Category: The Bangkok Post

Storming through Asia last week, US President Donald Trump’s first stop in Kuala Lumpur on Oct 26, before moving on to Japan and South Korea over the next four days, capped by his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping before returning to Washington, was the most consequential for Southeast Asian economies.

Brandishing unilateral tariffs set in April as leverage in his weaponisation of the US as the world’s largest export market, Mr Trump succeeded in twisting arms to follow through with his “Make America Great Again” pledge, finalising trade concessions and inducing inbound investments. For Thailand, Mr Trump left behind a “Framework Agreement on Reciprocal Trade” and a “Memorandum of Understanding to Diversify Global Critical Minerals Supply Chains and Promote Investments.”

Mr Trump evidently learned from his last foray in Asia in 2017 — during his first term — when he visited Vietnam and the Philippines. His deliverables back then were limited and less concrete and ended up as a broad geostrategic posture known as the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific,” which was codified in the National Security Strategy and National Defense Strategy by early 2018.

After that, he did not visit Southeast Asia again for Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) summit meetings. This time, he moved and shook up Asean by presiding over the signing of a peace accord between Cambodia and Thailand, whose militaries clashed, starting in July, over a border dispute.

In the Malaysian capital, the signing burnished Mr Trump’s peacemaking credentials and Nobel Peace Prize ambition, while Cambodia and Thailand were incentivised to hammer out trade deals with the Trump team during his visit. Mr Trump used tariff threats and trade demands to effect a peace deal to his preference — trade for peace. Cambodia and Thailand took opportunities from Mr Trump’s plan to finalise agreements — trade from peace.

For Thailand, both the framework and MoU documents have attracted scrutiny and raised eyebrows in Bangkok. Even the staunchly pro-establishment (minority) government of Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul of the Bhumjaithai Party is not spared criticism about having given a lot and getting little in return. Had these agreements been made under a government headed by the Shinawatra family and the Pheu Thai Party, or the progressive People’s Party that won the last election, it would have likely led to accusations of selling out the country and even treason. This means that the Anutin government has the best chance to ink these deals in the coming weeks — the US side has indicated Nov 27 (Thanksgiving) as a preferred deadline. While the White House website provides the full texts of both agreements, the reciprocal trade provisions feature Thailand’s elimination of tariffs on roughly 99% of goods, including US industrial and food and agricultural products. Non-tariff barriers, such as acceptance of US-manufactured vehicles approved by US safety and emissions standards and medical devices and pharmaceuticals certified by the US Food and Drug Administration, are also included.

The framework additionally stipulates purchases of ethanol from the US and US Food and Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS)-certified meat and poultry products, while freeing up digital trade and allowing unionisation and promoting labour and workers’ rights. As a sweetener, Thailand also agreed to buy 80 US aircraft worth US$18.8 billion (608.7 billion baht) and energy products, such as liquefied natural gas, crude oil and ethane for another $5.4 billion per year.

While the Thai side was keen to lower the 19% reciprocal tariff, the framework agreement required any exemption to 0% to be conditional on additional Executive Order provisions. In other words, Thailand’s compliance in good faith and wide-ranging concessions were designed to slash the set tariff rate to gain price competitiveness, but this objective will be determined by Washington at a later stage.

Thailand is not alone in making these concessions. Cambodia, Malaysia and Vietnam are in the same boat. The concluded Malaysian-US trade agreement (also available online), in fact, may serve as a benchmark for Southeast Asia’s final trade deals with the US, including Indonesia and the Philippines down the road. Similar to Malaysia, Cambodia finalised a deal with the Trump team that eliminated 100% tariffs on US goods.

For Thailand, the trade framework has become less controversial than the MoU on critical minerals and rare earths. Thailand is not a major producer and player in the rare-earths mix. Its deposits are estimated to be about 4,500 tonnes, a fraction of Vietnam’s 3,500,000 tonnes, Australia’s 5,700,000 tonnes, Brazil’s 21,000,000 tonnes, or China’s 44,000,000 tonnes. Granted, Thailand is a significant processor of rare earths, particularly those imported from Australia. While the US negotiating team included the same rare-earth provisions with other Southeast Asian economies in a strategy to reconfigure supply chains of critical minerals toward the US and away from China, the MoU with Thailand has had adverse repercussions.

The Anutin government, particularly Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow, wants Thailand to reappear on the “radar screen” of international affairs — to be a regional player with a role on the global stage again. The MoU on critical minerals was intended to plug Thailand into crucial supply chains, with positive spillovers for innovation and economic upgrading toward electric vehicles, batteries, data centres, green transition, artificial intelligence, and overall climb up in global value chains. For the US, enlisting Thailand and its peer group on critical minerals and rare earths comes with low cost and potentially high yield if supply chains in this key high-tech geoeconomic battleground can become more accessible and secured.

As the dust settles after Mr Trump’s thumping Asia tour, it will not be surprising if partner countries feel a sense of buyer’s remorse — that they may have gone too far in appeasing and accommodating the US president’s tariff threats and trade demands. None of these countries like to be pushed around unilaterally, but they have to go along for the time being owing to their reliance on the US market.

It is likely that during the rest of Mr Trump’s second term, Southeast Asia and elsewhere will aim to diversify and scale back their export exposure in the US market as much as possible. If so, this effort could boost and become a boon for other trade policy platforms that exclude the US, such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. Even though they are not directly focused on trade liberalisation, other plurilateral and multilateral forums, such as the Brics+ and Global South, may gain more traction as a “world minus one” alternative in the medium term, as the US under Mr Trump alienates itself from partners and allies.

China’s newest and most advanced aircraft carrier, the Fujian, officially entered into service this week, the country’s military announced Friday, bringing Beijing another step closer to its goal of rivaling American naval power in the region.

The Fujian, which features an electromagnetic catapult system for launching and landing aircraft, was commissioned for service Wednesday, when China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, presided over the ceremony on Hainan, an island in the country’s south, the Liberation Army Daily and other state-run news outlets announced.

Xi, dressed in army green in his role as chair of China’s military, strode the deck of the carrier, inspecting aircraft and praising their pilots as heroes, video released by Chinese official media showed. Reports also said that Xi had ‘personally decided’ that the Fujian should use the electromagnetic catapult equipment, a demanding technology that President Donald Trump recently railed against.

By deploying the Fujian, and with plans to construct more aircraft carriers, China is moving to assert dominance in the western Pacific, using the carriers and their accompanying forces to brandish power and intimidate adversaries, several experts said. The Fujian, the third of China’s carriers, is its most ambitious effort so far. The ship was unveiled in 2022 but took years to become proficient enough to go officially into service.

China’s aircraft carriers still lag behind those of the United States, both in number and sophistication. China now has three, all running on diesel, while the United States has 11, which are all nuclear powered. But the Fujian is the first Chinese carrier to approach the US carriers in size and capability.

Satellite images suggest that China is already building a fourth carrier. And plans are underway to keep expanding the fleet, possibly shifting to nuclear-powered carriers at some point, despite arguments that unmanned drones and precision missiles could make the ships obsolete.

‘While unmanned systems are a trend, I don’t believe they will pose a major, lethal threat to aircraft carriers within the next decade,’ said Jiang Hsin-biao, a researcher at the Institute for National Defense and Security Research in Taipei, which is supported by Taiwan’s Ministry of National Defense. ‘Even the US is building new carriers, demonstrating their lasting value. The threats are relative and exist for both sides, whether it’s China or the US,’ he said.

For Xi, the publicity around the commissioning of the Fujian may be a political salve after recent embarrassing revelations of corruption in the high ranks of the People’s Liberation Army forces. China announced in October that nine senior officers had been dismissed and faced prosecution on charges of corruption and abuses of power. They included Gen. He Weidong, who was third in China’s military hierarchy, after Xi and another commander.

The Fujian’s main breakthrough is its electromagnetic catapult system for launching aircraft and slowing them to a halt when they land. The system appears similar to one used aboard the USS. Gerald R. Ford, the first of the United States’ newest generation of aircraft carriers. But Trump late last month criticized the electromagnetic technology as unreliable and said he would order US carriers to go back to steam-propelled launchers.

‘When we build aircraft carriers, it’s steam for the catapults, and it’s hydraulic for the elevators. We’ll never have a problem, OK?’ Trump said on a visit to the USS. George Washington, an aircraft carrier in Japan.

China’s two earlier carriers, the Liaoning and the Shandong, use simpler takeoff and landing technology on decks with ski-jump-like prows. The new system could allow the Fujian to carry larger aircraft with bigger loads of weapons and to send the planes out faster with less wear on their frames.

The Fujian’s deployment comes as tensions continue between China and Taiwan, an island democracy that has long rejected Beijing’s claims of sovereignty. Some analysts foresee China using the Fujian as part of carrier groups, along with battleships and submarines, that could intimidate Taiwan or countries that have territorial disputes with Beijing, especially in the South China Sea.

It is unlikely that carriers would figure prominently into any initial military action by China against Taiwan, because the island is so close to the Chinese coast and its many air bases. But some experts believe China could eventually use aircraft carriers in a blockade of the island.

‘These aircraft carriers are, of course, not aimed solely against Taiwan,’ Jiang said. ‘But if they’re deployed in the Western Pacific, they could encircle Taiwan.’

Operating large carriers far from China’s shores and mastering the art of quickly sending out swarms of aircraft from their decks may take the Chinese Navy some time. But Beijing has signaled that it is determined to learn quickly. In September, Chinese military media showed footage of aircraft practicing takeoffs and landings from the Fujian.

But China is still some ways from becoming fully mature as a carrier power, Aita Moriki, a research fellow at Japan’s National Institute for Defense Studies, wrote in an assessment of the Fujian published in early October. ‘Many technological and personnel challenges remain,’ he wrote.

Thai digital GDP is expected to expand 4.2% in 2026, slowing from anticipated growth of 5% this year, in line with global economic and trade trends next year, according to the National Board of Digital Economy and Society.

Thai digital GDP in 2023 was 6.2% before expanding to 7.3% in 2024.

Global trade in 2026 is predicted to decelerate due to several factors, including risk from the ongoing US-China trade war and the impact of US tariffs.

However, the country’s digital GDP growth in 2026 will still be 2.1 times the country’s projected total GDP for that year, according to the board.

Wetang Phuangsup, secretary-general of the board, said the digital economy is a key driver of the Thai economy.

The Finance Ministry projects 2% GDP growth for the country next year.

The digital economy accounts for 28.2% of GDP this year, while this is expected to rise to 29% in 2026 and 30% in 2027.

The International Monetary Fund projects 3.1% global economic growth in 2026, down from the anticipated expansion of 3.2% in 2025.

Thailand’s Fiscal Policy Office projects 2.0% growth for the Thai economy in 2026.

Mr Wetang said Thailand’s digital GDP should not expand by less than 5% as the digital economic sector is one of the core economic engines.

According to the board, investment in the digital economy is expected to grow by 3% in 2025, mainly driven by the government’s policy of wooing foreign digital economy investment. This policy is projected to result in 6.2% growth in private sector digital investment in 2026, while public sector digital investment is expected to contract by 1.6%.

The panel predicted private consumption in the digital industry next year to grow by 1.1%, slowing from 2025. Government digital consumption is expected to contract by 2.2%, a less severe decline than that of 2025.

Digital exports and services in 2026 are expected to grow by 4.5%, down from 2025, while imports will rebound to 1.6% growth after a projected contraction in 2025.

The digital hardware sector is expected to grow 4.5% next year, down from a projected 7.4% in 2025.

The digital services industry is expected expand 3.3% next year, up from a forecast of 3.1% in 2025, according to the board.

The telecom industry is projected to expand 3.9% next year, up from a 3.6% gain in 2025.

The smart devices industry should grow by 5.5% next year, falling from a 7.1% forecast for 2025, while the software industry is expected to grow by 7.8%, a decrease from 9.3% projected in 2025.

The digital content industry is expected to grow by 6.9% next year, the same rate as this year.

Digital services and others are expected to grow by 6.1% in 2026, on par with a 6.2% gain expected this year.

Tourists arriving in Thailand will soon be able to convert their digital assets into baht to spend during trips under the Tourist DigiPay initiative as authorities look to capitalise on the peak season.

Under an initiative jointly developed by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), the Bank of Thailand and the Anti-Money Laundering Office (Amlo), a regulated digital payment system allows foreign visitors to convert digital assets into baht to spend during their time here.

Tourist DigiPay is expected to support the tourism sector while maintaining strict anti-money laundering (AML) safeguards.

Tourists can top up their wallet to 500,000 baht a month per account, according to the SEC’s Digital Asset Policy Department.

“The project will provide an alternative payment option for foreign travellers and promotes wider use of digital innovation in the Thai economy,” the regulator said, adding the rollout includes robust risk management and AML controls to prevent misuse of cryptocurrencies and grey digital assets.

Nirun Fuwattananukul, chief executive of Binance TH by Gulf Binance, said the project is a forward-looking initiative that positions Thailand as an innovative country embracing new technologies such as digital assets.

While many countries are beginning to allow crypto payments, Thailand is taking a pragmatic approach through a regulatory sandbox, converting crypto into baht for use in a controlled and compliant way, said Mr Nirun.

“As one of the world’s top tourist destinations with advanced digital infrastructure, Thailand is the perfect testbed for this project. Only by experimenting in real-world settings can we truly understand the risks and learn how to mitigate them effectively,” he told the Bangkok Post.

The SEC, central bank and Amlo have taken measures to safeguard the public from money laundering, said Mr Nirun.

THE PROCESS

The process begins with know your customer and customer due diligence procedures as mandatory steps for all licensed digital asset and e-money service providers.

These involve verifying customers’ identities and the purposes of transactions through documentation and biometric data to ensure compliance with high-risk standards set by Amlo.

Once verified, tourists can open two linked wallets — a digital asset wallet and a tourist e-money wallet — allowing seamless conversion of crypto into baht for spending.

Digital asset operators must use blockchain forensic tools to trace and analyse transaction histories, identify suspicious wallets, and detect potential links to illegal activities or money laundering, the SEC said in a statement.

Payments through PromptPay QR codes are capped at 500,000 baht a month per account for merchant QR codes, and 50,000 baht a month per account for small vendors using personal QR codes.

“These caps are consistent with the average spending pattern of international tourists, which is roughly 5,000 baht a day, and will ensure funds are used only for legitimate tourism-related activities,” noted the regulator.

Tourist DigiPay cannot be used at high-risk businesses, such as gold or jewellery shops, amulet and antique dealers, casinos, or entertainment venues, all of which are commonly monitored for potential money laundering, said the SEC.

If a balance remains in a tourist wallet when visitors leave Thailand, they must convert the unused funds back into digital assets via the same licensed provider used upon entry. The refunded amount must not exceed the initial digital assets exchanged into baht.

The pilot programme is slated to run for 18 months.

“The scheme will support and strengthen the competitiveness of local small businesses and merchants, while fostering broader adoption of regulated digital finance by ensuring the platform does not become a channel for illicit money flows,” said the SEC.

The second of only two Vietnamese restaurants with a Michelin green star, Lamai Garden in Hanoi lives up to its accolade.

Located in a small house, tucked away in a residential neighbourhood, the 14-seater restaurant is helmed and owned by chef Tran Hieu Trung. He became a chef accidentally.

“I started cooking seriously a bit late, when I was around 30. I often think that cooking chose me, not the opposite. I think most of our careers choose us in life. When I was young, I chose to be an engineer and I wasn’t fit for it. One day I went to the kitchen and really enjoyed my time in it, and then I decided to do this professionally,” explains chef Trung.

“I really enjoyed cooking French cuisine and wanted to see what it was really like in France. I decided to go to France to be trained at Le Cordon Bleu. However, the more time I spent in France, the more I realised that I didn’t really like French cuisine and yearned for Vietnamese. In order to get to the end of something, we must have our heart in it.”

After studying in France, he returned and embraced Vietnamese cuisine. Though the chef was born and brought up in the south of the country, he decided to open Lamai Garden in Hanoi because his family decided to move back there.

Lamai Garden reflects his philosophy of seasonal and local ingredients, often sourced from his mother-in-law’s farm in the north and his organic farm 500m from the restaurant.

“The name of the restaurant comes from a combination of the names of my two children, Lam and Mai. Actually, the predecessor of Lamai was La Chérie, which was a bistro,” says chef Trung.

“But later I decided to separate the restaurant from the bakery, to develop a purely Vietnamese concept. I did not think too much when I started the restaurant. I just wanted my customers to feel the place and time; so when they eat at my restaurant they know what time of the year it is. Is it autumn or summer? I began with simple thinking.”

The bistro also served seasonal and local ingredients, and when the chef moved to Lamai Garden, he had more time to think about the concept. However, chef Trung says doing fine dining in Vietnam with local ingredients is a bit of a challenge.

“The ingredient quality from the farms in Vietnam aren’t as good when compared to France or Japan. Though we have good seafood, by the time it reaches to Hanoi, it’s not the same quality. If you eat pork in the mountains, it is very good, but here in Hanoi, you cannot find that species. So that is why most fine dining restaurants in Vietnam need to use imported ingredients,” he explains.

The small organic farm is where he grows seasonal vegetables and the restaurant’s front garden is full of herbs and leafy greens, often used in the dishes. In fact, it would not be out of the ordinary to see a chef pop into the garden during service to grab a few ingredients for the next dish. Farm-to-table doesn’t get any fresher.

“When I started Lamai Garden, I asked my mother-in-law to raise some ducks for me. To get good ingredients, I had to grow my own vegetables. Only later did I find farms that grow vegetables and raise animals in the organic way that I wanted to order from and use,” says chef Trung.

“The menu at Lamai Garden is loosely based on Japanese kaiseki, which is equivalent to the Vietnamese saying ‘each dish has its own season’. Looking at the distinct summer and winter markets in different parts of Vietnam, there are different produce available. Winter is the season of vegetables and citrus fruits, while in the summer squash and pumpkin are at their best. My menu also focuses on the different cuisines between regions. The ingredients based on geography, climate and people are also reflected in the dishes.

“In my hometown, I said I would only buy free-range pigeon and then the farmers said they would raise them for me and not use the cages any more. I think in time, when more people request better ingredients and produce, more farmers are encouraged to participate in this food chain.”

The restaurant’s garden is also home to mountainous herbs. There is even a plant that tastes like Coca-Cola, which the chef brought from the mountains and realised it could be grown in Hanoi. The chef chooses most ingredients and produce when he travels.

“Usually when I travel, I met many people who rear animals and grow unique vegetables and edible plants. I ask them if they can send it to me in Hanoi and that’s how I choose my suppliers. My menu often has ducks that my mother-in-law breeds, mountain goats and black pigs,” adds chef Trung.

“Even the food from the North and South differ with the south being bolder, while the North being more herbaceous. You can notice the differences in a simple bowl of pho and what is put into it. The north doesn’t put as many herbs into pho as the south and since I grew up in the south, I prefer it with lots of herbs and sauce.

“At Lamai Garden, the menu can also be described as my journey through Vietnam. Depending on the season, you will see my past in Ho Chi Minh City and some dishes from the north or south. Of course, when I add my personality, the dish that leans more towards the south is more my version. I used to spend time on presentation, but later on after cooking a dish, I wanted to serve it immediately. The beauty of the dish, is after all, in the cooking technique, even if it is just a vegetable dish.”

Chef Trung prefers meat to vegetables and that is emphasised in his menu. Even on the winter menu, one can expect to find dishes like mustard greens and cabbage, which he says “is very refreshing, but in a different way. Nothing is heavy and it feels very light, but not boring”.

The wild duck he serves weighs less than a kilo and are bred for his table alone.

“What I like about this duck is that it doesn’t smell like duck. It is not gamey but is fragrant, almost,” says chef Trung.

“It is imperative to note that I do not want to elevate Vietnamese cuisine; neither do I serve modern Vietnamese cuisine. At Lamai, we bring new breath to Vietnamese cuisine, honouring traditional values with our approach, which is sourcing the best product, following the seasons and making things simple.”

As China’s regional influence continues to expand, Japan faces the challenge of balancing strategic priorities within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean). Amid concerns over weakening regional unity and the United States’ declining engagement, Tokyo seeks to strengthen partnerships with key nations while maintaining relations with all member states.

Masafumi Ishii, director of the Resona Research Institute, a think tank and consulting firm, and former Japanese ambassador to Indonesia, discusses Japan’s evolving geopolitical approach, resource limitations, and the critical role of human capital in sustaining Southeast Asia’s stability and prosperity.

What is your main concern about Asean today?

My foremost concern is the weakening unity within Asean. There is no clear leadership to strengthen cohesion. Without unity, Asean loses both its strength and influence.

Internal disputes — such as border tensions between Thailand and Cambodia, and the Myanmar crisis — continue to undermine regional solidarity. I believe Indonesia, as the largest and historically most influential member, should take the initiative to rebuild Asean’s collective leadership.

How is the United States’ behaviour affecting the region’s stability?

The United States appears to be losing interest in maintaining peace and prosperity in Southeast Asia. Instead of supporting free trade, it imposes reciprocal tariffs — a poor way to make friends.

What worries me more is that Washington seems to be dismantling the very rules-based order it built after World War II. Without that order, there can be no lasting peace or stable growth.

We will make every effort to maintain the United States’ interest in the region because we need to keep the United States’ attention. But at the same time, we need to face the reality, which is some kind of vacuum created by the withdrawal of the United States.

With the US stepping back, who could fill the resulting power vacuum?

While the US is not gone, its disengagement demands a response. I personally hope Japan can play a more active role. Southeast Asian nations see Japan as a consistent and reliable partner, with fewer political complications.

If Japan chooses to engage more deeply, it will be welcomed by the countries in the region. I hope the new Takaichi administration, which I think has a strategic perspective, will start doing something to engage Southeast Asia.

How will Japan adjust its regional strategy under these changing conditions?

Japan is revising its strategic document to reflect new realities. Our Official Development Assistance (ODA) is limited, and Japan is no longer as wealthy as before.

The updated strategy will provide clear guidance for prioritisation — determining which countries and sectors deserve the most attention to maximise our regional impact.

How does Japan prioritise its Asean partners?

The Japanese foreign ministry has been conducting opinion surveys in other countries every two years since 2008. We’ve been asking questions including which country do you think will become more important for your own country, or which country do you think you are going to rely on more in the future?

Of course, some countries’ results say China, some countries say Japan, some countries say possibly the United States. The result shows that Asean countries are divided into four groups even though you haven’t made it public.

In public, you say that you never choose between China and the United States. That’s understandable. Without making a choice, you have to do good things, maintain good relations with everybody so that you can get the best out of everybody, considering the positioning of your countries. That is the way that should be.

The first group always chose Japan. Japan will become more important than any other countries. The countries (in this group) are Indonesia, Vietnam, and the Philippines.

The second group is the countries where the result swings between China and Japan according to the administration. These countries are Thailand, Malaysia, and Myanmar.

The third group, Cambodia, Laos, and Brunei, lean towards China, while group four is the exception, which is obviously always Singapore. The country publicly favours China but cooperates militarily with the US.

With limited resources, Japan will focus its time and energy on Group 1, while maintaining balanced engagement with all.

Why are Indonesia, Vietnam, and the Philippines considered Japan’s core partners?

These nations are confident and independent enough to resist pressure from China. They value Japan’s support as they maintain sovereignty and stability.

Like Japan, they prefer cooperation without domination. With populations exceeding 100 million, they are the engines of Asean’s future growth and share Japan’s interest in maintaining an open, rules-based order.

This is reflected in (former) prime minister (Shigeru) Ishiba’s recent travel schedule, which focused his limited time on visiting the Group 1 countries, notably Indonesia, Vietnam, and the Philippines.

What are the key sectors for future Japanese engagement in these priority nations?

Key areas include infrastructure, artificial intelligence, technology, and human resource development.

Japan supports regional connectivity through cross-border infrastructure projects such as the East-West and North-South corridors. Investment in vocational training is also crucial to improving productivity and creating a mutually beneficial exchange of talent.

How is Japan preparing to address its own domestic demographic crisis?

Immigration is becoming unavoidable for Japan. An ageing population and labour shortages mean we need both skilled and unskilled workers from abroad.

Politically, it remains sensitive, but economic survival depends on it. We must open our labour market gradually and manage the process through strong leadership and public understanding.

This will require Japan to start a public discussion and adopt a comprehensive immigration policy guided by strong political leadership.

How does Japan manage relations with China while deepening Asean ties?

Our approach must be carefully calibrated — small enough not to provoke China but significant enough to reassure our partners.

Japan must avoid any perception that it seeks to divide Asean.

The goal is to strengthen collective resilience, not to compete for allegiance.

Under Prime Minister Takahashi’s leadership, what direction do you expect Japan to take?

Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi is instinctively tough on China. While she understands Asean’s need for engagement with Beijing, she will likely adopt a more strategic stance.

On immigration, her government may eventually moderate its position as economic realities and labour demands intensify.

Ultimately, Japan must act decisively — not only to safeguard its interests but also to help preserve stability in Southeast Asia under China’s growing shadow.

China has imposed a sweeping ban on the import of all Thai syrups and premixed sugar products, after 10 factories failed the latest safety and hygiene standards inspection by Chinese authorities.

The decision has sparked fears of mass closures and layoffs across Thailand’s processed sugar sector.

Todsaporn Ruangpattananont, president of the Thai Sugar Product Association, said yesterday the General Administration of Customs of China (GACC) announced the prohibition following factory inspections conducted between July and September.

GACC cited non-compliance with food safety and production control requirements, he said.

The inspections, which were coordinated by Thailand’s National Bureau of Agricultural Commodity and Food Standards, revealed various shortcomings, such as insufficient sanitary controls and inadequate zoning between production and administrative areas.

“None of the factories inspected passed GACC’s audit despite major investments to meet standards,” he said.

“This closure of all export channels will cost the industry billions of baht.”

The wide-ranging decision effectively blocks exports across all categories.

The GACC had earlier the import of suspended syrups and premixed sugar powders under two tariff codes in December 2024, prompting Thai exporters to shift shipments under alternative categories.

The new order, effective from Oct 27, bans four additional product codes to cover all forms of syrup, sugar blends and related preparations, and freezes new registration applications for Thai producers, said Mr Todsaporn.

The association warned that up to 47 member companies of the association are now at risk, as China remains their largest export market.

“If the ban persists, only three to five factories are expected to remain operational by year’s end as finding alternative markets to replace China has proven extremely difficult,” he said.

The sector purchases about 3.6 million tonnes of sugar annually for further processing, he noted.

The Thai Digital Asset Association (TDA) has urged the next government to maintain consistent support for the digital asset industry, warning the country risks losing ground in the regional race for blockchain innovation and foreign investment.

Thailand has dropped to 17th in the Global Crypto Adoption Index from its peak at eighth, lagging several regional peers including Vietnam, Indonesia and Singapore, according to TDA president Nares Laopannarai.

Global recognition of digital assets has surged, particularly following US President Donald Trump’s endorsement of digital finance and the passage of the Genius Act, which allows the issuance of fully dollar-backed stablecoins.

This policy shift encouraged governments, banks, fintech firms and private corporations worldwide to explore or issue their own stablecoins.

In Asia, Hong Kong, South Korea, Japan, Vietnam and Malaysia are all strengthening their regulatory and policy frameworks to integrate digital assets into their national digital economy strategies.

“In contrast, momentum in Thailand has slowed, even though earlier initiatives such as G-Token and the concept of crypto debit cards for retail payments showed the country’s potential to merge digital assets with traditional finance,” said Mr Nares.

“In other Southeast Asian countries, national leaders themselves are the driving force behind digital asset policy. Thailand was once a regional pioneer with one of the world’s first comprehensive digital asset laws. But to keep pace, the incoming government must ensure digital asset promotion remains a key national agenda item.”

Thailand remains well-positioned thanks to its clear regulatory framework, covering custodian requirements, anti-money laundering standards, and token fundraising rules, which aligns closely with international best practices, he said.

These facets could still attract major global players if policies are structured to encourage investment and innovation, said Mr Nares.

“If the government strengthens its regulatory and promotional framework, Thailand could regain its place among the world’s top 10 countries in digital asset adoption,” he said.

The TDA together with Cryptomind Group Holdings is holding Thailand Blockchain Week 2025 this weekend, the eighth edition of the event since 2018.

“We believe Thailand Blockchain Week 2025 will demonstrate the true potential of the Thai digital asset industry to the world,” said Mr Nares. “It will attract foreign investment, strengthen local businesses, and help position Thailand as a competitive force in the global digital economy.”

Eleven illegal migrant workers from Myanmar were arrested along with a Thai driver in Thong Pha Phum district on Friday morning.

Officials set up a road checkpoint at the Thong Pha Phum junction on Highway 323 in tambon Than Khanum at 8.30am on Friday after receiving information that that a van was being used to smuggle migrants into the province.

When they spotted the suspect Toyota van heading from Thong Pha Phum towards Muang district, officers signalled the driver to stop. The driver, identified as Prasit, 33, a Thai national from Sam Phran district in Nakhon Pathom, cooperated.

Inside the van, officials found 11 Myanmar migrants – 7 men and 4 women. When asked for documentation, they produced photocopied documents, including foreign birth certificates, copies of certificate of identity cards, and work permits compliant with a 2022 Thai cabinet resolution. However, none of the documents were certified, and all had expired.

Immigration officers later confirmed the documents were invalid due to expiration.

All 11 migrants were handed over to Thong Pha Phum police for legal proceedings on charges of illegally entering and residing in Thailand. The driver will be charged with assisting illegal migrants to evade arrest.

Mr Prasert initially told police he had picked up the workers at the Sala Daeng pier in Chong Ua village Moo 4 of Sangkhla Buri district at 3am on Friday. He was asked to transport hem to a meeting point in Muang district of Kanchanaburi, where another vehicle would take them further.

During questioning, the migrants said through an interpreter that they had crossed the border illegally into Sangkhla Buri and travelled by boat to the Sala Daeng pier, where the van picked them up. They intended to work in provinces such as Samut Songkhram and Samut Sakhon, having paid brokers between 15,000 and 16,000 baht each.

All eyes will be on Supachalasai National Stadium on Saturday as a little-known school from Chachoengsao prepares to play in the final of the Student Football Sevens tournament.

‘Please cheer and give support for Monthongwittaya School,’ the school wrote in a Facebook post on Thursday.

The secondary school in Bang Nam Prieo district has captured national attention after the underdogs edged the powerhouse Dhepsirin School 7-6 in Tuesday’s quarter-finals, then dethroned two-time former champions Assumption College Sriracha 6-3 on Thursday to earn their first-ever place in the final.

On their way, Monthongwittaya also defeated top-ranked Assumption College Thonburi. Their opponents in Saturday’s decider are Chai Nat PAO, a team sponsored by the Provincial Administration Organisation in Chai Nat.

‘Monthongwittaya never gives up,’ the school’s football club declared before facing Assumption College Sriracha.

With only 523 students, Monthongwittaya School is dwarfed by big names like Dhepsirin and Assumption College Sriracha. Regarded as outsiders, they have defied the odds to reach the brink of glory in the Channel 7-hosted competition.

Adding to their underdog charm is their coach, Sakol Kliengprasert, who personally drives an ageing school songthaew to ferry his players roughly 70 kilometres to matches – and back – while big schools arrive in luxury buses with drivers.

The story of the team, their coach, and the old songthaew has gone viral, winning the hearts of netizens. Some dubbed it ‘the bus of dream chasers,’ while others said, ‘this old songthaew has overtaken every other bus in the contest.’

‘If you want your kids to dare to dream, you have to take them to the pitch first,’ Mr Sakol told Siamsport, explaining why he drives them himself.

He can do magic

Much of the credit goes to their dedicated coach. Sakol previously led Surasakmontree School to three titles in the same tournament – in 2015, 2017 and 2018.

After retiring, he was hired to train a team in Chai Nat before being approached by Monthongwittaya to build a football team from scratch three years ago. His effort has now borne fruit, with his boys just one step away from the trophy – and fittingly, standing in their way is a team from Chai Nat.

‘Your support will help our kids to run until they drop,’ he said before Thursday’s match against Assumption College Sriracha.

One thing is certain: a convoy of buses packed with Monthongwittaya fans from Bang Nam Prieo will once again trail behind the school’s iconic songthaew to Supachalasai National Stadium on Saturday – as they have for every match so far.