe’s mind. Tlhoiwe, who had completed degree in political economy at the Charles University in Czechoslovakia, had participated in all the meetings including the launch. The reason for writing that letter was to apologize to Kgosi Linchwe because the launch took place in his absence even though he had asked that it be postponed since the date of the launch coincided with his engagement outside Mochudi. Tlhoiwe said it was not due to indifference that his request was not adhered to. He said the launch went ahead because Kgosi Linchwe’s request for postponement was received when majority of delegates had already arrived in Mochudi for the launch and many others due to arrive.

Tlhoiwe’s letter was preceded by one written by Leetile Raditladi to the leader of BIP, Motsamai Mpho. Raditladi was the founder of what is generally believed to be the first political party in this country, Bechuanaland Federal Party. Delegates were further up with Motsamai Mpho who had appeared to be playing hide-and-seek game by either not attending talks or attending with no mandate from his party. In the letter, Raditladi tells Mpho that time was running out for him to contribute to the talks otherwise he would be left behind. Mpho also kept on asking who the leader of the new party would be despite being told that the important thing was to unite the people first before thinking of who would occupy what.

It was made clear to Mpho by Raditladi that with or without the BIP, the Front would be launched in the next meeting which was due to be held on October 3rd 1965. In the eyes of delegates, Mpho was concerned about the stiff competition he would face when election for leadership positions was held. He feared competition. There were the likes of Dr. Koma, Leetile Raditladi, Daniel Kwele and of course Henderson Tlhoiwe who would give him a challenge if they were to contest for positions. It was generally accepted that if it were not for Kgosi Linchwe’s strengths, Motsamai Mpho would have succeeded in derailing the talks.

I first met Dr. Koma, in 1979 when I was stationed in Mahalapye. He was with retired journalist, Mmolotsi Sekgoma and Gorden Dlale. Mmolotsi Sekgoma had previously been my supervisor at Information Services. They had come to our office in Mahalapye to discuss with me a story idea about Mahalapye as a village. Mmolotsi Sekgoma introduced me to Dr. Koma telling him that I was from Mochudi and that I was Kgosi Linchwe’s close associate. Indeed I was Kgosi Linchwe’s favourite. Dr. Koma was excited and asked ‘monna o kae Morena, o modumedise thata’, adding that ‘we formed the Front because he guided our deliberations superbly’.

By that time, Dr. Koma was still of the view that Kgosi Linchwe was so skillful that he prevented Motsamai Mpho from derailing the talks. Dr. Koma expressed the wish that Kgosi Linchwe could one day participate in partisan politics where his talents could be fully utilized. Kgosi Linchwe was one of the high profile individuals who contributed funds to help finance the BNF’s legal costs when its officials were on trial facing sedition charges. Two other dikgosi, Bathoen II of Bangwaketse and Niel Sechele of Bakwena contributed for the defence of the party.

Tlhoiwe was accused NO.1while Dr. Koma was accused NO, 2 and the rest followed when the trial opened in Mahalapye. They had written a seditious material in their party’s ‘Puopha’ news letter. Common sense dictates that when you solve a mathematical problem, arriving at two different answers, one of them is wrong and you should start again. This means that BNF leaders debate these dates and remain with one.

Botswana is starring down a massive economic hit as soaring global fuel prices threaten to burn a P8.5 billion hole in the country’s finances.

A fresh warning from Econsult Botswana reveals that if international fuel prices jump by 50% and stay there for a year, Botswana could be forced to cough up an extra P8.5 billion just to keep the lights on and vehicles on the road. That is a staggering 3% of the entire economy wiped out by fuel costs alone.

The latest quarterly review by Econsult Botswana underscores the scale of exposure. ‘In Botswana’s case, fuel represents the largest single category of imports reported by Statistics Botswana, with total fuel imports valued at P16.9 billion in 2025, or around 6% of GDP. If global fuel prices rise by 50% and this is maintained for a full year, the cost to Botswana would be huge, around P8.5 billion, or some 3% of GDP,’ the report notes.

If the shock hits, ordinary Batswana will feel it immediately. Transport costs could surge, food prices could climb, and daily life could become far more expensive. From combi fares to supermarket shelves, nothing will be spared.

As a landlocked economy with no domestic refining capacity, Botswana is acutely vulnerable to supply disruptions and price swings. The report warns that ‘fuel prices will feed through to inflation, reduced real incomes and a likely growth slowdown,’ a transmission mechanism that has repeatedly strained consumers and fiscal planning.

Even before the dreaded 50% jump in fuel prices, the country is already suffering the ravages of the global fuel crisis.

The Bank of Botswana hiked its monetary policy rate by 200 basis points on Thursday, saying inflation was expected to breach its target band mainly due to fuel price hikes linked to the Iran war. The central bank raised the rate to 5.5% from 3.5%.

Inflation is projected to breach the bank’s preferred 3%-6% target band in the second quarter of this year and average 8.7% in 2026 before easing to 5.6% in 2027, Bank Governor Lesego Moseki told a press conference.

Botswana’s vulnerability to global fuel shocks is prompting renewed focus on electrification of transport as both an economic buffer and a climate-aligned policy shift. Electric vehicles (EVs), still nascent in Botswana’s market, offer a pathway to decouple mobility from imported petroleum. ‘Botswana needs to reduce its dependence on imported fuels, in part by developing an electric mobility strategy that result in reduced usage of petrol and diesel,’ states the Econsult report.

Reduced fuel imports would ease pressure on foreign reserves while insulating the economy from global oil shocks.

Globally, investment is accelerating into ‘energy industries, electric vehicle manufacturing and other industries,’ the report observes, signalling a broader structural transition that Botswana risks missing if it remains anchored to fossil fuel imports.

For policymakers, the challenge lies in expanding grid capacity, incentivising EV adoption and building charging networks. Fuel price shocks have already demonstrated their reach across the economy, from transport and logistics to food prices. With fuel embedded in the consumer price index, even modest increases ripple widely. ‘The impact will be largest on fuel importing countries such as Botswana,’ the report states, reinforcing the asymmetry faced by economies without domestic energy buffers.

Transitioning to EVs would not eliminate all vulnerabilities, particularly given electricity generation constraints and reliance on imported power at times. But it would diversify the energy mix and gradually reduce one of the country’s largest import bills. ‘Botswana needs to develop an EV strategy, particularly the provision of charging infrastructure. The country

also needs a proper urban public transport strategy, based around EVs,’ states the report.

The shift also aligns with regional and global trends as governments tighten emissions standards and automakers pivot production lines toward electric fleets.