Category: Sunday Standard

n his first, foot-in-the-mouth incident of 2026, President Duma Boko used part of his podium time to explain the concept of ‘social contract.’ He did so on the basis of public perception that his government is failing to meet its obligations in terms of a ‘social contract’ that the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) entered into with voters in the 2024 general election. To whittle down Boko’s more detailed legalistic definition into digestible bits, a social contract is actually no more than a legally unenforceable gentleman’s agreement. On such basis, government is not legally obliged to deliver on its electoral pledges. As opposed to a social contract, a legal contract is enforceable and more importantly, spells out penalties that a defaulting parties would be subjected to.

While there has been public outrage over Boko’s statement, the fact of the matter is that he was right with regard to how a social contract operates. Thus, the actual problem is not what he said but how democracy works against the interests of voters.

For five or so minutes every five years inside a polling booth, eligible voters get a chance to hire and fire candidates in a general election. The only legal contract they sign is with the Independent Electoral Commission and not the political parties or independent candidates that they vote for. In contract law, there is thus no legally binding agreement between the parties and voters – only a non-binding gentleman’s agreement. The absence of a written agreement means that if the elected parties or candidates don’t deliver on their promises, the only option voters have is casting their vote again in the next election.

Going back to 1966 and only until five years ago, elected officials in MPs and councillors could happily cross the floor between parties. When that happened, voters were helpless precisely because there was no legal contract that compelled these elected officials to remain in the party that they had used to get into office.

An unwritten agreement also gives parties and candidates leeway to reinterpret this agreement by exploiting more loopholes. Perhaps the most perfect example to illustrate the latter point is when former President Mokgweetsi Masisi reinterpreted an electoral promise that the Botswana Democratic Party made ahead of the 2019 elections. Then, the BDP made a non-legally-binding promise to create jobs. After the election and in response to being constantly reminded of that promise, Masisi said that what the party actually meant was that it would create the right economic environment for the private sector to create jobs and not that it would create such jobs itself. A legal contract would have used language very precise regarding who would create such jobs, leaving no room for ambiguity.

There is another set of players in electoral democracy who also expect favourable treatment from the government – oligarchs. Unlike the mass of voters, these players enter into an enforceable legal contract not with voters but the winning party. The wording of this contract is very precise and there are very well-defined penalty clauses. On the basis of the latter, if one party defaults on its legal obligations, it can seek legal recourse, annexing the legal agreement as evidence that it has been cheated out of what it is legally entitled to.

From when the UDC took over the reins of power, the president and his ministers have been signing legal contracts, some a direct result of behind-the-scenes political horse-trading. The horse-trading happened with a unique set of circumstances. Well before elections and far from madding freedom-square crowds, political leaders cut deals with oligarchs about how the latter would give back in return for the funding they got. At this point, there are no legal contracts but there is clear understanding on the part of politicians that, never having been angels, the oligarchs have a variety of means to get revenge if they are cheated. They can collapse an economy, stir up civil disturbance, topple a government by force or assassinate the leader.

It has been credibly alleged that the president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Laurent Kabila, was assassinated because he went back on a gentleman’s agreement involving the country’s vast mineral wealth that he made with oligarchs. Voters have no leverage because they generally don’t have the means to collapse an economy, stir up civil disturbance, topple a government or assassinate the leader for failure to honour a gentleman’s agreement. Post-election, the gentleman’s agreements are given legal character by signing formal contracts that can be used as evidence in a court of law should the new government fail to deliver on its promises. Whereas political parties deal with voters (through largely through rallies, media and manifestoes) as a mass with no legal character, they deal with each business entity on a one-on-one basis.

On the basis of the latter, it is for oligarchs that democracy works perfectly. However, they also have to maintain the illusion that democracy works for everyone to keep the masses happy and make them feel important when they are really not. The latter explains why entities that these oligarchs control and fund lavishly (media, think tanks, political parties and NGOs) heavily promote the myth of democracy being the best political system. Those who don’t vote are typically characterised as ‘irresponsible’ when it is actually the height of irresponsibility to participate in an elaborate ritual that doesn’t guarantee a positive outcome for you.

Democracy is also attractive for oligarchs because while they can’t capture the millions of voters (a task they have outsourced to politicians), they can easily capture the far fewer political officeholders. As a rule of thumb, these oligarchs are vehemently opposed to genuinely patriotic leaders whose pro-people policies threaten their economic interests and routinely topple such leaders. After failing to oust Brazil’s socialist president, Dilma Rousseff, through elections, the country’s elite power class, including media oligarchs, connived with American corporate interests to topple her through parliament. Assassination is always an option where a leader can’t be captured. Patrice Lumumba of Zaire and Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso were murdered because their pro-people policies threatened the economic interests of mostly Zionist oligarchs.

Upon conviction that UDC is not a gem diamond they thought it was but a fake diamond hewn from the bottom of a Coke bottle, some voters have already made a firm, anti-UDC resolution for the 2029 general election. The irony is that none of the parties they want to replace UDC with has ever expressed any aversion to electoral democracy as a system of government. The result will be that whatever party replaces UDC will also get into a social contract with voters. That contract, as the UDC’s and the BDP before it, will place no legal obligations on the new government to deliver on its electoral pledges. As the UDC and the BDP before it, the same government will sign legal contracts with oligarchs that the new government delivers on its promises.

Democracy’s main attraction to the Zionist oligarchs who control the world is that that they can manipulate its processes and systems to produce an outcome they want. In that regard, if Burkina Faso were to hold elections, France would easily find puppet opposition leaders whose campaigns it would fund lavishly to enhance their chances of winning. After such leaders win, France would regain control of the country’s vast mineral wealth. For decades, Yoweri Museveni has rigged both the electoral process and the vote and has ruled Uganda with an iron fist. However, he (like Rwanda’s Paul Kagame) is safe because he is facilitating the plunder of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s mineral wealth by western corporations. Museveni just rigged an election in which he literally unleashed terror on his opponent but major western media organisations are not reporting that and no western leader has criticised him.

Holding elections is itself not adequate if the result is a government that is not subservient to western interests. An election which produces a leader that the west can’t control was ‘rigged’ and where western intelligence agencies don’t foment some kind of civil strife, they will connive with local operatives to topple such leader.

Rather obsess over democracy, countries across the globe should be exploring alternatives to it – like the Chinese model. However, they have been duped into believing that democracy is the best system. To their credit, the Zionist sociopaths who control the world through democracy have, through all the powerful institutions and platforms they control, done so good a job in maligning non-democratic systems (that obviously won’t give them backdoor access to a country’s administrative apparatus) that replacing democracy is not even seen as an option.

In the evening of the last Sunday of November, a South African television channel 403 screened a talk show on the topic ‘is entry level in our politics too low?’ The anchor, a certain Dan Moyane had assembled an array of distinguished people of different political groupings and background. They tackled the subject with maturity setting aside their political inclinations as they discussed the topic. Among them, were professors, lawyers, doctors, lecturers and so forth. The only one that I recognized was professor Job Mokgoro who is the former North West Premier. I was able to recognize him because he was instrumental in the appointment of the Commission of Enquiry into the bogosi of Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela in Moruleng, South Africa and its relationship with that of Mochudi in Botswana. At the end of the commission’s job, he posed for a photograph in a happy mood with Kgosi Kgafela II. He was subsequently recalled by the African National Congress (ANC).

Views expressed during the television talk show varied and were very enlightening. Majority were agreed that it was time for their country to set entry level in their politics. However, it was with a big but. The majority were agreed that when it comes to corruption, the educated were the culprit in most societies. Citing their country as an example, they were of the view that the enlightened were the majority in the State Capture report compiled by Justice Raymond Zondo. Nevertheless others were of the view that professionalizing the public sector was one way of making things difficult for those who go into politics to loot. Those who were of the view that there be entry level in their politics backed their version by referring to a Norwegian study which has revealed that education makes politicians endure high level of efficiency in their situation. It was stated that in most cases, people go into politics because it is the road to prosperity.

Nevertheless, emphasis was laid on having political leaders with university degree. It was said that the most educated political leader in South Africa is Pieter Gronerwald of Freedom Front Plus with a doctorate degree while Mosioa Lekota of Congress of the People (COPE) has metric qualifications and Jacob Zuma very low qualifications yet he served the country as the president. Participants generally agreed that party leaders should be equipped with university degree qualifications.

When I watched the debate and read the topic for discussion, I wished the discussions would be taking place in Botswana where there is deficit of degree holders at various levels of political and traditional leadership and where looting of state institutions by the elite leads to projects being delayed indefinitely or abandoned. The nearest example is the Tshele Hills Fuel Depot near Rasesa. Construction work there has been stopped ever since it was announced that millions of funds set aside for the project have been misappropriated. I pass through that project every week on my way to the cattle post. I would not be surprised if people would start vandalizing what had been put up before funds found their way into personal bank accounts. The National Assembly is gradually becoming an improved house concerning the level of education. It is no longer like some years back when Dr. Kenneth Koma was the only member with doctorate degree and perhaps Ponatshego Kedikilwe, Archie Mogwe, David Magang, Ray Molomo, Gaositwe Chiepe and Margret Nasha being among a few only ones with university degree. During those olden days there were members who would spend the life of parliament without ever contributing to the debate except for voting. Some would try their best to speak the language of parliament which was English but they struggled. I remember when the artificial insemination scheme was introduced; a member who wanted to argue that the scheme should benefit the small farmer only, his slip of the tongue said ‘the rich must use their own semen’. The unfortunate thing among current crop of members of parliament is lack of discipline. There are some who are ill mannered so much that they don’t feel ashamed to utter insults in front of television cameras.

At councils, the level of education has been disappointing for many years including the period when this country had just attained independence. However, at that time it was understandable to even have councillors who had not been to school. By the beginning of the 90s, surely Botswana’s political parties should have begun to field at least people with Cambridge certificates as council candidates. It has been my wish all along for Botswna to set entry level for politicians and dikgosi.

Sometime in an election year, a team of campaigners arrived at my mother’s home in the Mochudi East Constituency. Their mission was to solicit support for their candidate. After introducing themselves and the purpose for the visit, I asked them why we should vote for their candidate. They said their candidate was better than the rest of the other candidates and that he would bring development closer to our home. I knew the candidate well. H was a form II failure at a community junior secondary school. I asked the candidate to tell me the number of zeros in the figure ten billion Pula. When he could not tell me, I reminded him and his campaign team that gone were the days when council budget were in the region of thousands pula and that councils’ budget had gone up to billions. That meant that it required people with better qualifications to run those budgets. He started wobbling saying he was going to bring us development if elected.

I said to the candidate that, when I grew up we did not have stand pipes in our yards and now we have them. We had only three primary schools and one secondary in Mochudi. The number of primary schools has gone up to 13 including the three which were constructed before independence. I further told him that the number of schools offering secondary education has gone up to seven. The team then left our home unceremoniously saying I was wasting their time. Honestly, I am not highly educated but I considered myself better candidate than the one who wanted me to vote for him so that he represented me at council. I wanted to be represented by a strong person who would understand the work of all council committees and their budgets. Looking at the kgotlas, one sees nothing except an area neglected by the dikgosi themselves and the government. The level of education of people charged with the responsibility to dispense of justice to the community is so poor that one wonders how their judgements fare if taken on appeal to the higher courts.

Using Kgatleng as an example, this is an area where the majority of court presidents have not passed the junior certificate. I read a judgement of one of them the other day. It was a matter between the Pheko family versus another. The matter had been adjudicated by the land board and somehow was registered at the kgotla as a new matter. It was heard by a court president with standard seven qualifications who ended up tempering with a decision taken by land board members majority of who have university degrees. The need for better educated court presidents at the kgotlas is overdue. Kgosi Linchwe II was one of the people who were concerned about the level of education of dikgosi. In a paper he presented at a symposium on the topic, ‘Chieftainship in the 21st Century’ organized in Gaborone by Botswana Society, he said if chiefs were to continue to contribute effectively to the development of Botswana, future chiefs would need to be better educated and more conversant with developments not only in Botswana, but throughout the world. He said if they did not improve their levels of education, ‘we might see an increase in the appointment of non-chiefs as tribal authorities’ undermining the status of hereditary chiefs.

The completion of a nature guiding qualification by Junior Atlang Lubinda under the Anthony Birtles Scholarship is being presented by the Bush Ways Foundation as evidence of a deeper, more deliberate investment in skills development rather than once-off community support.

Lubinda recently completed a Nature Guiding course at the African Guides Academy and has since begun a 12-month internship with Bush Ways Botswana, a pathway that places him directly inside one of the country’s most important economic sectors. Tourism remains a major employer in northern Botswana, particularly for young people in rural and conservation-adjacent communities.

Unlike many short-term bursary schemes, the Anthony Birtles Scholarship fully funds training and links recipients to structured workplace experience. Lubinda was selected through a competitive process that, according to the Foundation, prioritised clarity of purpose and a demonstrated commitment to conservation and community upliftment.

Marketing coordinator Lesego Keeng said the programme reflects a shift in thinking around community development in tourism.

‘This is not just about assisting one student,’ Keeng said. ‘It is about creating practical routes for young Batswana to enter professions that matter to the sustainability of tourism and conservation.’

Lubinda completed his training in December 2025, with the Foundation citing strong academic results and leadership potential. His internship is expected to allow him to accumulate field hours required for full professional guiding certification and the acquisition of a Professional Guide Licence, a critical step for long-term employability in the sector.

Foundation manager Thato Israel said Lubinda’s progress illustrates what targeted investment in youth skills can achieve when training is linked to industry needs rather than abstract empowerment goals.

For Lubinda, the scholarship represents more than a qualification. He described it as a turning point that allowed him to see a future in a field often viewed as inaccessible to young people without financial backing or industry connections.

Introduced in 2025, the Anthony Birtles Scholarship is an annual initiative and forms part of the Bush Ways Foundation’s broader community upliftment strategy. The programme focuses on developing a pipeline of local professionals who can participate meaningfully in Botswana’s conservation and tourism economy, an approach increasingly seen as essential as the sector faces pressure to localise skills and leadership.

The Botswana Council of Non-Governmental Organizations (BOCONGO) has sharply criticized the timing the consultations on the proposed Constitutional Court, accusing the process of being a potential ‘procedural formality’ that puts the cart before the horse.

The consultations focus on the Constitution (Amendment) Bill No. 14 of 2025, a piece of legislation that seeks to establish a dedicated Constitutional Court. The proposed court would be tasked with the exclusive jurisdiction to hear and decide matters pertaining to the interpretation, protection, and enforcement of the Constitution. Its creation is seen by supporters as a significant step in strengthening the judiciary’s role as the guardian of the supreme law.

In a statement, BOCONGO welcomed the government’s efforts to create space for public participation, calling it ‘a cornerstone of democracy’ and ‘an important step toward inclusive constitutional review.’ The organization also praised the ‘multisectoral approach,’ which includes engagements with council leadership, civil society, trade unions, and the business community.

However, BOCONGO raised substantial concerns about the integrity of the process. The primary critique centers on the fact that the Bill has already been drafted, published, and debated in Parliament before the launch of nationwide public consultations. ‘This timing. raises questions about whether input will meaningfully influence the proposed Constitutional Court and the broader Constitutional Review Process,’ the statement reads. BOCONGO argues that true consultation should be a ‘genuine opportunity for citizens and stakeholders to shape outcomes,’ not a box-ticking exercise held after key decisions appear to have been made.

To ensure the process is credible, BOCONGO made several demands of the government. They insist that public input must be properly documented, addressed, and reflected in the final legislative outcome. The council called for the government to publicly share the outcomes of the consultations to demonstrate how they informed the process and to show a clear willingness to revisit and amend the bill, or re-start the process, based on public submissions. Furthermore, BOCONGO urged a shift from a ‘piecemeal approach’ to initiating a comprehensive, People-Centred Review of the Constitution, supported by widespread civic education and a published roadmap as guided by the Constitution Review Act.

The council also urged for more accessible consultations, suggesting flexible timings and varied platforms beyond the kgotla to ensure broader participation from all segments of society. BOCONGO reiterated its commitment to promoting civic education on the Constitution and urged all Batswana to actively participate in the ongoing consultations.

A government spokesperson has claimed ignorance of any attempt to weaponize the public media towards engineer public approval or manufacturing consent for the Constitutional Court, although Mass Media Complex reporters insist that there is coordinated political messaging across all public media platforms, on the Constitutional Court and healthcare crisis debates.

The Ministry stated this week that, it ‘respects the independence of media institutions and does not issue directives that undermine these constitutional principles..

No directive has been issued to suspend phone-in programmes on Radio Botswana. Decisions relating to programme formats and scheduling are managed internally by the broadcaster in accordance with its operational and editorial guidelines.’

The ministry was responding to claims from public media reporters that government has set out to regiment the public media, and for the whole of last week, call-in segments of all RB1 and RB2 programmes were suspended in a bid to control the public debate on the controversial Constitutional Court and national drug shortage.

The journalists stated that RB 1 broadcaster Letumile Lets Montsosa was removed from the Masa -a-sele morning programme and later reinstated, after letting slip that there are official instructions to ‘manage’ the callers. Montsosa’s aborted re-deployment is reported to be part of a bigger plan to co – opt the Mass Media Complex newsrooms. Government was however forced to climbdown on its plans following public backlash.

Following the incident, all call-in segment of Radio Botswana programmes were suspended for the whole of last week. The reporters claimed that, even the selection of guests invited to discuss both the Constitutional Court and drug shortages has been tightly controlled to stack the card in favour of the Constitutional Court.

Responding Sunday Standard queries, the Ministry of State, Defence and Security said it is not aware of any such instructions having been issued. ‘Editorial content and programming decisions within government media institutions fall under the operational mandate of the Department of Broadcasting Services and established editorial structures.’

The Ministry also insisted that ‘No directive has been issued to suspend phone-in programmes on Radio Botswana. Decisions relating to programme formats and scheduling are managed internally by the broadcaster in accordance with its operational and editorial guidelines.’

The government spokesperson further stated that, the Ministry ‘does not manage or oversee the selection of guests for programmes aired on state media platforms,’ adding that ‘Guest selection is an editorial function undertaken by programme producers in line with established broadcasting standards and principles of balanced reporting.’ The government official was responding to journalist reports that guest selection for RB1, RB2 and Btv programmes are not editorial decisions, but part of government’s play to saturate the public media information space with its narrative.

The Ministry further denied reports that BTv content on President Duma Boko’s tour of government hospitals is not generated by journalists, but by government enclave boosters who have been deployed to come up with massaged positive messages.

It has emerged that (Btv) reporters are not assigned to cover President Duma Boko’s hospital tours. Instead, the channel given ready-to-air footage choreographed by government officials limiting on-the-ground reporting.

Government journalists spoke of coordinated state-driven efforts to control information, by prioritizing government enclave narrative over the watchdog function of the public media. President Boko and Health Minister Stephen Modise are currently touring several hospitals following the release of a damning Ombudsman report that highlighted serious deficiencies in healthcare delivery and drug procurement.

Government ministers have also been dispatched to lead public consultations on the proposed Constitutional Court, an initiative that has stirred public debate. Some citizens have expressed strong opposition to the perceived rush to establish the court, arguing that the government should first prioritise securing essential medications for public hospitals.

The government spokesperson argued that BTV reporters have not been barred from independently covering presidential activities.

‘Where pooled or shared footage is utilised, this is generally for logistical or coordination purposes and does not preclude independent reporting by media practitioners.’

The Botswana Government has been operating out of touch with the realities facing public health facilities across the country. In its newly released report, the Ombudsman has exposed what it describes as a profound disconnect between government policy-making and the grim realities inside Botswana’s public health facilities revealing that the Ministry of Health was largely unaware of the depth and scale of the crisis unfolding on the ground.

According to the Ombudsman’s investigation, there are ‘significant deficiencies in the Ministry’s awareness of, and effective oversight over, conditions prevailing within public health facilities,’ exposing what the report also describes as a ‘marked disconnection between policy-level governance and operational realities on the ground.’

Information reaching Sunday Standard suggesting that President Duma Boko and the Minister of Health Stephen Modise’s recent nationwide tour of some public hospitals was triggered by the release of the damning investigation. Sources within the government enclave say the report’s findings jolted the leadership into action after it became clear that senior decision-makers had been operating in the dark while conditions in hospitals deteriorated.

The report paints a bleak picture of systemic dysfunction. Among the most alarming findings was the operation of an X-ray machine at Hukuntsi Primary Hospital that was emitting unsafe radiation levels, exposing patients and staff to serious health risks. In other facilities, laboratory analysers acquired outside formal procurement processes were abruptly withdrawn following ministry directives, in the absence of any policy governing donations. This left hospitals routinely referring patients to distant facilities for basic laboratory tests due to chronic shortages of equipment and reagents.

Infection control has also been severely compromised. The Ombudsman found a ‘widespread absence of functional autoclaves’, forcing hospitals to transport surgical instruments over long distances for sterilisation. The report notes that this practice not only undermined efficiency but also heightened the risk of infection. Compounding these failures, medical personnel frequently advised patients especially in urgent cases to purchase essential medicines and non-medical supplies out of their own pockets.

‘These realities highlight a stark disconnect between the Ministry’s oversight responsibilities, the duty to provide medicines, and the lived realities of service delivery within public healthcare facilities,’ the report states.

The investigation found that through a series of administrative actions and omissions, Botswana has ‘to a certain extent failed in her obligations regarding the right to health, particularly the duty to respect this right.’ This failure is linked to inadequate ambulance services, limited hospital bed space, shortages of demoralised staff, weak patient complaints mechanisms, chronic medicine stockouts, and budgetary mismanagement.

Across the country, investigators encountered overcrowded wards, lack of privacy, inadequate bedding, and delayed emergency responses conditions described as ‘incompatible with human dignity’. The Ombudsman warns that these shortcomings disproportionately affect low-income and rural populations who depend exclusively on public healthcare, thereby undermining the constitutional principles of equality and non-discrimination.

Princess Marina Hospital (PMH) emerged as the epicentre of the crisis. Allegations previously reported in the media were substantiated with the report stating that the hospital is operating beyond its functional limits and is ‘effectively at a breaking point’. the report says hospital management likened PMH to ‘an old, heavily worn vehicle, overloaded with passengers and packages, yet still expected to transport the entire population of Botswana safely to its destination.’

Emergency medical services were found to be equally fragile. At the time of the report, the Ministry of Health was operating 101 active ambulances alongside 87 inactive ones. Many of the active vehicles are over five years old and fail to meet roadworthiness standards, forcing government to spend heavily on repairs. The Ministry also lacked any policy framework to determine the optimal number of ambulances needed nationally, resulting in ad hoc procurement and escalating inefficiencies.

The report says the government spends an estimated P12 million annually on private emergency medical services, a move the Ombudsman describes as ‘reactive’ and lacking long-term sustainability. Matters were worsened by the Government Purchase Office moratorium, which restricted fuel procurement for ambulances, directly delaying patient transfers and, in some cases, leading to adverse outcomes.

Laboratory services have also been crippled. Persistent reagent shortages and obsolete equipment have left most public laboratories without accreditation. Only five government laboratories currently meet accreditation standards, while Scottish Livingstone Hospital’s accreditation was suspended in November 2025.

The Ombudsman warns that these systemic failures not only endanger patients but also significantly increase government exposure to legal liability. ‘Each failure undermines patient well-being and places the state at risk through breaches of non-delegable duties and vicarious liability,’ the report notes.

The investigation says that unless these barriers are urgently addressed, Botswana’s public health system will continue to erode public trust, deepen inequality, and fall short of safeguarding the fundamental right to health and life.

Dozens of patients left permanently injured after spinal cord stimulators were implanted to treat chronic back pain say government continues to ignore their pleas to have the devices removed, leaving them trapped in pain, disability and prolonged legal limbo.

The affected patients are victims of neurosurgeon Dr. Thabo Rowland, who inserted the spinal cord stimulators during procedures carried out after referrals from the public health system. Dr. Rowland has since been cited in multiple lawsuits alongside the government and health authorities, with patients accusing him of negligence and of implanting devices that were allegedly not properly authorized for use in Botswana.

Instead of relief, patients say the stimulators triggered devastating and irreversible complications. These include severe mobility problems, loss of bladder control, neurological impairment, chronic pain, sexual dysfunction and, in some cases, strokes. Several patients have since been forced into early medical retirement, losing their livelihoods and independence.

Correspondence seen by this publication shows that some victims have written directly to senior government offices in desperation after failing to secure help from the Ministry of Health. In their letters, they describe how the devices inserted by Dr Rowland years ago continue to cause daily suffering, while local specialists either decline or delay removing them.

Although the Ministry of Health has stated in writing that neurosurgeons exist locally who are capable of assessing and managing the removal of spinal cord stimulators, patients say this assurance has not translated into real action. They complain of endless referrals, repeated assessments and instructions to ‘wait’, while their conditions steadily worsen.

‘We were referred by government doctors to the doctor who implanted these devices,’ said one affected patient. ‘Now the same system says help is available, but nothing is being done.’

Court records from an ongoing High Court case question whether the Ministry of Health conducted proper due diligence before referring patients to Dr. Rowland and before allowing the importation and use of the spinal cord stimulators he implanted. The lawsuits further allege that at least one of the devices inserted by Dr. Rowland was not registered with the national medicines regulator, meaning its safety, quality and effectiveness were unknown at the time of implantation.

According to the court documents, patients were not given meaningful alternatives or second opinions before undergoing surgery by Dr. Rowland, and many only later discovered that the devices implanted in their bodies were potentially unlawful. Some victims reportedly underwent as many as seven procedures funded by government, yet emerged significantly worse off than before the interventions.

Dr. Rowland is cited as a defendant in the lawsuits, accused of failing to exercise due care and professional diligence when inserting the spinal cord stimulators. Government, meanwhile, is accused of failing to protect patients by referring them to the doctor without ensuring that the devices he used were lawful, safe and properly regulated.

For a brief period, hope emerged when authorities explored sending patients abroad for specialist treatment. A small number were taken to India, where some stimulators were removed. However, many others were left behind. Subsequent correspondence from senior government offices indicated that further overseas treatment would not be funded, with patients advised instead to pursue pain management and counselling.

Victims argue that such advice ignores the root cause of their suffering. ‘Pain management cannot fix a device that was implanted and that continues to damage our bodies,’ said another patient. ‘We need these stimulators removed.’

Patients say delays in both court proceedings and medical intervention are compounding their misery.

‘We are fighting the doctor who implanted these devices, the government that referred us to him, and a system that now refuses to undo the damage,’ said one victim. ‘All we are asking for is to have these stimulators removed.’

A company linked to late businessman Derik Brink and former Minister of Justice Ronald Shamukuni were locked in a legal dispute over hunting rights in the lucrative Okavango Delta, with questions of corporate identity, legal standing and competing court orders dominating the battle.

The dispute centred on hunting activities in the NG13 concession area and pitted Old Man’s Pan Safaris against DK Superior, a firm associated with Shamukuni. The matter drew in the Tcheku Community Development Trust and the Department of Wildlife and National Parks (DWNP).

Leon Kachelhoffer, managing director and shareholder of Old Man’s Pan Safaris, has challenged the legality of proceedings initiated by DK Superior Proprietary Limited, arguing that the entity cited in court papers does not legally exist in Botswana.

In an affidavit, Kachelhoffer said a search conducted with the Companies and Intellectual Property Authority (CIPA) revealed no registered company under the name DK Superior Proprietary Limited. Kachelhoffer further argued that Old Man’s Pan had already secured an order on appeal interdicting hunting activities in the NG13 area. He said the Court of Appeal ruling, delivered on 15 August 2025, directed that the dispute between Old Man’s Pan and the Tcheku Trust be resolved through arbitration.

He said he later learnt, through another court order, that DK Superior had been authorised to hunt in NG13 after entering into an agreement with the trust. According to Kachelhoffer, the order was obtained without notice to parties directly affected, including Old Man’s Pan Safaris.

‘The First Respondent clearly has no locus standi to institute proceedings for the orders it did. There is no company registered in Botswana known as DK Superior Pty Ltd. This is fatal to the application,’ he said.

Kachelhoffer also pointed to earlier High Court proceedings in which the Tcheku Trust filed an agreement showing it had contracted with DK Superior, a South African company. ‘The First Respondent is not party to such an agreement. This is a further basis to demonstrate that the First Respondent has no locus standi,’ he said, adding that the same agreement had previously been filed before the court by DK Superior’s own attorneys.

In response, Shamukuni accused Old Man’s Pan of failing to fully disclose the scope of the Court of Appeal interdict. ‘There is a matter of substance that should be raised upfront; failure by the Applicant to disclose that the interdict restrained the Tcheku Community Development Trust and its board from hunting, or permitting any persons to hunt on their behalf or under their direction,’ he said.

Shamukuni further maintained that the hunting quota for 2025 had been sold to DK Superior before the interdict came into effect. ‘The Applicant has not gainsaid the First Respondent’s assertion that the hunting quota for 2025 was sold to them prior to the interdict,’ he stated.

On the question of legal standing, Shamukuni explained that ‘DK Superior Proprietary Limited is the registered business name of Shamron Group, a company duly incorporated under the laws of Botswana.’ He said DK Superior (Pty) Limited of South Africa is the majority shareholder of Shamron.

‘The First Respondent made a bona fide mistake in believing that since the company was trading under its registered business name, that name could equally be used in litigation,’ Shamukuni said.

It has since emerged that the matter has taken a new turn with Shamukuni withdrawing the case from the Maun High Court when it was scheduled to return on 24 November 2025. It remains unclear what the next legal step will be.

Fewer Batswana are buying cars this year, with industry estimates indicating that 2026 local car sales will drop more than 12 percent below the country’s pre-pandemic norm.

With car sales believed to be a window into the country’s economic health, the steep slide may be a worrying sign of the times. According to global research firm Business Monitor International (BMI),vehicle sales in Botswana are forecast to slip in 2026, reversing earlier expectations of a rebound and underscoring the squeeze facing consumers as inflation rises, and the Pula weakens.

The slide is particularly stark, coming only two years after Botswana achieved the highest ever recorded annual volume for first-time motor vehicle registrations in 2024, with a total of 47,175 units, breaking a decade-long record previously held by 2015, of 46,045 units.

The motor vehicle sector is not usually the catalyst for business cycle downturns, but it is believed to be a leading indicator of recessions and a pro-cyclical sector that amplifies economic swings. Aside from housing, motor vehicles are the most expensive durable item consumers purchase. Data indicate that most vehicle purchases are financed making motor vehicle demand sensitive to interest rates and credit conditions, as well as to labor market conditions and consumer sentiment.

Vehicle sales are projected to fall by 0.3 percent year-on-year to about 45,300 units, according to revised industry estimates, more than 12 percent below the country’s pre-pandemic norm. The downgrade reflects a confluence of pressures that began to take shape in 2025 and are set to linger. Inflation, while still within the Bank of Botswana’s official target range of 3 to 6 percent, is expected to accelerate sharply, averaging roughly 5.6 percent in 2026. In response, the central bank raised its policy rate late last year by a striking 160 basis points, lifting borrowing costs for car buyers already grappling with higher fuel, electricity and water prices.

For a market heavily dependent on imports, currency movements are compounding the problem. Nearly two-thirds of vehicles sold in Botswana come from Japan, and a strengthening yen combined with a forecast depreciation of the pula is expected to push sticker prices higher. Financing those purchases will also become more expensive, dulling demand even further.

Passenger vehicles are bearing the brunt. Sales in that segment are now expected to contract by 0.8 percent in 2026, rather than grow as previously forecast, with volumes still well below pre-Covid levels. Dealers say households are delaying big-ticket purchases as disposable incomes come under pressure and credit conditions tighten.

For commercial vehicles, sales overall are still expected to grow modestly, led by light commercial vehicles such as vans and pickups used in urban logistics and last-mile delivery. As household spending recovers later in 2026, demand for these vehicles is expected to rise, reflecting the steady expansion of retail and distribution networks in Botswana’s cities.

But heavier trucks are another matter. Sales of heavy commercial vehicles are forecast to decline again, held back by subdued activity in diamond mining – long a backbone of the economy. Diamond output has fallen steeply since 2024 and is expected to remain well below pre-pandemic levels for years, limiting fleet expansion by mining firms and their suppliers. Rising utility costs are also squeezing margins for small and medium-sized businesses, prompting many to postpone vehicle upgrades.

Yet beneath the near-term weakness, analysts see reasons for cautious optimism. Over the longer run, Botswana’s push to diversify its economy away from mining – toward agriculture, tourism, logistics and higher-value diamond activities – is expected to restore growth in vehicle demand. Passenger vehicle sales are projected to return to pre-pandemic levels by the end of the decade, supported by improving consumer confidence and gradually easier credit conditions.

Electric vehicles remain a curiosity rather than a catalyst, with only a few dozen on the road and fewer than five public charging stations nationwide. Still, early signals are emerging. Tourism operators have begun experimenting with electric game-drive vehicles, and interest is growing in electric motorcycles and three-wheelers for deliveries. The acquisition in 2023 of a local vehicle conversion firm by the British automaker Ineos has also raised hopes that Botswana could carve out a small role in the electric vehicle supply chain.

More than 200, 000 Batswana are at risk of losing access to healthcare as Botswana’s biggest medical aid scheme buckles under the weight of government financial distress.

Hundreds of private health providers also face financial ruin in what industry insiders warn is a fast spreading healthcare sector crisis

The cash-strapped Botswana Public Officers Medical Aid Scheme (BPOMAS) – which provides cover to more than 40% of the country’s private medical aid members, has not paid healthcare providers’ claims since November 2025, and there is no end in sight. The scheme has formally admitted it does not know when it will have money to pay, raising alarm across an already fragile health system. Nerves are getting frayed as service providers brace for increased pain in the days ahead.

In a letter dated 29 January 2026, BPOMAS informed service providers that its financial position remains unchanged despite months of engagement with stakeholders. Acting CEO Linda Keloneilwe wrote that the scheme would only make incremental payments when funds become available, but could not provide definitive timelines for settling arrears.

‘We regret to inform you that the situation remains unchanged, ‘Keloneilwe stated. ‘While engagements are ongoing, no definitive timelines have been confirmed at this stage.’

She further stated: ‘We fully appreciate the operational strain this prolonged delay may cause and sincerely regret the inconvenience experienced. Please be assured that resolving the non-payment issues remain an urgent priority for the Scheme, and we are committed to keeping you updated as developments occur. To enhance transparency, the Scheme will provide weekly updates on the status of these engagements with effect from 6 February 2026. ‘

The admission has sent shockwaves through Botswana’s healthcare industry. BPOMAS commands a dominant 43% market share, with 85, 961 principal members and 202, 397 (about 10% of Botswana’s total population) total lives covered as of 2023. As a closed scheme serving public officers, parastatal employees and their dependent, its financial crisis threatens not just patients, but the entire private healthcare ecosystem.

BPOMAS and government together underpin Botswana’s private healthcare economy. BPOMAS brings in P1.02 billion annually, while government injects another P300 million through outsourced patient care – over half of all institutional spending in the sector. With bot now defaulting on payments, the sector’s financial stability is rapidly unravelling.

Since April 2025, BPOMAS has struggled to pay service providers due to delayed remittances of medical aid subscriptions by government. By May

2025, BPOMAS issued warning letters to its members, demanding arrears payments to avoid benefit suspensions. In letters to some of its members, BPOMAS stated: ‘According to the Scheme’s records, your contributions amounting to .. is outstanding due to short-payment from your employer. Kindly request your employer to make the necessary adjustments with regards to your contributions in order to avoid suspension of your benefits.’

Ten months later, the crisis has deepened into what health economists now describe as an industry-wide emergency. Because BPOMAS covers more than 200, 000 lives, many private practices rely on the scheme for a substantial share of their revenue. With payments frozen, clinics are struggling to pay staff, suppliers and landlords.

The situation is further worsened by the fact that many of these same private providers are already owed hundreds of millions of pula by the Ministry of Health – double financial blow that threatens to wipe out large sections of Botswana’s private healthcare sector.

The looming provider fallout comes at the worst possible time. Botswana’s public healthcare system is already under severe strain, plagued by medicine shortages, staff burnout and failing infrastructure. If private facilities collapse under BPOMAS and government debt, patients could be left with nowhere to go. Industry insiders warn that without urgent interventions, the crisis could trigger mass benefit suspensions, clinic closures and reduced access to care for chronic patients, turning a financial failure into a full blown public health disaster.

As BPOMAS promises weekly updates, starting February 2026, providers and patients alike are asking the same question: How long can Botswana’s health system survive without cash, confidence and care?