Category: The Bangkok Post

The alleged collusion in the vote to appoint new Senators is under review by an Election Commission subcommittee before the EC’s main panel pass final judgment.

The EC recently addressed growing criticism over delays in investigating the case, stressing that all actions by itself and its secretary-general, Sawaeng Boonmee, are in line with the law.

The investigation is now in its third stage, it said, with the 36th subcommittee reviewing the case files and preparing recommendations. Once complete, the findings will be submitted to the EC for a final ruling.

The commission also outlined the process for dealing with the case: first, the EC’s provincial offices investigate and forward opinions to its central office; second, the central office reviews and analyses the case; third, the EC’s subcommittees examine the evidence and prepare conclusions; and fourth, the EC makes the final decision.

The clarification followed a complaint filed on Friday by reserve senator Akarawat Phongthanachalitkul, who lodged a criminal complaint against the EC and Mr Sawaeng, accusing them of dereliction of duty under Section 157 of the Criminal Code and Section 172 of the Organic Act on Counter Corruption.

Mr Akarawat argued the move was not political but an effort to defend democratic principles, stressing that as a stakeholder in the Senate election, he has the right to demand transparency.

He also expressed concern about recent appointments within the Ministry of Justice, warning they could undermine judicial independence.

“We have repeatedly asked the EC for answers but have never received a clear one. The public has yet to receive justice. There are several cases that have been left to drag on, even though many facts are already evident. This should not happen in a democratic system.”

Ammar Siamwalla, one of Thailand’s most respected economists and a leading rice expert, has died at the age of 86.

His death was announced on Sunday by Somchai Jitsuchon, research director at Thailand Development Research Institute (TDRI), who praised Ammar as one of Thailand’s foremost economists.

Admired for his intellectual integrity, courage and independence, Ammar was known for his deep fascination with data and numbers, he said.

Mr Somchai said Ammar once asked to work closely with the Office of the National Economic and Social Development Council to better understand how GDP data were compiled. Ammar conducted key research studies on rice and farmers’ debts and took a leading role in addressing issues faced by the economy following the 1997 Asian financial crisis, he said.

Ammar also committed to studying the struggles of ordinary people, including poverty and household debt, Mr Somchai said, noting his work largely focused on agricultural economics and rural development.

‘I often told foreign academics that Ammar Siamwalla was the most brilliant Thai economist of his generation. Even today, I have yet to meet another economist who has impressed me as deeply as he did,’ said Mr Somchai. Mr Somchai said Ammar suffered from diabetes and various other ailments before his death.

Ammar’s funeral ceremony was held on Sunday at 11am at the Sulaimaniyah Foundation Cemetery in Thung Kru district. Born on May 29, 1939, Ammar served as the president of the TDRI between 1990 and 1995 and as a member of the National Legislative Assembly from 2006 to 2008.

A descendant of Indian immigrants, he was the youngest child of Tahir and Khadijah Siamwalla, who owned a stationery import business in Thailand.

He attended Assumption College in Bangkok and St Paul’s School in Darjeeling, India, before earning his Bachelor of Arts in Economics from the University of London and his PhD from Harvard University.

He later taught economics at Yale University and served as a special professor at Thammasat University before resigning following the Oct 6, 1976, massacre.

Flooding struck 16 provinces on Sunday, mostly in the Central Plain hit by deluges of water from the Chao Phraya River, and the highest number of affected households was in Ayutthaya province.

However, the present flow in the Chao Phraya River was not affecting Bangkok, according to its governor.

The Department of Disaster Prevention and Mitigation reported that flood levels were either stable or lower in six northern provinces – Nakhon Sawan, Phetchabun, Phichit, Phitsanulok, Sukhothai and Uttaradit.

Meanwhile, the Chao Phraya River basin in the Central Plain was receiving deluges of water from the upper section of the Chao Phraya River. The river basin is low-lying and the local section of the Chao Phraya River is a bottleneck, the DDPM said.

Floods struck parts of eight provinces in the Central Plain, namely Uthai Thani, Chai Nat, Sing Buri, Ang Thong, Suphan Buri, Ayutthaya, Pathum Thani and Nakhon Pathom.

Floodwater receded in Uthai Thani and Sing Buri and remained unchanged in Chai Nat and Suphan Buri.

Flood levels were rising in Ang Thong, Ayutthaya, Pathum Thani and Nakhon Pathom. The highest number of affected households nationwide was 43,458 in 11 districts of Ayutthaya.

The DDPM warned people in Muang and Sam Khok districts of Pathum Thani that the levels of the Chao Phraya River were increasing there.

In the Northeast, only Ban Khawao district of Chaiyaphum province suffered flooding and its level was rising.

In the East, people in Bang Nam Prieo district of Chachoengsao province saw declining flood levels.

The DDPM said 102,051 households were affected in the 16 flooded provinces and the dealth tolls in the provinces reached 12 as of Sunday.

Bangkok governor Chadchart Sittipunt said on Sunday that the Chao Phraya barrage across the Chao Phraya River in Chai Nat province was discharging water at the rate of 2,500 cubic metres per second.

The rate remained safe for the capital as the safety threshold was at 3,500 cubic metres per second.

The demolition of the new Samsen police station began at the sinkhole site on Samsen Road on Saturday night, according to Bangkok governor Chadchart Sittipunt.

The governor said at the site Sunday morning that robots were used to first remove windows and facades of the newly built police station, which was subsiding. Vehicles were moved out of the station.

Officials at the site told him that the four-storey police station had shifted and cracks were heard on Saturday night. The Bangkok Metropolitan Administration reported on its Facebook page that soil under the station slid as it rained and the station then subsided.

However, adjacent police flat buildings and commercial buildings remained stable, Mr Chadchart said.

In the meantime, the Bangkok governor said, sand was being dumped to fill the sinkhole.

Workers had already dumped 3,800 cubic metres of sand into the sinkhole as of Saturday night and 1,200 cubic metres more of sand would be added on Sunday morning, he said. He did not see a new crack in the sinkhole on Sunday morning.

The governor also said that adjacent Vajira Hospital was operating as usual on Sunday.

The sinkhole formed with original dimensions of 30 metres wide, 30m long and 20m deep on the morning of Sept 24 above an underground station under construction for the Purple Line extension route of the Mass Rapid Transit Authority. The state enterprise blamed the subsidence on soft soil in the surrounding area.

Officials decided to demolish the police station and thus the reopening of Samsen Road in Dusit district of Bangkok was postponed indefinitely.

The Digital Economy and Society (DES) Ministry has ordered nationwide scrutiny of iris-scanning crypto schemes over privacy concerns.

DES Minister Chaichanok Chidchob has asked the Personal Data Protection Committee (PDPC) to conduct strict inspections nationwide following growing concerns over iris-scanning activities.

The PDPC recently issued a public warning about the biometric risks involved in exchanging iris scans for cryptocurrency, adding iris data is classified as sensitive personal information under the Personal Data Protection Act (PDPA).

Mr Chaichanok said such activities may compromise individual privacy and lead to misuse of biometric data.

The ministry was working closely with Tools for Humanity (TFH) and state agencies to ensure compliance and transparency.

The joint review focuses on three key areas: First, data retention and destruction so companies must prove that iris data is deleted immediately after its intended use.

Second, with control over paid scanning services, citizens are urged to exercise caution. The ministry is investigating the origins of funding and data handling.

Third, there must be transparency over how data will be used, encrypted, and protected, and genuine user consent.

The Sufficiency Economy Philosophy (SEP) of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej The Great, or King Rama IX, is a mechanism for that can be applied globally, says Thapana Sirivadhanabhakdi, ThaiBev CEO.

”The sufficiency economy philosophy can work as the heart of global sustainability,’ he said.

Mr Thapana was speaking on Sunday during the ‘SX Launching Forward’ session at the closing ceremony of the Sustainability Expo 2025 (SX 2025), an annual sustainability exhibition now in its sixth consecutive year.

It was held from Sept 26 to Sunday at the Queen Sirikit National Convention Center.

Mr Thapana also highlighted how this year’s exhibition expanded to include Enactus, the international university students’ network that works on sustainable business models to solve environmental issues and its Word Cup 2025 competition.

While the competition is important in serving as the platform for the younger generation to showcase their innovative and creative ideas, he pointed out the international recognition of SEP is also a goal.

He said the CEO of Enactus has summarised this concept into only one word (‘enough’) and it means that it is sufficient to survive and contribute according to one’s own capacity.

In reality, he added, consumerism leads people to consume more than enough, when they and society would be better off if they kept to a limit.

‘While we believe that we need to reach Mars to ensure the survival of future generations following the predicted degradation of our planet, why aren’t we already protecting it more to secure survival for ourselves and future generations? Therefore, we need to ask ourselves what really is sufficient for us and for our economy to create sustainability,’ he said.

The southern insurgency has been a conundrum for all governments.

But currently, much of the kingdom’s attention has been on the Cambodian-Thai border, and so the violence in the deep South just blips on and off our radar.

The problem of this region won’t just fade away of its own accord. Silence and a lack of policy attention from the central government only goads insurgents to stage more violence.

It is therefore welcome news that the Anutin government approved the nomination of Gen Somsak Rungsita on Thursday to lead the peace negotiation team, paving the way for peace talks with the rebel group Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN).

However, Gen Somsak, a former secretary-general of the National Security Council (NSC), is the fifth negotiation leader who comes with a military background. Such a track record speaks volumes about the direction of our peace talks.

Among six negotiation leaders, only one, Chatchai Bangchuad, was a civil official. Yet, Mr Chatchai did not have much time to lead any peace talks, and he left over a year ago to lead the NSC. Since then, the Paetongtarn government left the position of negotiation leader vacant, resulting in peace talks with the BRN being put on hold. The lack of continuity and political commitment has stalled momentum, raising concerns about the sustainability of any future negotiations.

When Mr Chatchai was appointed chief of the negotiation team, there was fresh hope that with a civilian in the role, the direction of the peace talks would be changed or toned down from those pushed by the military.

Ideally, the head of the negotiation team should not come from the ranks of the security forces, so that they will at least offer some credibility as being impartial and serve as a bridge between the two sides.

The appointment of another military man as the negotiation team leader again raises questions about whether the future peace talks can produce a different outcome.

Despite government attempts to deal with the violence, my visits and interviews with local people over the past several years revealed to me that villagers have been living in fear. Every time they leave home, they must exercise caution and are subject to heightened scrutiny by police and military officers under special security laws still enforced in the area.

Indeed, governments have tried several means to reduce violence, such as approving more budget money for development and education, including scholarships.

Governments and security agencies have failed to win over the hearts and minds of local people. Special security laws, surveillance and executive decrees imposed by successive governments have pushed communities to the opposite side.

For over a decade, security management in the deep South — representing Yala, Pattani, Narathiwat and four provinces in Songkhla — has been governed by a combination of special security laws: martial law, the Emergency Decree and the Internal Security Act (ISA). Among them, the Emergency Decree allows officials to arrest and detain individuals for up to 30 days without charge, outside the standard criminal justice system, in locations such as military camps.

The problem is that security officials apply these security edicts in a ham-fisted manner.

There are routine reports of arbitrary detentions, prolonged custody without charges, and invasive surveillance, such as the collection of DNA from suspects. There are recent cases where individuals were detained after passing through road checkpoints in the region, only to be released without explanation.

Make no mistake, I always acknowledge the importance of law and order. But genuine and meaningful reconciliation will only come from mutual trust — never coercion.

To build trust, authorities must refrain from enforcing these special security laws excessively and should apply them proportionally, with prudence and discretion.

The presence of security laws and their blunt application only reflects the absence of effective political leadership. Politicians take a backseat and leave the army to create a security strategy and run the show. Naturally, the army is made to control and win battles and wars.

Yet, the policy for the deep South should not be about winning but co-existing in a plural society where all sides feel their voices and opinions are registered and valued.

Sustainable peace in Thailand’s southern border provinces cannot be achieved through military dominance alone. Thailand has attempted military approaches for years, but they haven’t been successful.

The question is: When will we ever learn?

The sudden decision by Thamanat Prompow, the patriarch of the Klatham Party, to defect from the Pheu Thai-led government and throw his support behind a new minority coalition with Anutin Charnvirakul as premier has jolted the already fragile Thai political landscape.

At face value, it is a significant coup for Mr Anutin and his Bhumjaithai Party, who need all the support they can get to cobble together parliamentary legitimacy.

Yet under the surface lies a deeper question: is Thamanat truly shifting allegiance, or is he positioning himself as a Trojan Horse, working covertly to safeguard the interests of Pheu Thai and its de facto leader, Thaksin Shinawatra?

Thamanat is no stranger to controversy, nor to the art of political manoeuvring. His career has been marked by both scandal and resilience.

Despite a criminal conviction in Australia decades ago, he rose steadily in Thai politics, leveraging local patronage networks in the North and with his ability to build and dismantle alliances. The Phayao MP once served as secretary-general of the Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP), which was the main party of the Prayut Chan-o-cha administration.

However, even at the height of his time in the PPRP, there were suspicions about his true political loyalties. During a no-confidence debate against Gen Prayut, Thamanat was accused of playing a pivotal role in attempts to orchestrate his downfall. Opponents say his actions were less about party loyalty than about engineering a pathway favourable to Pheu Thai, which has long sought to reassert itself as the dominant political force.

Those accusations cemented Thamanat’s reputation as a political operator whose public affiliations often concealed private allegiances.

Central to the speculation about Thamanat’s current move is his long-standing close relationship with Thaksin. While many politicians maintain pragmatic ties across party lines, Thamanat’s association with Thaksin has proven remarkably durable, surviving his years in the PPRP and now his defection from the Pheu Thai-led administration.

To many watchers, this connection is not merely social but strategic. Thaksin has historically relied on figures like Thamanat to act as intermediaries within hostile or uncertain political environments.

By cultivating leaders with strong regional networks and a reputation for pragmatism, Thaksin has been able to maintain influence even when Pheu Thai has been in opposition or constrained by coalition dynamics. Thus, Thamanat’s sudden embrace of Bhumjaithai raises the possibility that he is not abandoning Thaksin but instead positioning himself to monitor, influence or even undermine Mr Anutin’s fledgling coalition from within.

If Thamanat is indeed a Trojan Horse, the implications for Mr Anutin’s administration are serious.

Leading a minority coalition is already a precarious endeavour, reliant on fragile parliamentary arithmetic and a constant need to negotiate with smaller partners. The entry of a figure like Thamanat, whose loyalty is suspect, could exacerbate his fragility rather than strengthen it. The risks manifest in several ways.

First, Thamanat may act as a conduit of information, relaying internal coalition strategies back to Pheu Thai. Second, he could subtly steer policy debates or legislative votes in ways that weaken Bhumjaithai’s credibility while leaving Pheu Thai in a stronger position for a future election. Third, he could use his party’s bargaining power to destabilise Mr Anutin’s coalition at critical moments, such as during budget debates or no-confidence motions, echoing the tactics he reportedly deployed against Gen Prayut.

In short, while Mr Anutin may view Thamanat’s support as an immediate boost, it could prove a poisoned chalice.

To be sure, not all interpretations cast Thamanat as a covert operative. There are plausible reasons why he might genuinely have broken with Pheu Thai.

Pheu Thai’s internal power dynamics, especially the dominance of Thaksin’s family and close allies, have left limited space for ambitious secondary players. Thamanat, who sees himself as a kingmaker, may have concluded that his ambitions would be permanently capped by Pheu Thai.

Moreover, Mr Anutin offers an alternative platform. The Bhumjaithai’s reputation as a pragmatic, deal-oriented party aligns well with Thamanat’s own style. The promise of influence in shaping agricultural or regional development policies – areas central to Thamanat’s political base – could have persuaded him that his future lies outside Pheu Thai’s orbit.

The truth could be somewhere in between. Thamanat has built his career on calculated ambiguity – remaining close to Thaksin while aligning with governments that seem ideologically opposed to Pheu Thai. This dual positioning allows him to hedge against political volatility. If Mr Anutin’s minority government survives, Thamanat can claim a role in sustaining it. If it collapses, he can plausibly pivot back to Pheu Thai, citing his enduring ties with Thaksin.

Such ambiguity is not merely self-serving; it reflects the broader reality of Thai politics, where no alliance is ever fully stable and where political actors often prioritise survival over ideology.

Ultimately, whether Thamanat is a Trojan Horse or a genuine defector will be revealed in his actions over the coming months. Should he consistently vote in support of Mr Anutin’s initiatives and defend the coalition in moments of crisis, sceptics may rethink their suspicions. But should he waver at critical junctures, or should rumours emerge of clandestine coordination with Pheu Thai, the Trojan Horse theory will gain renewed credibility.

So far, so good for now

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul has seen his popularity rise sharply, with the latest Nida Poll showing his approval rating more than doubling in just three months.

In the third quarterly survey on political popularity, about 20.4% of respondents backed Mr Anutin as prime minister, up from just 9% in the second quarter before he took office.

He now trails only People’s Party (PP) leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut, whose support dropped from 31.4% to 22.8%. Another 27.2% of voters were undecided, a group, analysts say, the Bhumjaithai Party can win over if it does things right over the next four months.

According to Suvicha Pouaree, director of Nida Poll Centre, there are three reasons behind the surge in Mr Anutin’s popularity.

First, being prime minister gives him an aura of leadership. As prime minister, his profile is no longer that of a coalition partner but of the country’s leader, with every decision and public appearance carrying weight.

Second, his pledge to revive the popular spending-stimulus Khon La Khrueng co-payment scheme within his short government stint has resonated with low- and middle-income earners. Introduced during the Prayut Chan-o-cha administration, it subsidised 50% of the cost of food, beverages, and general goods for participants in a bid to support small vendors and street food operators.

The upcoming scheme, tentatively set for a launch late this month or early next month, is expected to benefit 13 million state welfare cardholders and 20 million members of the general public.

At the same time, patriotism has surged amid the border conflict with Cambodia, and people are looking for firm leadership to handle the situation. Many Thais also believe Mr Anutin is prepared to take a tough line, even keeping border checkpoints closed without hesitation, a stance that has further boosted his popularity.

Mr Suvicha said that this short period in office – a product of the agreement he struck with the main opposition People’s Party in return for backing him becoming prime minister – before a House dissolution, is a ‘golden window’ for Mr Anutin, unless there are serious blunders.

‘People will not criticise him harshly unless something goes badly wrong,’ Mr Suvicha said.

Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political science and law lecturer at Burapha University, said Bhumjaithai’s rising popularity is tied to disarray within the Pheu Thai Party, while conservative actors such as the United Thai Nation (UTN) Party led by Pirapan Salirathavibhaga and the Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP) led by Gen Prawit Wongsuwon have haemorrhaged members and are in no position to lead the bloc.

This void will most likely be filled by Bhumjaithai as conservative voters are expected to rally behind a party with the strength to win the next election and head the next government.

He said MPs and ban yai – powerful political families in the provinces – have been quick to defect to Bhumjaithai or signal their support, which enhances the party’s chances of becoming the main party in the next coalition government.

The latest is a faction known as the ‘Group of 16’ led by Natural Resources and Environment Minister Suchart Chomklin, who confirmed that he and his team of MPs will soon move from the UTN to Bhumjaithai.

On Wednesday, Mr Anutin offered a warm welcome to veteran politician Santi Promphat, who quit the PPRP for Bhumjaithai. Mr Santi tendered his resignation as PPRP secretary-general on Monday before obtaining membership of Bhumjaithai the following day.

Mr Santi, whose son, Pattana Promphat, currently serves as public health minister, controlled a faction in the PPRP, and it is unclear if the group will follow him to his new home.

As for the Group of 16, talks are reportedly under way to straighten out whether and how incumbent MPs in the group can retain their right to contest their constituencies in the next election. While Mr Suchart has resigned from the UTN to become a minister, the MPs in the group remain with the UTN.

‘Even if it is not the best option, Bhumjaithai is currently the only viable party for voters in the conservative camp,’ Mr Olarn said.

Nationalist sentiment has been particularly helpful to Mr Anutin, according to Mr Olarn.

A strong performance by newly appointed Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow at the United Nations General Assembly recently – where he firmly rebutted Cambodia’s allegations against Thailand – has reinforced the sense that Thailand is regaining dignity on the world stage.

However, the analyst noted that risks persist regarding the Khao Kradong land dispute and alleged Senate election collusion, which could damage Bhumjaithai’s credibility.

The Khao Kradong land dispute in Buri Ram involves the Chidchob family, who wields major influence over Bhumjaithai, whereas alleged vote rigging in the Senate elections last year represents the largest case of electoral fraud this country has ever seen, implicating 229 people, including 138 current senators and individuals linked to Bhumjaithai.

If the government can effectively implement crucial policies and keep dealmakers and old-style politicians from dominating the party, it can maintain public confidence and political momentum.

Mr Olarn said Bhumjaithai will need to recruit a new generation of candidates with clean images, balancing its reliance on ban yai networks with fresh faces that can appeal to younger voters and the undecided 27%.

‘The government has made an impressive start. Mr Sihasak did a remarkable job at the UN General Assembly, boosting public confidence and enhancing the country’s standing on the global stage. This has been a huge boost for the government,’ he said.

A change in government can create a sense of renewal and excitement. New faces in the cabinet and new policies give the public hope for improved public administration and service.

Amid this, old policies are often put on ice, despite some of them already consuming a significant amount of tax revenue.

The previous Pheu Thai government had a “soft power” project, which focused on commodifying creativity, culture, and human potential, including sports and the arts. Former prime minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra was a champion of such soft power initiatives.

Indeed, the Pheu Thai government established the National Soft Power Strategy Committee to promote 13 key industries: tourism, food, films, fashion, festivals, sports, music, art, design, gaming, literature, wellness, and the performing arts.

National committees, such as the Thailand Creative Culture Agency and its related subcommittees, were established to drive these initiatives.

And last year, the soft power scheme got a 5-billion-baht budget.

One of the flagship projects is One Family One Soft Power (Ofos), which sought to create 20 million jobs with a minimum annual salary of 200,000 baht.

The past government also allocated a budget to develop festivals and events, such as the Maha Songkran Water Festival, as part of its soft power initiative to attract tourists.

There were also promising initiatives, such as grants given to artists and filmmakers, as well as proposals to implement tax incentives for art collectors.

The big question is what successive governments will do with these schemes.

Last week, lawmakers also raised the question about soft power in a parliamentary session, with a list-MP from the People’s Party, Apisit Laistrooglai, even asking the government to inspect soft power budgets. He also claimed that some of the projects, such as Ofos, failed to meet their targets.

So far, the Auntin government has not revealed a clear policy about these soft power schemes.

The new tourism minister, Artthakorn Sirilatthayakorn, has not included soft power ideas such as local cuisines, Muay Thai, or Thai crafts as instruments to attract and promote tourism.

Sabeeda Thaised, the new culture minister, has yet to outline her policy on promoting Thai culture or what she will do with the numerous projects that her predecessor, Ms Paetongtarn, who was also the cultural minister, had initiated.

Needless to say, the parliament must review the budget spending.

Yet, such reviews must be fair and not driven by politics.

After all, soft power, initially known as the creative economy, if handled efficiently, can indeed create a new economy and a source of income and economic opportunities for Thais.

Of course, there are a number of concerns regarding the redundancy of these soft power schemes.

There are complaints about irregularities in bidding, and questions arise about whether these projects, financed by taxpayers’ money, have met their goals.

What government and lawmakers need to do is investigate irregularities and improve these schemes, rather than abandoning them simply because they belonged to a past government.

Cinema has always been more than just entertainment. It is a mirror of national culture, a powerful channel of dialogue and a bridge that connects people across continents. In the 21st century, when international relations are often seen through the prism of politics and economics, cultural diplomacy — and especially cinema — offers a unique opportunity to speak directly to hearts and minds.

It is in this context that I am delighted to introduce a new Russian film award — The Diamond Butterfly. Launched this year, the prize aims to celebrate outstanding achievements in art of cinema that combine creative excellence with a strong humanistic message. The name itself — delicate yet precious — reflects the essence of cinema: fragile emotions turned into lasting works of art, carrying beauty and meaning across borders.

What makes The Diamond Butterfly special is its ambition to go beyond national recognition. While firmly rooted in Russia’s rich cinematic tradition, the award is conceived as an international platform. It will highlight films that not only showcase artistic mastery but also encourage dialogue between cultures, promote mutual understanding and inspire a sense of shared humanity.

For Thailand, where cinema enjoys immense popularity and where audiences are increasingly open to diverse cultural influences, The Diamond Butterfly offers a new avenue of connection. Russian cinema has long combined deep storytelling with a universal human appeal. From classic directors to contemporary voices exploring modern realities, our films resonate far beyond Russia’s borders. Through this award, we hope to create new opportunities for Thai filmmakers and audiences to engage with Russian and global cinema in fresh and meaningful ways.

Film diplomacy is not a new concept for Russia in Thailand. Over the years, the embassy has organised Russian film festivals in Bangkok and other cities, showcasing both timeless classics and contemporary productions. These events have always attracted large and enthusiastic audiences, proving that cinema speaks a universal language. The Thai audience has had opportunities to enjoy Russian films such as The Challenge, 110, Tzaddik and The Four Seasons, as well as fantasy cartoon Flying Ship and many others. Discussions after screenings often reveal how much viewers in Thailand find in common with Russian stories — from family bonds and personal dreams to social challenges and national pride.

Looking ahead, we see The Diamond Butterfly award as a natural extension of this tradition of cinematic dialogue. By recognising films that embody creativity and humanity, it invites new partnerships and exchanges. It is our belief that culture, and especially cinema, remains one of the most effective ways to build bridges between nations.

As Russia and Thailand continue to strengthen their cultural ties, cinema will remain at the forefront of this effort — a shared space where beauty, thought and emotion transcend political and geographical boundaries. And perhaps, like a butterfly’s wings, a single film can stir the air and bring people closer together. I would like to invite Thai filmmakers to nominee their works for this promising award at eurasianfilmacademy.com.