Category: Sunday Standard

The P1.5 billion water tender dispute has exploded into a full-scale legal and possible institutional crisis with the Director General of the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC), Botlhale Makgekgenene and Public Procurement Regulatory Authority (PPRA) Chief Executive Officer Tumelo Motsumi now facing possible jail time for contempt of court.

In an affidavit deposed by Kagiso Moremi on behalf of Tawana JV, the applicants are now seeking the joinder of both Makgekgenene and Motsumi into contempt proceedings already before the High Court. The affidavit states that the DCEC Director General ‘is sought to be joined to the contempt application as a further contemnor and orders will be sought against her, including her committal to prison as a sanction for her impugned conduct.’

Papers before the courts show a procurement process involving a multi-billion Pula water tender which Tawana JV says was unlawfully suspended despite clear court rulings in its favour. According to the affidavit by Moremi, the High Court on February 24, 2025 ruled that Tawana JV was ‘entitled to contract placement within 21 days’ in terms of the Public Procurement Regulations. That judgment was later upheld by the Court of Appeal on March 27, 2026 after the respondents lost their appeal. But Tawana JV argues that instead of implementing the judgment, authorities moved to frustrate and undermine the court orders.

‘After the Court of Appeal judgment of 27 March 2026 had been delivered… a series of acts were undertaken by the Accounting Officer, ostensibly in concert with the DCEC and the PPRA, the cumulative effect of which has been to ring-fence the Accounting Officer’s non-compliance,’ Moremi’s affidavit reads. He alleges that on May 7, 2026 the Accounting Officer issued a letter purporting to suspend the procurement process. He argues that the suspension may have been unlawful because Section 107(4) of the Public Procurement Act states that where a public oversight agency is investigating a procurement process, the process cannot be suspended without prior written approval from the PPRA. Moremi now wants the court to compel disclosure of critical procurement records, including what it describes as the ‘original alleged instruction’ from the DCEC directing suspension of the tender process. He argues that the legality of the DCEC’s actions ‘will directly affect the DCEC and its Director General.’

He further states: ‘Any orders made by this Honourable Court in respect of the procurement process, the contempt application, or the interlocutory relief, will necessarily involve a determination of the scope and lawfulness of the Director General of DCEC’s conduct.’ According to Moremi, the PPRA’s role is central because it is the statutory regulator responsible for procurement oversight and records. He adds that; ‘The lawfulness of the purported suspension of the procurement process turns, in part, on whether the PPRA approved the suspension as required by Section 107(4) of the Act.’

He further argues that the PPRA possesses crucial documents and information that could determine whether the suspension was lawful or part of an effort to defeat the implementation of court orders. He insists no prejudice would arise from joining the DCEC and PPRA bosses to the proceedings because they had already participated in correspondence surrounding the disputed suspension. The decision by Tawana JC to launch the interlocutory application and seeking to have DCEC and PPRA senior officials imprisoned follows another application pending before the court by the joint venture to have accounting officer at the Ministry of Water and Human Settlement to be held in contempt of court for failing to implement the High Court and Court of Appeal judgements that favoured the joint venture to be awarded the tender for the water project.

The Court of Appeal has delivered a crushing blow to a company linked to President Duma Boko’s family, throwing out its attempt to block the takeover of the collapsed Mupane gold mine.

In a judgment delivered by Justice Isaac Lesetedi, the Court of Appeal describing the bidder, Ulsan, as a ‘grumpy loser’ with ‘no conceivable right to protect.’ Court of Appeal President justice Tebogo Tau and Court of Appeal judge Justice Lot Moroka concurred.

Dismissing a challenge brought by a company linked to President Duma Boko’s son over the lucrative Mupane mine takeover battle, the Court of Appeal overturned a High Court order that had temporarily stopped the sale of Mupane Gold Mine ‘s assets to Nova Africa Resources and Aone Commodities DMCC Joint Venture in a deal worth US$21.5 million.

The case centred on Ulsan Botswana (Pty) Ltd, a company reportedly linked to President Boko’s son, Andile Tau, through recent corporate appointments. Court papers show the company was registered in May 2025 and later underwent rapid changes in directorship and management structures. This fuelled public scrutiny over its involvement in the high-stakes gold mine takeover.

The Court of Appeal tore apart Ulsan’s arguments and ruled that the company had failed to establish any legal basis to halt the liquidation process.

‘Quite evidently Ulsan was nothing but a grumpy loser with no conceivable right to protect,’ Justice Lesetedi wrote in the judgment.

The court further said the company was ‘intent on frustrating the liquidation process on the back of whimsical grounds.’

Mupane Gold Mining had been placed under final liquidation in February 2025 after failing to pay debts owed to workers represented by the Mineworkers Union. Liquidator Kopanang Thekiso later invited bids for the mine’s assets through a Request for Offers process.

Two bids eventually emerged as frontrunners: Ulsan’s proposal and the Nova Africa JV offer.

According to the judgment, Ulsan offered an upfront payment of just US$500,000, with a conditional package that could potentially rise to US$10 million over several years after further assessments of the mine.

By contrast, Nova Africa JV tabled a straight US$21.5 million offer payable upon completion of the agreement.

The court said Nova Africa’s proposal was ‘clearly much more financially attractive’ and in the best interests of creditors including former mine workers who had gone unpaid for months.

‘The successful bidder’s offer of USD 21.5 million dwarfs Ulsan’s bid,’ the judgment stated.

Ulsan had argued that the liquidation process was unfair because the liquidator allegedly extended the bid submission deadline without informing all bidders equally, thereby benefiting Nova Africa JV.

However, the Court of Appeal found that the official Request for Offers had always listed 15 June 2025 as the closing date and that there had been no unlawful extension.

‘Neither in its affidavits nor at the hearing was Ulsan able to show the wrongfulness of any conduct by the Liquidator in the clarification of the closing date which merely confirms the date..Nor was it able to show any prejudice,’ said Lesetedi.

The judge also ruled that Ulsan lacked legal standing to challenge the process because submitting a bid did not create enforceable rights over the mine assets.

‘The highest of any offer shall not necessarily be accepted,’ the court noted citing conditions signed by all bidders.

Lesetedi criticised the High Court for failing to properly weigh the interests of creditors and former employees.

He said the lower court ignored the realities facing unpaid workers and the deteriorating financial position of the mine while entertaining litigation from a dissatisfied bidder.

‘No one can say how long the review application will take,’ Justice Lesetedi said. He added that’In the meantime without funds the Liquidator would carry out his responsibilities.’

The Court of Appeal set aside the interim interdict granted by the High Court and dismissed Ulsan’s application with costs.

The Selebi-Phikwe Economic Diversification Unit (SPEDU) says it has assembled the largest industrial investment pipeline in its history, valued between P5.9 billion and P6.8 billion, as the institution seeks to reposition itself from a post-BCL recovery agency into a national industrialisation platform.

Addressing Parliament’s Committee on Statutory Bodies and State Enterprises this week, SPEDU Acting Chief Executive Officer Othata Batsetswe said the organisation had undergone a ‘structural repositioning’ over the past four years, shifting from what he described as a passive coordination entity into an execution-driven investment facilitation institution.

Batsetswe told legislators that SPEDU had facilitated more than 157 enterprises with an investment value of P3.4 billion and supported the creation of over 8,000 cumulative jobs during the reporting period.

He said the institution had also operationalised governance reforms including enterprise risk management systems, anti-corruption frameworks, ESG strategies, whistleblowing mechanisms and digital procurement controls aimed at improving investor confidence and institutional credibility.

‘SPEDU today is fundamentally different from the institution that existed a few years ago,’ Batsetswe said in his executive summary to the committee. The agency was established following the collapse of the BCL copper-nickel mine in Selebi-Phikwe, which triggered widespread job losses and economic decline in the region. Batsetswe said SPEDU’s mandate had evolved from economic recovery toward building a diversified industrial economy less dependent on mining. Batsetswe said SPEDU’s manufacturing portfolio had grown from 22 enterprises in the 2020/21 financial year to 60 active enterprises in 2025/26, spanning sectors including food processing, pharmaceuticals, chemicals, plastics, electrical components and metal fabrication.

He said the institution had secured approximately P340 million in investor commitments, while negotiations involving an additional P120 million were at an advanced stage.

Among the projects highlighted was what SPEDU described as the largest foreign direct investment transaction in its history, valued at approximately US$45 million and linked to a chemicals manufacturing investor.

Batsetswe also outlined efforts to position the SPEDU region as a future industrial hub focused on electric mobility, battery value chains, metallurgical beneficiation and green manufacturing, with projected capital frameworks exceeding P3.1 billion.

He said the institution had submitted Botswana’s first application to the United Nations Fund for Responding to Loss and Damage, seeking about US$17 million for industrial decarbonisation and climate resilience projects.

Despite the reported progress, SPEDU acknowledged major structural challenges affecting industrial take-off in the region.

The institution said more than 92 percent of its heavy industrial land remains unserviced, describing this as the single biggest constraint limiting investor conversion and project implementation. Out of 103 plots held within SPEDU’s land bank portfolio, only eight have been fully developed, representing an overall development rate of about 7.8 percent. Batsetswe told Parliament that delays in gazetting the 30 percent Government Offtake Policy into a legally enforceable statutory instrument had also undermined investor certainty and weakened implementation across government procurement entities.

He further cited high electricity costs, particularly maximum demand charges imposed on emerging industries, delayed financing approvals, shortages of serviced industrial land and competition from imports as barriers to industrial growth.

SPEDU said it continued to advocate for power tariff reforms, stronger domestic market protection measures and accelerated infrastructure servicing.

The institution also addressed governance and audit concerns raised during previous years.

Batsetswe said SPEDU had inherited governance instability, prolonged board vacancies and audit backlogs, but maintained that all identified audit findings were classified as medium-risk, with no high-risk governance failures identified.

He added that the organisation had implemented cost-containment measures including tighter procurement controls, reductions in acting allowances and migration toward digital governance systems.

Financially, SPEDU said it received cumulative government subventions of approximately P141.5 million over four years, while also pursuing long-term revenue sustainability through industrial land leases, investment facilitation fees and One-Stop-Shop services. The agency reported that its accumulated reserves had increased from about P327,844 to more than P7.1 million by the 2025 financial year. Batsetswe said SPEDU’s 2026-2029 strategy aimed to position the institution as Botswana’s leading regional industrialisation platform, targeting 85 percent industrial land utilisation, expanded export-oriented manufacturing and increased integration into African Continental Free Trade Area value chains.

‘The institution’s strategic importance to Botswana’s future industrial economy is becoming more evident with every investment facilitated, every enterprise supported, every job created, and every governance reform implemented,’ he said.

Botswana’s appetite for cars is slowing, but not enough to loosen the grip of imported used vehicles on the country’s roads.

New data from Statistics Botswana shows first-time vehicle registrations fell by 3.7 percent in the fourth quarter of 2025 to 9,942 vehicles, down from 10,324 in the previous quarter. Despite the decline, passenger cars remained dominant, accounting for 72.8 percent of all registrations during the quarter.

The figures reinforce Botswana’s status as a heavily import-driven vehicle market, with used vehicles continuing to overwhelm demand for new units.

According to the report, used vehicles accounted for 79.6 percent of all first-time registrations in Q4 2025, while brand-new vehicles represented just 20.3 percent. Rebuilt vehicles barely registered at 0.1 percent.

Japan remained the undisputed king of Botswana’s used-car economy. Vehicles imported from Japan made up 85.2 percent of all used vehicle registrations, far ahead of South Africa’s 6.7 percent share. Meanwhile, most brand-new vehicles originated from South Africa, accounting for 72.4 percent of new registrations.

Mazda emerged as Botswana’s most registered vehicle brand during the quarter, capturing 19.3 percent of all first-time registrations. Honda followed closely at 18.9 percent, while Toyota accounted for 16.9 percent.

The report also highlighted the growing concentration of vehicle activity in urban centres. Gaborone stations accounted for 58.2 percent of all registrations, with Francistown trailing far behind at 8.7 percent and Molepolole at 7.2 percent.

While overall registrations softened, some commercial categories bucked the trend. Registrations for tankers and horse trailers jumped 39.5 percent during the quarter, while trailer registrations rose 16.7 percent.

The numbers suggest that even as consumers pull back, Botswana’s dependence on imported second-hand vehicles remains firmly in gear.

What began as a lucrative P1.5 billion water project has now exploded into one of Botswana’s most vicious legal battles with the Attorney General’s Chambers, the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC) and the Public Procurement Regulatory Authority (PPRA) being accused of court defiance, abuse of power and a coordinated attempt to block a citizen-owned company from securing a government contract.

At the centre of the controversy is a mega water infrastructure project now suspended following intervention by the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC). But lawyers representing Tawana Joint Venture (Tawana JV), the contractor at the heart of the dispute, have launched an attack against government as they accuse officials at the government enclave of deliberately frustrating court orders to prevent the company from securing the contract.

In a letter dated 7 May 2026, Ministry of Water and Human Settlement’s acting permanent secretary iNchidzi Mmolawa informed Tawana JV that the procurement process had been suspended after the ministry allegedly received instructions from the DCEC.

‘The Ministry has received an instruction from the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime directing the suspension of the above procurement process pending investigations,’ wrote Mmolawa. He further stated that the DCEC had allegedly obtained written authority from the Public Procurement Regulatory Authority (PPRA) under Section 107(4) of the Public Procurement Act to halt the process. But Tawana JV’s lawyers, Jeremiah Tladi and Co, immediately challenged the legality of the suspension and demanded urgent disclosure of all documents allegedly authorising the move. The company’s lawyers argued that the suspension directly contradicted binding court orders issued by the High Court and later confirmed by the Court of Appeal. ‘We further attach the Order of the High Court dated 24 February 2025 and the judgment of the Court of Appeal dated 27 March 2026 confirming that Order,’ attorney Tebogo Tladi stated.

He added that; ‘Those orders required the Accounting Officer to procure contract placement within 21 days and remain extant and binding.’ Tladi argued that neither the DCEC nor any state institution possessed legal authority to suspend or override subsisting court orders. ‘No statutory body, including DCEC, has the power in law to suspend, override, or frustrate the operation of a subsisting High Court order confirmed on appeal,’ Tladi charged. The lawyers further demanded answers on whether the DCEC was aware of the existing court orders when issuing its alleged directive and whether the anti-corruption agency intended withdrawing the instruction to avoid what Tawana JV describes as continued contempt of court. The dispute escalated after Deputy Attorney General Joao Salbany entered the fray in defence of the government’s position.

In a response, Salbany rejected allegations of contempt and argued that the ministry was merely complying with statutory oversight requirements governing procurement integrity. ‘The Court has ordered ‘contract placement,’ which is a procedural step within the broader procurement process,’ Salbany wrote. ‘It has not awarded a completed contract, nor has it issued the statutory oversight powers of relevant authorities.’ Salbany insisted that complying with the DCEC directive could not amount to wilful contempt because the government remained bound by procurement laws and anti-corruption oversight mechanisms. But Tawana JV responded with even more explosive allegations, accusing both the Ministry and the Attorney General’s Chambers of pursuing a long-running agenda to deny the contract to a citizen-owned company. ‘The Ministry and your office have, without exception, pursued a single strategic objective: that the tender should not be awarded to Tawana JV,’ Tladi wrote in another letter. He cited previous findings by the Court of Appeal, which reportedly criticised the conduct of former accounting officer Dr Kekgonne Baipoledi.

According to Tladi, the Court of Appeal described Baipoledi’s conduct as ‘egregious,’ accused her of being ‘less than candid’ under oath and found evidence of ‘a scheme to favour CCECC/ZGEC while being blind to a 100 percent citizen contractor.’ Tladi further accused the Attorney General’s Chambers of inventing legal theories to justify delays in awarding the contract. He added that; ‘The position is, with respect, illogical: contract placement that places no contract.’ Tawana JV’s lawyers suspect that the alleged DCEC intervention may not have been independently initiated at all, but rather solicited by ministry officials and legal advisors as contempt proceedings intensified. ‘Our client reasonably suspects that the alleged DCEC instruction was solicited by the Accounting Officer on the advice of your office rather than initiated independently by the DCEC,’ Tladi alleged. The lawyers argued that the timing of the anti-corruption intervention was deeply suspicious because the DCEC had allegedly remained inactive for 17 months following an earlier procurement tribunal referral involving the same tender. According to Tladi, the DCEC only moved aggressively after contempt proceedings were launched against senior ministry officials accused of refusing to comply with court orders. Tladi also accused government officials of humiliating the executives and lawyers of Tawana JC during a scheduled meeting at the Ministry of Water and Human Settlement.

According to Tladi, the company, its directors and legal team waited at the ministry offices for a scheduled meeting on 7 May, only to discover that officials had instead dispatched suspension letters elsewhere while avoiding face-to-face engagement. ‘The composite picture is not one of a Ministry and Attorney General’s Chambers in good faith engagement with a citizen contractor vindicated by the highest court,’ Tladi said. He added that, ‘It is one of Government officials coordinating an administrative response off-stage while the citizen sits in the lobby.’ Tladi warned that it intends joining the DCEC Director General, the PPRA Chief Executive Officer and potentially the Acting Attorney General personally into ongoing contempt proceedings before the High Court. He also insists that the company is not opposed to genuine anti-corruption investigations.

‘What our client does not accept,’ the lawyer stated adding that it ‘is the deployment of the machinery of investigation, this late, against the very citizen contractor whom the courts have vindicated.’

Botswana’s beef industry is seeking answers as the closure of the Botswana Meat Commission’s (BMC) Lobatse abattoir stretches into months following the outbreak of Foot and Mouth Disease (FMD), deepening concerns over farmer incomes, export earnings and economic activity in the country’s livestock heartland.

The Botswana National Beef Producers Union (BNBPU) says it will use a national council meeting next week to demand clarity from government, veterinary authorities and BMC on the extent of the outbreak, containment measures and the likely timeline for reopening the plant.

BNBPU spokesperson Andrew Seeletso said farmers are increasingly anxious as movement restrictions and the prolonged shutdown disrupt cattle sales and cash flows.

‘The disease appears to be spreading, which is worrying because it has serious economic consequences for farmers,’ Seeletso told Sunday Standard. ‘We need a clear picture of what is happening and what the way forward looks like.’

The meeting will bring together farmers, BMC officials, the Department of Veterinary Services and Acting Minister of Lands and Agriculture Edwin Dikoloti.

The concerns come as Lobatse Mayor Mosimanegape Ganakgomo warned that the BMC plant could remain closed for between three and six months. He said the shutdown was placing financial pressure on the commission while hurting economic activity in the town and surrounding communities that depend on the beef value chain.

The latest outbreak has spread into Zone 11 along Botswana’s southern livestock corridor bordering South Africa, an area not traditionally associated with the highest FMD risk. Veterinary authorities have imposed movement restrictions on cattle, goats, sheep and pigs, while the slaughter of cloven-hoofed animals at social events has also been suspended.

The outbreak has already resulted in the suspension of FMD-free status in affected areas, dealing a fresh blow to Botswana’s premium beef export trade and raising fears of prolonged disruption if containment efforts fail.

Africa could unlock more than $1.4 trillion annually through stronger tax collection, more efficient public spending and deeper financial markets, according to the African Development Bank (AfDB), a message that resonates strongly with Botswana as it seeks funding for an ambitious development agenda.

The AfDB’s 2026 African Economic Outlook estimates the continent faces an annual financing gap of more than $1.3 trillion to meet the Sustainable Development Goals. However, it argues that reforms could mobilise as much as $1.43 trillion each year, including $469 billion from stronger revenue collection and $299 billion from improving the efficiency of public investment.

The report comes as Botswana prepares to implement NDP12, backed by an infrastructure pipeline estimated at nearly P400 billion between 2026 and 2030. Projects span energy, transport, water, logistics and digital connectivity, while the Botswana Economic Transformation Programme seeks to accelerate diversification beyond diamonds.

The challenge is that the investment drive is beginning from a weaker fiscal position. Government expects a budget deficit of P26.35 billion in 2026/27 after a projected P25.5 billion shortfall in the previous financial year.

Public debt is also rising. Government debt, including guarantees, stood at about P90 billion, or 33 percent of GDP, in December 2025. The Ministry of Finance projects debt will reach 44.7 percent of GDP by the end of 2026/27, prompting Parliament to approve an increase in the statutory debt ceiling from 40 percent to 60 percent of GDP.

The AfDB also highlighted institutional investors as a major untapped source of development capital. Botswana’s pension funds held P170.8 billion in assets in January 2026, with more than half invested offshore. New regulations aimed at reducing offshore allocations are expected to channel more long-term capital into the domestic economy.

As Vice President, Slumber Tsogwane didn’t think there was anything wrong with President Mokgweetsi Masisi publicly insulting other people. A Botswana-flag lapel pin adorning his suit jacket, he once took to the floor of parliament to justify why his principal could describe the antics of De Beers’ negotiators with an explosive onomatopoeia that mimics the repetitive sound of a heavily-laden tractor flatulently wiggling its way up a particularly steep, potholed incline. Digitally reincarnated as an (uncharacteristically) easy-going social-media star with 185 000 Facebook followers, a cumulative total of over three million views, two online pet names (‘Chipi’ and ‘Sdala’) as well as a packed social-butterfly calendar, the former VP has dramatically readjusted his views on public use of insulting language.

In celebrating that viewership milestone, Tsogwane posted the following statement to his Facebook page: ‘I extend my sincere gratitude to each of you for engaging with me in a manner that is respectful, thoughtful, and meaningful. It is through such engagement that dialogue becomes impactful and progress becomes possible. Let us continue to be mindful of the words we choose, ensuring they build rather than break, unite rather than divide. When used responsibly, this platform is not just a space for expression, but a powerful tool for connection, growth, and shared purpose. Re Batswana.’ The Setswana sign-off is followed by a single Botswana-flag emoji.

While he has been consistent in his use of Botswana-flag iconography, Tsogwane has been inconsistent with regard to application of public decorum standards. Some four years ago, the Leader of the Opposition, Dumelang Saleshando, implicitly advocated for respectful, thoughtful, and meaningful engagement through a thematic parliamentary question. The question was themed ‘Use of Inappropriate or Uncouth Language by the President and Uttering of False Statements.’ Over an extended period of time and in dramatic departure from presidential norm, Masisi had said a mouthful, some of it blatantly classist condescension.

In condemning widespread tendency to beg, the former president hypothesised the scenario of an elderly person begging for fencing wire at a kgotla meeting: Masisi actual words were ‘Le mogolo wa maloba o tla a bo a tsena ko kgotleng a re ‘nywee tautona ke batla terata.’ [Even an elderly person can say ‘I want a wire fence roll.’] ‘Nywee-nywee’ is an ethno-cultural buffer term that combines hyperbole and onomatopoeia and is used to mock.

Referencing a childhood in which he had set traps for birds, Masisi said he did the same thing with De Beers during the diamond sales agreement negotiators and managed to ensnare its team. The Setswana he used was ‘ba kile ba a re peperepepere.’ The statement doesn’t yield to a sensible literal translation but substantively means that De Beers’ negotiators unsuccessfully tried all sorts of trickery. ‘Peperepepere’ imitates the sound of farting and, in Setswana, can be used figuratively to describe the act of someone engaging in elaborate but ultimately unsuccessful verbal or non-verbal effort.

Addressing a Botswana Democratic Party political rally during the Covid period, Masisi said that after members of the opposition (baganetsi) got the Covid vaccine, their buttocks swelled up – ‘ba tika lerago.’ This expression is typically used on the poor, mostly by the well-off. Masisi’s ba-tika-lerago remark didn’t separate the young from the old, leaders from supporters or those who criticised him from those who never did. On the basis of the latter, Francistown South MP, Wynter Mmolotsi would state, in parliament, that ‘bagolo ba a ngongorega gore tautona ga a ka ke a ba raya a re ba tika lerago.’ He meant that elderly people in the opposition were complaining about what the then president had said about them.

Masisi tendency to casually insult people in public got as extreme as to attract scholarly attention from the University of Botswana. Last year, Southern Journal for Contemporary History published an academic paper by Christian John Makgala, Boga Thura Manatsha and Batlang Seabo that pairs Masisi with Khama. Titled ‘Shooting from the Hip: Critical Discourse Analysis of Setswana Language Spoken by ‘Deculturalised’ Presidents Ian Khama and Mokgweetsi Masisi, Botswana’, the paper argues that public use of Setswana language by both former presidents ‘has contravened the ethos of botho (civility), thereby dividing public opinion.’

In response to Saleshando’s question, Tsogwane (as the Leader of the House) said that the Masisi had only used figures of speech (‘dipapisapuo, manatetshapuo’ – metaphors, euphemisms) through which ordinary language is manipulated to create a literary effect. He did indeed use the term ‘euphemism’ which is used when one wants to say something in an understated manner, often to avoid unpleasant or embarrassing topics. His broad-brush response lumped the offensive remarks together and he defended their use by saying that they had been ‘taken out of context.’

When challenged on the appropriateness of the specific remarks Masisi had used, the future Chipi either mischaracterised the context, equivocated, engaged in preposterous semantic gymnastics or took cheap, out-of-context shots at MPs. He falsely asserted that Masisi was referring to opposition politicians who didn’t want to be vaccinated when he (Masisi) had not actually made such distinction. When Mmolotsi challenged Tsogwane on peperepepere, he sought to weasel out by detracting to snide remarks about how the ruling Botswana Democratic Party helped the now ‘pompous’ Mmolotsi become an MP: ‘Yo go tweng Mmolotsi yo re mo thusitseng ka maemo a e leng gore gompieno a a mmelahatsa.’ The context was not very clear but Mmolotsi first came to parliament as a BDP member and later defected to the opposition with his seat.

In fairness to him, the ordinarily mild-mannered Tsogwane had been publicly pressured into this unenviable position. Earlier in his term as vice president, a systematic, if stealth campaign that was mostly executed through mainstream and social media, was launched to force him to ‘defend’ Masisi. Where it would have been easier to defend policies, he ended up defending inappropriate conduct by his principal. While Tsogwane now sees virtue in respectful words, he has never recanted his statement about the phantom aestheticism of offensive words, especially those used by someone – like a state president, who is at the nerve centre of public life and should model appropriate conduct. On such basis, future generations will learn, from the Hansard of the Botswana Parliament, that a former vice president once declared that ‘go tika lerago’, ‘nywee-nywee’, ‘peperepepere’ are perfect examples of aesthetically-enhanced Setswana. That is part of Tsogwane’s legacy as a political leader.

BBS Bank shareholders will next month decide whether to back a proposal that could pave the way for the lender’s migration to the Botswana Stock Exchange (BSE) Main Board and a capital raising programme aimed at supporting its growth ambitions as a commercial bank.

The proposals are among key resolutions scheduled for voting at the bank’s annual general meeting on June 25, where directors will seek authority to apply for a Main Board listing and undertake a rights issue and issue of shares for cash.

BBS Bank has traded on the BSE’s Serala Over-the-Counter Board since September 2018, following its demutualisation from Botswana Building Society. The lender says the OTC platform was intended as a stepping stone towards a full stock exchange listing, giving the institution time to gain experience in a regulated securities market while preparing for a future Main Board debut.

Under BSE rules, companies may remain on the Serala OTC Board for up to five years before either migrating to the Main Board or de-registering. While that period has already lapsed, BBS Bank has secured an extension allowing it to remain on the platform until December 2026.

The board argues that a Main Board listing would improve the bank’s visibility, credibility and access to a wider pool of investors, while aligning it with more established players in Botswana’s banking sector.

In anticipation of the proposed migration, directors are also seeking shareholder approval for a capital raise through a rights issue and an issue of shares for cash. The funds would be used to strengthen the bank’s financial position and support its strategic transformation programme.

Shareholders will also be asked to approve the removal of certain protective provisions under the Building Societies Act, a move the board says would broaden the bank’s potential investor base and improve the prospects of a successful capital raising exercise.

Hundreds of former Mupane Gold Mine workers moved a step closer to recovering unpaid salaries and benefits after the Court of Appeal cleared the way for the sale of the mine’s assets, overturning a High Court ruling that had temporarily halted the transaction.

The Botswana Mine Workers Union (BMWU) welcomed the decision, saying it restores momentum to a process that could unlock payments to workers and other creditors following the mine’s closure and subsequent liquidation.

BMWU president Joseph Tsimako said the ruling was a significant breakthrough for more than 500 former employees, including workers retained during the mine’s care-and-maintenance phase after operations were suspended in 2024.

‘This is a positive development because the mine has been under care and maintenance for a long time, and the prospective buyer had already indicated a willingness to settle obligations owed to creditors and former miners,’ Tsimako said.

The proposed sale would see Nova Africa Joint Venture acquire the mine’s assets for P21.5 million. According to the union, the transaction would allow the liquidator to continue efforts to conclude the sale process and begin addressing outstanding claims.

Tsimako said the union initially pushed for liquidation after workers went for months without pay while the mine remained non-operational. He argued that the legal dispute that followed only prolonged uncertainty for employees already facing severe financial hardship.

Many former workers are still servicing loans and supporting families despite having gone without salaries for extended periods, he said.

The dispute arose after the High Court granted an interim interdict blocking the sale following legal action involving liquidator Kopanang Thekiso and Nova Africa Resources, trading as Aone Commodities DMCC Joint Venture.

Creditors are collectively owed more than P345 million, including approximately P49 million owed to workers represented by BMWU.

The union said it will now engage both the liquidator and the prospective buyer to establish timelines for settling outstanding payments and bringing closure to one of Botswana’s most closely watched mining insolvencies.