Category: Sunday Standard

The Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) government has reportedly made only limited headway on its sweeping election promises as it achieved just 13 percent progress in its first year in office.

This is according to a study by the Southern African based Sivio Institute which is a non-governmental (NGO) organisation focusing on governance across Africa titled ‘Settling In Amid Fiscal Challenges: An Assessment of the Government of Botswana’s First Year in Office.’ The study paints a stark picture of a government grappling with economic headwinds and struggling to translate campaign pledges into tangible results.

According to the study, the UDC manifesto contained 171 promises. Of these, only 23 promises representing 13 percent are currently ‘In Progress,’ while none have been fully implemented or broken. The overwhelming majority, 148 promises, remain at the ‘Not Commenced’ stage. ‘In the past 12 months, 25 actions have been recorded,’ the study states adding that ‘after a year in office, the Government of Botswana has made 13% progress towards fulfilling the promises made in the election manifesto.’

The Economy sector recorded the highest number of actions, with 10 initiatives underway, followed by Social Services with seven. Social Services, which accounts for the largest share of promises at 62 or 36 percent of the total manifesto has seen minimal progress. Only six promises in the sector are currently in progress, while 56 have not commenced, translating to a score of just 12 percent. The study says one of the flagship promises was to increase the old age pension from P830 to P1,800. The government has partially fulfilled this by raising the pension to P1,400 at the start of the 2025/2026 financial year and pledged to increase it further ‘as the economy recovers,’ according to the report. Housing was another major pledge, with the UDC promising to build 100,000 houses over five years. The government launched the Bonno Housing Scheme in March 2025, targeting 61,000 houses across all constituencies.

However, the report notes that ‘almost 30,000 of these housing units will come from a collaboration with the Botswana Housing Corporation and the private sector.’ The government also introduced free sanitary pads for schoolgirls at a cost of P69 million and announced a P300 allowance for new mothers, although the latter has since been deferred to the 2026/2027 financial year.

The study shows that some promises remain untouched, including increasing tertiary student allowances to P2,500 which is a delay that has sparked discontent among students and ‘almost culminated in a demonstration.’ Meanwhile, government attempts to ease living costs have been mixed. A 30 percent cut in electricity tariffs for domestic users was announced in March 2025, but President Duma Boko later warned that increases could follow because subsidies were becoming unaffordable.’Overall, 55 out of the 62 promises under Social Services remain at the ‘Not Commenced’ stage,’ the report states.Touching on the economy, the report says out of 57 economic promises, only 10 are in progress, giving the sector a score of just 9 percent.

The report attributes much of the sluggish progress to Botswana’s deteriorating economic outlook, driven largely by a collapse in diamond sales.’The sale of diamonds by De Beers also remains low, having fallen by almost 50% by the end of 2024 and still showing no signs of recovery in 2025,’ the study notes, adding that this has significantly weakened foreign reserves. President Boko had pledged to fast-track a new diamond deal with De Beers, but the report says ‘there has been very little information on the deal, and the public remains largely uninformed.’ The government has, however, taken steps to cancel more than 80 percent of infrastructure projects under the controversial Development Manager Model citing ‘mismanagement and financial irregularities.’ In line with its promises, the government also established a Sovereign Wealth Fund, injecting P76 million into its initial capital, and introduced progressive taxation, reducing the burden on low-income earners while increasing taxes on high earners.

Despite these measures, unemployment continues to rise, the study says, with the government pointing to projects such as the Khoemacau Mine and the Bonno Housing Scheme as future job creators aligned with its pledge to create 500,000 jobs over five years.

Still, the study states that, ‘The bulk of the promises (47 out of 57 promises) remain as ‘Not Commenced’.’

With regard to governance reforms which is another cornerstone of the UDC campaign, the study suggests that they have seen even less progress. Out of 43 governance promises, only three are in progress, resulting in an assessment score of just 3 percent. Among the symbolic actions highlighted was the decision to allow the burial of San community member Pitseng Gaoberekwe in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve, fulfilling a long-standing demand denied by the previous administration.

At the burial, President Boko ‘reiterated the promise of his party to ensure justice and protect human rights for all, especially the marginalised groups.’ The study says the government has also pledged to base public appointments strictly on merit and has made several key appointments, including to the Court of Appeal and the leadership of the Botswana Defence Force.

However, the study shows, major structural reforms including drafting a new constitution, overhauling the intelligence services and addressing wage inequalities have yet to begin.

Corruption accounted for just six promises in the manifesto. Three are now in progress, while three have not commenced yielding a 22 percent score. The report highlights the trial and sentencing of a former Permanent Secretary to the President as a notable example of the government’s pledge to ensure fair trials in corruption cases.

‘International best practice today places the fight against corruption as one of the key areas of good governance,’ the report states, while noting ‘very little progress, especially in empowering the Directorate of Corruption and Economic Crimes.’

Climate change ranked lowest in priority with only three promises made. Of these, one is in progress, giving a 17 percent progress score. One key step was the passage of the Forest and Range Resources Act in August 2025, aimed at strengthening environmental protection.

UDC Executive Secretary Dr Patrick Molutsi had not responded to Sunday Standard queries at the time of going to press.

A decision by Dinah Marathe, the Commissioner of Botswana police Service, to launch a forensic probe into a controversial police welfare fund is shaking one of law enforcement’s most entrenched cultures: the so-called Blue Wall of Silence.

In a move widely seen as unprecedented, Marathe has commissioned R4 Forensics, led by Robert Masitara, to scrutinize the half-billion Pula BPS Welfare Scheme. The investigation follows years of mounting pressure from serving and retired officers who have demanded transparency around the fund’s management.

For many within the ranks, the decision signals a dramatic shift from the historical tendency of police institutions worldwide to shield internal misconduct, a practice commonly kwon as the ‘Blue Code.’

‘I was pleasantly surprised when I was called for an interview by R4 Forensics. I never in my life thought any of our commissioners could be brave enough to launch the investigation’, said a retired officer who spoke on condition of anonymity, citing fear of retaliation and the long-standing culture discouraging officers from speaking out.

Masitara would neither confirm nor deny the investigation.

Calls for an independent audit intensified after a 2020 controversy in which P10 million donated by police to the national Covid-19 Relief Fund was allegedly deducted from officers’ savings without their consent. The incident deepened distrust among rank-and0file officers and fueled suspicions about governance within the welfare scheme, formally known as the BOS Savings Fund and Loan Guarantee Scheme.

By the time Marathe took office in 2024, becoming Botswana’s first female police commissioner, she inherited not only the unresolved dispute but also an institution facing broader scrutiny over accountability.

Her appointment coincided with findings published in the 2024 African Security Review, which warned that Botswana lacked independent mechanisms to hold police accountable. The study noted that the Internal Affairs Branch struggled with both capacity and perceived impartiality, pointing out that only about half of 105 misconduct cases recorded between 2019 and 2023 had been finalised by early 2023.

The concerns echoed earlier criticism from a 2021 report by Al Jazeera and the Legal Resources Centre, which linked persistent police impunity to the absence of an independent investigative body and weak human rights structures.

Since assuming office, Marathe has repeatedly signaled a reformist agenda. During his visits to police districts in Francistown and Mahalapye in August 2025, she warned officers that misconduct and corruption would erode public trust and pledged to steer the service towards a human-rights centered model aligned with the current government’s priorities.

The welfare scheme probe now appears to be the clearest test yet of that pledge, and of how far institutional culture can shift.

Globally, police corruption and internal cover-ups remain persistent challenges, often attributed to tight-knit occupational solidarity that discourages whistle-blowing.

Leading Global Organizations: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Amnesty International; Human Rights Watch (HRW); Transparency International (TI) have all reported that police corruption and, by extension, the tendency to cover up misconduct, is a worldwide issue rather than isolated to specific regions. It is often described as an outgrowth of group camaraderie that encourages closing ranks to protect officers. By ordering an external forensic investigation, Marathe is positioning the Botswana Police Service as a rare outlier willing to confront that norm head-on.

Whether the inquiry will lead to prosecutions, structural reforms or simply deeper institutional tensions remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that the investigation has punctured a long-standing silence and placed the future credibility of Botswana’s policing family in the public eye.

Another week, another State-Owned Entity (SOE) at the centre of a corporate governance storm. Leadership changes across Botswana’s SOEs have begun to resemble a game of musical chairs, a comparison now frequently voiced by an increasingly frustrated public. Every time an SOE makes headlines for the wrong reasons be it financial distress, executive misconduct, or service delivery breakdowns, the spotlight almost instinctively falls on management. Investigations are launched, executives are scrutinised, the CEO is questioned and, in some cases, suspended. Yet beyond the noise of the scandal and the headlines lies a crucial question that requires serious interrogation but rarely receives equal attention. Where was the Board?

When organisational challenges become the norm, it is necessary to examine not only the operational decisions but also the strength of oversight. Corporate governance failures within Botswana’s SOEs are often treated as isolated crises when they in fact point to a deeper issue of Board effectiveness.

Unlike private entities, SOEs are custodians of national assets. They are entrusted with the duty to manage these strategic national assets, deliver essential public services and operate using public resources which can ultimately impact citizens and the national fiscus. Their Boards carry a dual responsibility of commercial oversight and public accountability which makes their effectiveness more than just a technical governance issue but a matter of national interest.

Central to the mandate of an SOE’s Board is its role as steward of the organisation. This entails setting strategic direction, supervising executive management, safeguarding assets, and ensuring that emerging risks are identified and addressed before they escalate into public crises. It is for this very reason that they should be held to a higher standard of accountability than their counterparts within the private sector. Holding the Board to a higher standard of accountability is not intended to be punitive but to reflect the weight of their mandate.

In the context of SOEs, board effectiveness cannot be separated from national accountability. The Board is the layer of governance entrusted with ensuring accountability and transparency. Their oversight entails questioning assumptions, interrogating strategic decisions, and ensuring management actions are consistent with ethical, legal and financial standards. The Board’s oversight demands independence of thought and the willingness to challenge, particularly when decisions carry fiscal and reputation risk. It is important for the Board to be able to balance its independence with oversight as this will allow it to challenge management without conflict of interest which then creates room for objective judgement.

Should the corporate governance debate continue to centre exclusively on management, systemic vulnerabilities will remain largely unchecked. Executives will change and investigations will be launched, but the structural safeguards intended to prevent failure will still be compromised.

Board effectiveness also depends on balance. A well-constituted Board combines executive management insight with objectivity from the non-executive directors. Executives should bring institutional knowledge and operational context, while non-executive directors provide the external perspective and independent scrutiny. It is this balance that enables the Board to interrogate management proposals thoroughly while still offering strategic guidance.

In 2025, the Botswana Accountancy Oversight Authority (BAOA) released its Financial Reporting Monitoring and Corporate Governance Report for the 2024 review period. The report, which assesses governance disclosures and practices across Public Interest Entities (PIEs), offered a snapshot of the state of corporate governance, within that group, in Botswana. According to the report, a total of 40 corporate governance reviews were conducted in 2024, consisting of 24 first-time reviews and 16 re-reviews. None (0%) of the 24 entities reviewed for the first time met the corporate governance requirements which was a decline from 21% in 2023. The report further states that of the 15 significant entities reviewed, only 2 achieved full compliance while among the 6 public bodies assessed, compliance was also achieved by just 2.

The report also highlights major gaps in board performance, with 40% of deficiencies linked to Boards and Directors, 12.6% to Audit Committees, and 12% to Internal Audit. Independence of non-executive directors and chairpersons was often compromised, and Board composition frequently fell short of best practice.

This does not necessarily mean that the Boards reviewed were negligent but shows that the practice of governance needs strengthening. The pattern emerging should therefore prompt an honest reflection on how oversight functions are being executed at the top.

While the Board carries the formal responsibility of overseeing executive management, another equally important question that often arises is – ‘who checks the checker?’ Boards, too, are not immune to governance challenges and it is becoming increasingly evident that oversight can drift if not exercised with discipline and ethical clarity. Boards may lose focus, become overly aligned with management, or neglect the very mandate they were appointed to uphold, and when that happens, they too find themselves under scrutiny.

The governance architecture does not end at the boardroom table. It extends upwards to the shareholder, and in the case of SOEs, to the responsible Minister acting on behalf of the state. This layer of oversight exists to ensure that Boards discharge their duties within legal, ethical and strategic boundaries. Effective governance therefore requires a functioning chain of accountability. Executive management must answer to the Board. The Board must answer to the shareholder. The shareholder, represented by the Minister, must exercise responsible stewardship without undermining operational independence. If at any point, the link in that chain of authority weakens, the entire structure becomes vulnerable.

Checks and balances are crucial to safeguarding against the concentration of power. A well-designed governance system includes clear performance monitoring, transparent reporting, periodic evaluations and defined escalation mechanisms at every level. These ‘fail-safe’ triggers ensure that underperformance or misconduct are identified early and corrected before they escalate into organisational risk.

The appointment of SOE Boards has, at times, attracted public debate on whether factors other than expertise and competence influence selection decisions. Where appointments are perceived to align with prevailing political interests, the implications extend beyond reputation and may affect the integrity of the governance structure itself.

This reality underscores the importance of institutional checks and balances. Parliamentary oversight, including scrutiny from opposition leadership, plays a vital role in ensuring that Ministers responsible for SOEs exercise their shareholder authority within clear ethical and legal boundaries. This form of oversight is less about politics and more about ensuring transparency, accountability and the responsible stewardship of public assets.

When Boards fail to exercise disciplined, independent, and informed supervision, risks go unchecked, strategic drift takes hold, and public resources are left exposed. Governance frameworks may exist on paper, but without effective oversight, they risk becoming symbolic rather than functional. If Botswana is to break the cycle of governance lapses in SOEs, it is imperative to strengthen Board accountability. The question is no longer just what went wrong with executives, but how the Boards entrusted with national assets carried out their oversight mandate.

On Tuesday 22nd April, President Advocate Duma Boko launched the Bonno Target 3000 Housing Project at Kgale View, a flagship initiative led by the Ministry of Water and Human Settlement through the Botswana Housing Corporation (BHC). Boko hailed the Target 3000 project as a major step towards the national goal of delivering 100,000 homes.

‘Botswana is going to look spectacularly different. We dare not fail. This is the beginning of an ambitious project of wealth transfer, at the end of which 100 000 Batswana shall have titles to real property,’ he said.

Present at the launch was Reagon Craig – Chairman of Ongos Valley, a Namibian property development company whose portfolio includes a large-scale, sustainable housing project that required delivery of 4,500 houses over the 2019 – 2023 period. However, investigations into Ongos Valley’s operations in Namibia revealed that the company had only constructed 371 housing units between 2019 – 2024, implying a 62 houses/year rate on average.

Five days earlier, Ongos Valley had entered into a Memorandum of Agreement with BHC to develop 3,005 affordable housing units over four years (2025-2028). This translated to 751 houses/year, 12 times (or 1,111 percent) increase over the company’s performance in Namibia. While they acknowledged Ongos Valley’s record of delivering 371 homes in Namibia, due diligence consultants Minchin and Kelly and transactional advisors Grant Thorton warned that the pace and scale did not match the capacity required to meet BHC’s expectations of 3,005 houses in four years. Alarm bells were ringing, but the Ministry was tone deaf.

Behind the photo -op smiles, BHC executives hung their heads in shame. They had been bullied into flouting the standard procurement procedure of issuing an Expression of Interest (EOI), evaluating prospective developers and awarding the contract to the most competitive bidder. The BHC propaganda machinery was coerced into toasting the Presidential launch of the Kgale project without any housing plans, enforceable contracts or a due diligence report.

The threat of summary dismissal was real and repeatedly pronounced. In July, the wrath of the powers that be fell upon Permanent Secretary Bonolo Khumotaka after she dared question the Ongos Valley contract. Former Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Nkaelang Matenge was also given his marching orders in October. The body count shot up on Wednesday 28 February 2026, when acting Deputy CEO Steven Ofetotse and Property Development Manager Urban Ferguson were summarily dismissed for allegedly sabotaging the Kgale development project. BHC insiders told Sunday Standard that Water and Human Settlements Minister Onneetse Ramogapi instructed the BHC board to fire the two executives for sabotaging the Ongos Valley project; failing which the board would be dissolved by February 1st.

RED FLAGS

In July 2025, law firm Minchin and Kelly and transactional advisors Grant Thorton bluntly told BHC to ‘carefully reconsider its contract with Ongos Valley to safeguard public resources and ensure that any commitment made was founded on a solid and well-understood risk profile.’

The consultants highlighted significant challenges encountered during the due diligence process, among them Ongos Valley’s reluctance to provide requested information and disclose necessary documentation. Even Ramogapi alluded to that in his report to Boko, when he revealed that the Namibian entity had ‘expressed discomfort that the due diligence exercise had been extended to it.’ This was necessitated by the fact that Ongos Valley Botswana was just a shelf company, established in 2023 with no operating experience.

According to the consultants, Ongos Valley’s dilly – dallying hampered confirmation of its financial soundness, technical operational capacity and ethical standing.

Said the consultants: ‘Significant uncertainties remain regarding the private partner’s willingness to contract on terms fair to BHC, ability to meet contractual obligations, secure requisite financing, and manage the project effectively. This increases the risk of unforeseen challenges, including potential project delays, cost overruns, or compliance issues.’

In light of these unresolved risks, the consultants recommended that the transaction should be reconsidered as it presented an unacceptably high level of uncertainty.

THE UGLY TRUTH

Minchin and Kelly identified several risk factors and revealed Ongos Valley’s dismal failure in financial, reputational, operational, technical and legal due diligence. According to the consultants, Ongos Valley failed to disclose key financial information such as latest management accounts, debtors and creditors ageing analysis, as well as tax compliance reports. Further, the company’s financials for 2023 – 2024 were not audited.

It was also found that Ongos Valley had not carried out any internal audits between 2021 – 2024, which limited visibility into its control environment, increasing the risk of undetected errors and weak governance. The transaction advisors observed that Ongos Valley did not report any revenue between 2021 – 2022, despite incurring operating expenses. This pointed to minimal commercial activity, which made it difficult for the consultants to reliably assess the company’s operational capacity, revenue-generating potential, and long-term sustainability.

Ongos Valley had reported losses across all the four years under the due diligence review. Strangely, the company donated N$ 2.1 million in 2023, recorded as operating expenses. The N$2.1million accounted for 19percent of Ongos Valley’s total operating expenses in 2023. The consultants questioned the allocation of substantial funds to non-operational items such as donations after prolonged losses; as it raised concerns about the company’s financial acumen and prioritization of operational sustainability.

The company had loans payable to its shareholders, which reflected limited confidence by shareholders in its long-term viability. By retaining creditor status, shareholders secured repayment priority in case of liquidation, suggesting reluctance to fully absorb business risk.

‘In all the four years under review, total liabilities exceeded total assets, resulting in a negative net asset position. A persistent negative net asset position indicates that the company is technically insolvent, raising concerns about its long-term financial sustainability, its ability to meet obligations, and its capacity to raise additional funding,’ read the due diligence report.

Ongos Valley’s accounts receivables included a substantial VAT component across all four years under review. This raised concerns about the size of projects the company had undertaken, as low revenue generation potentially reflects small-scale or delayed projects. The consistently high VAT receivable also reflected a higher input VAT over output VAT, implying that the company’s costs regularly surpassed its revenue.

According to the consultants, Ongos Valley reported substantial trade payables across all four years under review, indicating a consistent accumulation of unpaid supplier balances.

‘Persistent non-payment of suppliers may strain relationships and result in disrupted supply chains. This could delay project execution, increase costs, and ultimately impact the company’s ability to deliver on contractual obligations,’ warned the consultants.

The company’s debt made up more than 100 percent of its capital structure; while its liabilities exceeded its total assets. This posed solvency risks, exerted pressure on cashflows and reduced financial flexibility. Ongos Valley’s asset base was heavily concentrated on inventory, such that its liquidity and solvency were heavily tied to inventory realization. Should there be project delays or failure to sell, Ongos Valley would face working capital strain and difficulty meeting short-term obligations.

THE HOUSE OF CARDS COMES TUMBLING DOWN

In December 2025, barely six months after President Boko launched the ‘new era for Botswana’s housing landscape,’ the much-touted partnership between BHC and Ongos Valley collapsed. Then acting CEO Pascaline Sefawe confirmed that the catalytic housing development project hit a snag after negotiations with Ongos Valley collapsed.

‘It was very unfortunate that the project was launched, but negotiations with the partner did not go well. We had to terminate discussions,’ she said.

Internally, BHC employees breathed a collective sigh of relief. They were heavily opposed to the allocation of serviced prime land in Kgale to a dubious foreign company, that would sell it, generate profits and repatriate them outside Botswana.

‘The 3,000 housing units in Kgale were already planned for by BHC. So, there was no need to hand over the project to Ongos Valley on a silver platter,’ they said.

Silently, BHC technocrats scoffed at the Boko administration’s target of 100, 000 housing units in two years. Since inception in 1971, BHC has built just over 27, 000 housing units country wide, and they still have unsold inventory. Further, flooding the market with 100, 000 housing units would distort the property market and greatly reduce prices.

Bank of Botswana data shows government drew a further P2.8 billion advance from the central bank in November, highlighting ongoing cash-flow pressure as weaker diamond revenues disrupt the timing of inflows against spending needs.

Diamond receipts, which typically account for about 30 percent of total government revenue, have remained subdued amid a prolonged global downturn. The slowdown has reduced the pace at which funds flow into the fiscus, increasing reliance on short-term liquidity tools to meet routine obligations.

The November advance followed closely on the repayment of a P2.5 billion facility in September, which briefly eased pressures before advances reappeared on the balance sheet. The pattern points to tight cash management rather than a one-off funding gap.

To bridge financing needs, the Ministry of Finance has increasingly turned to domestic lenders. Government has already secured a P3 billion loan from the Botswana Public Officers Pension Fund. According to a recent report by Econsult, authorities are also exploring raising an additional P5 billion from commercial banks and pension funds.

External buffers continue to thin. Foreign exchange reserves fell to P52.6 billion in November 2025 from P55.3 billion in October, and were below levels recorded a year earlier. Within reserves, the Government Investment Account rose to P2.4 billion from P1.64 billion in October, but remains weak by historical standards. The finance ministry has warned the account could be depleted by March without stronger inflows or financing.

For 2025/26, total revenue and grants have been revised down to P68.7 billion, while expenditure is projected at P77.9 billion. The resulting deficit of P9.2 billion, or 3.3 percent of GDP, continues to weigh on cash balances.

Fresh information has emerged, revealing how Cabinet power is being abused to push a cut price mine deal that is expected to benefit President Duma Boko’s son.

A whopping P150 million is at stake as at least three Cabinet Ministers back a politically connected buyer over creditors, workers and taxpayers.

A quite but consequential battle over a collapsed gold mine is exposing one of the most brazen abuses of Cabinet power in recent history – a deal that could drain P150 million from the public purse while delivering a strategic national asset to a politically connected company for a fraction of its value.

At the center of the storm is Mupane Gold Mine, currently under liquidation and Ulsan Botswana, a Turkish company linked to President Boko’s son. Despite a vastly superior competing offer that would settle all debts and protect tax payers, senior government figures are actively manipulating the liquidation process to force through Ulsan’s bid.

Court filings, creditor filings, correspondence and interviews reveal a disturbing pattern. Cabinet Ministers presiding over creditor departments are prepared to write off massive public claims, and use regulatory power to secure the deal.

The facts are stark. Nova Aga has submitted a P290 million bid, enough to fully settle all verified creditor claims. Ulsan Botswana on the other hand has offered just USD 500 000 (about P6,7 million).

Yet despite the yawning gap, at least three Cabinet Ministers, Vice President and Minister of Finance Ndaba Gaolatlhe, Minister of Minerals and Energy Bogolo Kenewendo and Minister of International Relations Phenyo Butale are accused of backing the lower bid.

If the Ulsan campaign succeeds, more than P150 million owed to government linked entities would effectively be written off, and hundreds of former Mupane Mine workers would forfeit their severance packages.

Court records show that the Ministry of Minerals and Energy, under Minister Kenewendo, is owed P53 million by Mupane Mine. The Department of Mines, also under her authority is owed USD 5,4 million (over P70 million) Botswana Power Corporation, again under her portfolio is owed more than P15 million.

Despite this, Kenewendo has signaled that she is prepared to use her licensing powers to block Nova Aga’s bid, effectively sacrificing public claims in favour of Ulsan Botswana. This represents a textbook conflict of interest; a minister using regulatory authority to defeat a bid that would pay her own ministry in full.

The consequences extend beyond balance sheets. As Kenewendo’s ministry contemplates writing off tens of millions, BPC has applied for an electricity tariff increase effective 1 April, citing financial strain and the state’s inability to finance consumers. In effect, taxpayers and electricity users would absorb losses created by political decisions, while a private investor walks away with a national asset at a discount.

The Ministry of Finance is also implicated. Botswana Unified Revenue Services (BURS) which falls under Vice President Gaolatlhe has indicated a willingness to write off P3.1 million in tax debt owed by Mupane Mine, a more that serves no purpose other than to smooth Ulsan Botswana’s path. Ironically, Nova Aga has formally appealed to Gaolatlhe, warning of political interference in a judicial liquidation process.

Perhaps most troubling is the involvement by the Ministry of International Relations. Court records and off the record interviews with creditors indicate that Phenyo Butale’s ministry did not merely ‘facilitate’ the bid, they actively lobbied creditors to vote in favour of Ulsan Botswana.

After an initial creditors’ meeting scheduled for 11th July 2025 collapsed amid reported behind the scenes lobbying, the meeting was postponed to 26th August 2025.

When it finally convened, creditors delivered a decisive verdict. At the August meeting, creditors overwhelmingly backed Nova Aga. Attorney Kwado Osei Ofei, holding proxies for 79 of 177 creditors, representing 49% of total claim value moved the resolution. Additional creditors support pushed the vote beyond the 51% majority required by law. The Master of the High Court invited objections. None were raised.

According to reports from worried creditors, the vote did not end government’s involvement. Senior officials, among them a high-ranking figure from the Ministry of International Relations allegedly intensified efforts to pressure creditors to reverse their positions, an extraordinary move after a lawful creditors’ decision. When this failed, Ulsan Botswana filed an application with the High Court to halt the award to Nova Aga, in a move that threatens to drag the judiciary into the dirty war.

Botswana’s Cabinet Ministers swear an oath to faithfully execute their duties and act in the nation’s best interests. The Mupane controversy however raises a blunt question: How does writing off P150 million in public claims, to benefit a politically connected buyer offering a fraction of the mine value serve Botswana?

As the liquidation process grinds on, the issue is no longer just about Mupane Gold Mine. It is about whether Cabinet authority is being used to protect the public interest or to advance private influence at public expense.

Mental illness in Botswana has now reached shocking proportions.

It is a result of different causes, drugs being one of them.

Botswana is now a growing consumer of drugs, especially hard drugs.

Consumption is high among the youth.

But there is evidence that adults too are consuming these drugs.

Botswana public health is undergoing serious challenges.

These challenges are reducing the capacity to react and adapt to changing dynamics.

Even at its best, the public health sector’s support for mental health was never a top priority.

Even before the current financial and supply chain challenges grew this deep, mental health was never anywhere near the top among the priorities.

Now with these current challenges, it follows that mental health will once again be sent to the farthest backwaters.

That is most worrying.

Demand for mental health services is growing fast, yet the means and capacity to meet the demand is diminishing by the day.

It follows that research spending, never a strength even during the best of times swill slip further behind.

Much of the contributors and causes of the current crisis can very easily be traced to covid 19.

Covid 19 simply heightened vulnerabilities.

It undermined people’s ability to cope.

It killed social defence mechanisms.

Quarantining people inside their homes for long periods of time has had enormous impacts.

During the lockdowns, people were squeezed together in small spaces with other people they had not always liked and or loved or gotten well with.

The young people, especially of school going age found themselves totally unable to cope.

Those who were always on the edge simply slipped over the cliff.

Many others too fell into the slippery paths.

The nation is now dealing with devastating aftermath.

Yet another big influence has got to be social media.

Social media has brought about a shift in lifestyles.

There is no question that it has improved life. And enhanced communication.

But it has also changed the way people interact.

In a bad way, it has changed the way young people view themselves.

And it has had a devastating impact on the levels of self confidence among young people.

Whether we like it or not, social media is laying young people to waste.

The biggest loser is mental health.

Young people, it would seem are simply not wired to resist social media.

They simply are not able to cope with it.

And it is getting worse by the day.

Some of the social media platforms have addictive feeds. And on younger children they have similar effect like poison.

Thankfully an international debate is now raging on how to cut and control the link between young people and social media.

The debate might be late.

But its better late than never.

One of the biggest problems has got to be the stigma that is attached to mental health illnesses.

It is not unusual for families in Botswana to hide members that are not well mentally.

This makes it hard for these people to get help they need.

Quarantining such people away also exacerbates rather than solve the problem.

Farmers are urging government to increase allocations to agriculture in the upcoming national budget, warning that rising disease risks and persistent funding gaps are threatening food security and the sector’s long-term sustainability.

The Botswana National Beef Producers Union has called for urgent additional funding to contain foot and mouth disease (FMD), which has disrupted livestock movement and weighed heavily on beef markets. Union spokesperson Andrew Seeletso described the outbreak as an ‘invisible scourge’ that is already constraining trade and could worsen without decisive intervention.

‘It is now an open secret that Botswana is battling foot and mouth disease, which has suspended the movement of fresh produce,’ Seeletso said. He noted that livestock ownership is widespread across households, meaning an uncontrolled outbreak would carry serious economic and social consequences. He added that the union is awaiting clarity on how much funding will be allocated to disease control, particularly given uncertainty about the scale of the outbreak.

Seeletso said increased investment in FMD containment would help preserve beef exports and stabilise regional markets, which have already been disrupted by movement restrictions.

Pressure for a larger agriculture budget has also come from the Okavango Farmers Association. Chairperson Benny Morumbu said agriculture, spanning livestock, horticulture and other sub-sectors, requires stronger and more consistent support to meet national food self-sufficiency goals. He was speaking ahead of the Budget Speech by Finance Minister Ndaba Gaolathe.

The horticulture sector has echoed similar concerns. Botswana Horticulture Council chair Mogomotsi Moatswi said farmers need infrastructure such as boreholes and subsidies for inputs to reduce costs and scale production. He also cited illegal tomato imports as a sign of weak market controls.

The Ministry of Lands and Agriculture has been allocated P2.88 billion, about 12.1 percent of the development budget, down sharply from P8.01 billion last year, fuelling concern among farmers as they await the budget outcome.

Gaborone 2026 World Athletics Relays Local Organising Committee (LOC) has officially released ticket prices. Priced in United States Dollars, the tickets are now on sale ahead of the global athletics event set for May.

The announcement has sparked mixed reactions, particularly on social media, where many local fans have expressed dissatisfaction with the pricing. Soon after the prices were released on Thursday, social media platforms were filled with criticism from members of the public.

Many locals argued that the tickets are too expensive and not suited to the Botswana market. Some said they had expected the prices to be only slightly higher than those of local sporting events. Others described the prices as unaffordable for ordinary Batswana, especially families and young people who regularly attend sports events.

Despite the backlash, organisers have stood firm, insisting that the ticket prices were carefully structured to cater for both the local and international market. They argue that the World Relays is a global event and that its pricing cannot be compared directly to local competitions.

World Relays Ticketing Manager Naledi has defended the pricing structure, saying it was designed after careful consideration of international standards and local realities.

‘Our pricing strategy is benchmarked against international athletics standards, reflecting the global prestige of the World Relays. At the same time, we were careful not to undersell Botswana’s value on the world stage,’ Naledi said.

She explained that Botswana, as the host nation, had to strike a balance between hosting a world-class event and ensuring that local supporters were not excluded. According to Naledi, ticket prices for the World Relays are actually lower than what is normally charged at similar international athletics events.

‘We deliberately kept prices below typical international rates to ensure accessibility for local fans,’ she said. ‘We are mindful that Batswana are generally accustomed to paying around P200 for major events, which is why we capped our pricing to remain competitive and affordable.’

Naledi further noted that most of the seating at the National Stadium is priced with locals in mind. She said around 80 percent of the available seats fall within what organisers consider affordable price ranges.

‘Our most expensive category has a limited capacity of just 2,000 seats,’ she said. ‘The rest of the seating is priced to cater for the wider public, so that many people can attend and enjoy the event.’

She also addressed concerns around international ticket pricing, saying even foreign visitors will be paying less than the usual rates for such events.

‘Even for international audiences, our prices are lower than standard global rates because we took into account what Batswana are used to paying,’ Naledi said. ‘This is why general seating is priced below P500, while international tickets are set at 25 US dollars for Day One and 35 US dollars for Day Two.’

Media voices have also weighed in on the debate. Mmegi Sport Editor Mqondisi Dube has come out in support of the ticket pricing, arguing that it is fair when viewed in the context of global sport.

‘The ticket prices are fair. Some may feel they are too steep, but when you look at pricing for similar world events, they are in line with international standards,’ Dube said. ‘This is a world event and must be viewed as such.’

However, Dube acknowledged the concerns raised by local fans and said organisers should continue to think creatively about how to include more locals.

‘To address concerns from the local audience, a two-tier ticketing system can be introduced,’ he said. ‘One tier can be for locals and residents, and another for the international audience. This allows organisers to price tickets differently while ensuring the stadium is filled and locals are not left out.’

‘If it was me, I would reserve Panda stand strictly for Batswana at ticket price of P200, and the rest of the stadium remains at that proposed rate. Keraa ke lebile gore Batswana re tshela jang,’ Nyviah Thelo commented on Facebook.

‘Although we may not be the primary target audience, the tickets are well worth the price, given that it’s a world-class event. We’re thrilled to have the opportunity to host and it’s a chance for us to capitalise on the event’s success and maximise our revenue. So, I don’t see it wrong to have such a price,’ commented Khapsen CT Terence on ticket prices.

Botswana will host the World Relays on 2 and 3 May at the National Stadium in Gaborone. The event is expected to attract top athletes from around the world and place the country firmly on the global athletics map. As preparations continue, the debate around ticket pricing highlights the challenge of hosting a major international event while meeting local expectations.

A couple of days ago, our Vice President invited the public to comment on and make suggestions for his upcoming Budget Speech. In an act of citizenship, I also want to offer one or two ideas that the budget should address. So, for whatever it is worth, I offer my thoughts.

The key thing the budget obviously needs to address is revenue and spending. I think the VP or the nation at large needs to make prudent decisions about where the money should go. What should we spend our money on? And here again, I think there should be a broad consensus that we should spend money only on activities or projects that generate positive returns.

And which are those projects? Just to name a few, they would be education and health. I’m struck by the number of people who do not have access to good health care. I was surprised to learn of someone who had to drive all the way from Mogoditshane to Ramotswa to see a dentist.

If ordinary people do not have access to good health care, it has a negative impact. It has a bearing on the ability of people to be productive. It leads to absence from work, which, again, undermines productivity.

Good health care does not always have to be provided by the government. So the government does not have to provide the service directly. This helps the government collaborate with other parties and avoid thinking that it should be doing this directly. It is also true that non-government operators are more efficient than the government.

So, the minister should spend money wisely by partnering with existing private hospitals in the case of education to improve health standards. We should also extend support to mission hospitals, for instance, that we have across the country, while allowing them to maintain their independence.

Well, I’ve spoken about what the VP, who is also the Finance Minister, must do. Let me then turn to what he should not do. He should not make Botswana a high-tax nation anchored on a huge public sector. We are already experiencing an economic slowdown, and we cannot tax our way out of it. The feasible way to grow is to reduce spending, lower our taxes, and allow people to keep as much of their own money as possible in their pockets.

Last year, Nima Sanandaji and Stefan Fölster published a book titled The Welfare State Myth. The book makes for interesting reading, and I recommend it to the VP since he comes across as an avid reader. The book goes against conventional wisdom insofar as the welfare state is concerned. We know that many believe that the state needs not only to be big but must tax people heavily and aggressively in order to provide support to the population. However, Sanandaji and Fölster draw on data to show that ‘it is possible to achieve positive social outcomes without a large state, and that a large state does not guarantee positive social outcomes.’ They cite Singapore and South Korea as examples of countries whose tax burden is not heavy but provides adequate social support.

They also show that the ‘level of unemployment, especially among the less educated, is systematically higher among countries with a higher tax rate. This indicates that generous welfare systems create a poverty trap, characterised by dependency on benefits and high thresholds into the labour market.’

So I urge the VP to note that it is possible to provide social support without ballooning the state and burdening us with more taxes.