Category: The Bangkok Post

After losing ground on Section 112, also known as the lese majeste law, the opposition People’s Party (PP) is seeking to reinforce its reformist credentials by focusing on charter change, while critics raise their eyebrows at Pheu Thai Party leader Paetongtarn Shinawatra’s ‘comeback’ speech as they wait for her replacement to be unveiled.

PP, once hailed as a powerful engine for reformist change in Thai politics, now finds itself cornered with only one remaining flagship agenda: charter amendment.

Other reformist priorities, most notably the push to amend Section 112 of the Criminal Code have stalled under immense resistance from both the establishment and rival political factions. This leaves constitutional reform as the party’s final battleground to prove its relevance and deliver on its promises to supporters.

When PP rose to prominence, it carried the hopes of a broad coalition of younger voters, pro-democracy activists, and disillusioned urban middle-class Thais. Their mandate was clear: confront Thailand’s entrenched structures of power and push through bold reforms.

The campaign platform centred on three pillars: reforming the constitution to dismantle authoritarian legacies, rectifying Section 112 and restructuring the economy to be more equitable.

Initially, the momentum was strong. The party dominated conversations around democracy, human rights, and political reform. Its youthful leadership and progressive policies differentiated it from traditional power brokers.

However, once in parliament, the realities of coalition politics, institutional checks and resistance from conservative actors blunted much of its reformist edge.

The clearest sign of such an impasse came with the attempt to rewrite Section 112. The lèse majesté law has long been one of the most sensitive issues in Thai politics. It criminalises perceived insults against the monarchy with severe penalties, making any effort to amend it an almost impossible endeavour within the current political climate.

PP championed changes, arguing that the law has been abused for political purposes and weaponised to silence dissent. But resistance came from all sides: conservative politicians labelled the move as an attack on the monarchy, several parties distanced themselves for fear of alienating their voter base, and even some civil society groups expressed concern about the risks of pursuing the reform head-on.

The result was predictable. Parliamentary votes on the issue failed to gain traction, with overwhelming rejections from both the House and the Senate. Publicly, PP’s leadership insisted it was worth the effort to highlight the issue. Privately, many acknowledged it was a fight they could not win, according to a political source.

Against this backdrop, constitutional reform remains the party’s last viable avenue for influence. Unlike Section 112, charter amendment enjoys broader legitimacy as a political agenda.

Thailand’s current constitution, drafted under military rule, has long been criticised for entrenching unelected powers, particularly through the appointed Senate and mechanisms that allow military-linked figures to retain influence over civilian politics.

By focusing on charter reform, PP can still claim to be advancing the democratic cause without alienating centrist or risk-averse allies. The narrative is also easier to sell to the public: a more democratic constitution is the foundation for every other reform. If the rules of the game remain skewed, no government, no matter how reformist, can deliver meaningful change, the source said.

This makes the charter amendment push both a strategic necessity and a symbolic last stand. For PP, it is less about whether they can fully deliver a new constitution — given the hurdles of Senate vetoes and establishment pushback — and more about demonstrating commitment to systemic reform. It is their last chance to claim they fought on behalf of their voters, even if the odds are stacked against them.

Yet the risks of hanging their identity on charter amendment are significant.

First, constitutional reform is a drawn-out process. Even if parliament agrees to establish a Constitution Drafting Assembly (CDA), debate over its composition, authority, and procedures could take months, if not years. This timeline does not match the urgency of PP’s need to show results before the next election.

Second, the party faces the risk of being outmanoeuvred. Rival parties such as Pheu Thai and the Bhumjaithai Party (BJT) have also spoken in favour of charter reform, though in more cautious terms. If the larger parties take ownership of the process, the PP may lose its ability to claim the issue as its own. In politics, being first to champion an idea does not always translate into reaping the rewards if others implement it.

Third, there is the danger of disappointment. Supporters who backed the PP for its bold stance on Section 112 may see the charter amendment as a watered-down compromise. If the party is unable to deliver tangible progress, it risks being branded as ineffective — a label that could devastate its appeal to younger voters who demand results, not just rhetoric.

The PP, meanwhile, has grown increasingly wary that big parties will dominate the drafting process.

The main opposition party says it wants the government to work towards maximising public participation in the drafting of a new constitution, saying current proposals from the ruling coalition could allow powerful parties to dominate the whole process.

Parit Wacharasindhu, list-MP and PP spokesman, said the party has already submitted its constitutional amendment proposals and reviewed some of the details of those put forward by Pheu Thai and BJT.

He outlined two concerns: first, the public must be given the highest level of involvement permitted under the Constitutional Court’s ruling, and second, that safeguards are needed to prevent one political camp from monopolising the CDA to be created under Section 256 of the charter.

According to Mr Parit, both the Pheu Thai and BJT models fall short. Pheu Thai proposes direct elections for 200 representatives, who would then be filtered down by parliament. The BJT’s plan relies on a parliamentary screening of applicants, without direct voter input.

“Both approaches limit citizen participation,” Mr Parit said.

However, a recent Constitutional Court ruling prohibits a direct election of CDA members.

The PP proposal envisions parliament selecting 35 members of a drafting committee from 70 candidates chosen by the public.

These seats would be distributed proportionally among MPs, senators, and political parties, thereby reducing the risk of proceedings being dominated by any single bloc.

The source said charter amendment allows PP to remain relevant and stay part of the public conversation while maintaining pressure on the establishment, and reinforcing their reformist credentials.

And even more importantly, it neatly sidesteps the brick wall posed by their mention of their ultimate goal of making revisions to Section 112 of the constitution.

It also enables them to keep their coalition of supporters intact. By positioning constitutional reform as the root cause of Thailand’s democratic stagnation, the party can argue that every other issue — from judicial reform to monarchy reform — flows from it. Even if they fail to achieve full-scale amendment, they can claim a moral victory by keeping the agenda alive.

An unspectacular comeback trail

Following its exit from power, the Pheu Thai Party this week launched a video on its official Facebook page, the first in a new series titled “Pheu Thai Will Return”.

The 23-minute clip featured party leader and former prime minister Paetongtarn reflecting on the party’s two years in government and assuring supporters of Pheu Thai’s readiness to continue unfinished work if given another chance to lead.

In her address, Ms Paetongtarn reiterated her support for signature policies, including the 20-baht cap on electric train fares, affordable housing projects, and education grants. She also highlighted ambitious tourism initiatives, such as bringing Formula 1 (F1) races and world-class entertainment festivals like Tomorrowland to Thailand to revitalise the economy.

However, the “comeback” motif has failed to excite political observers who say the announcement is not enough to ease the crisis of confidence Pheu Thai currently faces.

In recent months, Pheu Thai has suffered a steady loss of MPs to rivals such as BJT and Klatham parties. Many political families have either defected or signalled support for other camps that appear more politically secure.

These defections have worsened the party’s troubles as it has already been shaken by court rulings that removed Ms Paetongtarn from the prime minister’s post and sent her father, former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, back to prison.

Many political analysts say the video, which also unveiled current MPs who have pledged to stay with the party, does little to rebuild trust, let alone “finding its way back to power.”

“Given the current situation, Pheu Thai can’t bring her [Ms Paetongtarn] back,” said Stithorn Thananithichot, a political scientist at Chulalongkorn University.

“The clip suggests that she either doesn’t realise the extent of political damage she has done to the party or she can’t bring herself to admit it … Sometimes, playing the role of someone who has been wronged might generate more sympathy,” he said.

Ms Paetongtarn was ousted from office on Aug 29 by the Constitutional Court for an ethics violation over a leaked audio clip with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen. This enabled the Bhumjaithai (BJT) Party, led by Anutin Charnvirakul, to form a government with the backing of the main opposition People’s Party (PP).

Keeping Ms Paetongtarn at the forefront will only reinforce that she is part of the party’s decline, Mr Stithorn said, noting that if Pheu Thai still wants someone from the Shinawatra family to carry on the torch, it must make that transition soon. Waiting until the election draws near could be too late.

Despite the party’s difficult time, Mr Stithorn believes Pheu Thai could still land a third-biggest party spot, winning between 70-80 House seats in the next polls, which should be enough to give it bargaining power in post-election coalition formation talks.

The number will mark a sharp decline from the 143 seats the party won in the last election.

He said Pheu Thai is now competing not only with the PP and BJT but also with Klatham, which, like BJT, has lured away many of its members.

To regain some footing, Mr Stithorn said the party must pursue three strategies, which are to announce its new prime ministerial candidate early, show how it can outdo the BJT’s policies and ensure its MPs are connected with their constituencies.

He said that the public saw few tangible results during Pheu Thai’s two years in power, so it must clearly explain how it would deliver differently this time, adding that the MPs must show that they serve the people, not just party bosses or ministers.

By comparison, BJT MPs are viewed as more active and visible in their constituencies, he noted.

Additionally, Mr Stithorn. He questioned whether Ms Paetongtarn, who retains the party leadership, recognises the party’s weaknesses under her tenure.

A senior source in Pheu Thai told the Bangkok Post that if the party can secure 70 House seats in the next general election, that would already be considered a success.

“Forget about getting 100 seats. We had 143 in the last election, the second-largest share. Next time, the goal of key figures is to finish third after the PP and BJT, which are competing for the winner’s post,” said the source.

According to the source, the party’s boss — a reference to Thaksin — has instructed the party figures to keep fighting and promised to fully back the MPs who remain loyal to the party, as the party can no longer rely on popularity.

The fight this time is about resources, and the party boss still has plenty, said the source.

A newly planted anti-tank mine of unknown type was discovered in a border area in Khok Sung district of Sa Kaeo province on Saturday afternoon, according to the Thai army.

An army explosive ordnance disposal (EOD) team using an armoured bulldozer reported the discovery at Ban Nong Ya Kaeo at about 2pm. The mine appeared to have been recently placed, and officials suspected it may have been planted by groups or individuals from across the Cambodian border.

As mine clearance operations continued, Thai and Cambodian people gathered in two border areas in Ban Nong Ya Kaeo and Ban Nong Chan. At the latter, around 200 Thai civilians, vendors and reporters were assembled.

At 10am, activist Veera Somkwamkid led a patriotic demonstration with local residents, emphasising the need to protect Thailand’s sovereignty.

He reiterated his view that Cambodian settlers must withdraw from disputed areas, saying he would give Thai authorities until Oct 31 to take action.

A deadline of Oct 10, set earlier by the governor of Sa Kaeo, passed without any evictions from the two border communities taking place.

Thailand allowed Cambodian refugees to take shelter in the two communities while fleeing massacres during the Cambodian civil war over four decades ago. Dozens of families from Cambodia have since settled there permanently. (Story continues below)

The Gun Jompalang Foundation, led by social media activist Guntouch Pongpaiboonwet, alias ‘Gun Jompalang’, provided shipping containers to the Burapha Task Force for military logistical use.

On Friday night Mr Guntouch played recordings of howling dogs at high volume, reportedly to intimidate Cambodian people into leaving. He was also responsible for bringing 14 septic tankers to the area in August and threatening to spray their contents at Cambodian protesters on the opposite side of a barbed wire barrier.

Across the border, about 30 to 40 Cambodian civilians, soldiers, police officers and reporters were seen monitoring Thai activities.

The situation remained calm, while Thai security forces continued to maintain a defensive posture and follow graduated response measures. (Story continues below)

At Ban Nong Ya Kaeo, a smaller number of Thai civilians were present, with no significant incidents reported. On the Cambodian side, however, about 150 civilians and reporters gathered near the barbed-wire fence and around Prey Chan village.

Witnesses said that Cambodian soldiers, police and officials facilitated activities aimed at mobilising the public and urging the release of 18 Cambodian soldiers detained in Thailand since the five-day conflict in late July.

Thailand has maintained that it has the right under international law to hold the Cambodians as prisoners of war. They are being treated well and will be repatriated only once hostilities have fully ended and a permanent ceasefire is in place, the army has said.

Three mines found

Security forces on Saturday also confirmed the discovery of three live PMN anti-personnel mines near Ban Nong Ya Kaeo, according to the Sa Kaeo Public Relations Office.

It quoted Col Chainarong Kasi, commander of Task Force 12, as saying EOD teams successfully neutralised and secured the devices without incident.

Thai forces have deployed additional security measures in the area. Seven EOD teams, equipped with detection tools and an armoured D5 clearance vehicle, are conducting systematic searches for remaining landmines and unexploded devices.

The clearance operation is expected to take three to four more days to ensure the entire area is safe, the army said. (Story continues below)

Two key missions

The First Army Region said on Saturday that troops from several units under the Burapha Task Force have been carrying out two key missions aimed at enhancing safety and promoting accurate understanding along the border.

The first mission focused on inspecting and clearing unexploded ordnance in two main sites in Aranyaprathet and Khok Sung districts following complaints by residents that they were unable to access their land.

The team conducted drone surveys and prepared detailed data for demining operations, restoring more than 38,000 square metres of safe land for residents with proper Sor Kor 1 and Nor Sor 2 land titles.

The second mission involved providing transparency to international media. Lt Col Nitithep Baramee, chief of staff of the Burapha Task Fore, led reporters from Deutsche Welle of Germany and Nikkei of Japan to five border villages and the Khlong Luek permanent border checkpoint.

The visit allowed reporters to observe the situation on the ground and confirmed that Thai operations were strictly adhering to peaceful principles while upholding national sovereignty, according to a statement from the First Army Region.

Thailand claimed a vital three points in their AFC Asian Cup Saudi Arabia 2027 qualifying campaign with a 2-0 win over Taiwan on Thursday night, but coach Masatada Ishii warned his stars must improve their scoring touch.

The victory in the third group match came courtesy of goals from substitute Seksan Ratree and captain Chanathip Songkrasin, lifting the War Elephants back on track after a mixed start to the qualifiers.

Ranked 101st in the Fifa world rankings, Thailand were strong favourites against 173rd-placed Taiwan and, urged on by a lively home crowd at the Rajamangala National Stadium, they pressed forward from the opening whistle and dictated the tempo throughout.

Thailand almost struck inside two minutes when a corner fell to Benjamin Davis, whose shot was blocked by midfielder Jhon Benchy and deflected behind. Five minutes later, Supachok Sarachat combined neatly with Jaroensak Wonggorn, but the latter’s effort went straight at goalkeeper Huang Chiu-lin.

The hosts continued to dominate possession and carve out chances. In the 34th minute, Jaroensak tried his luck from distance, only to see his strike fly over the bar. Ishii responded by introducing Seksan to add energy in midfield — a move that would soon prove decisive.

Six minutes into the second half, Supachok delivered a pinpoint cross into the area and Seksan timed his run perfectly, rising to head past Huang and put Thailand 1-0 up in the 51st minute.

The second goal arrived in the 77th minute after a defensive lapse in the Taiwanese backline. Saringkan Promsupa reacted quickest to a loose ball, nodding it into the path of Chanathip, who calmly slotted home to seal the result.

After the match, Ishii praised his players’ commitment but emphasised the need for sharper finishing.

“I appreciate the players for fighting throughout the 90 minutes and pressing high in the opponents’ half,” said the Japanese tactician.

“What we need to work on is how to score more goals when we face the same opponents again [in the reverse fixture on Tuesday].”

Skipper Chanathip said, “I’m happy to score, but more importantly I want to thank my teammates who helped create the chance.

“We knew that Taiwan would play deep defensively and we had to be patient in the standing positions because if we are patient, then the chance will come.”

Meanwhile, Ishii has called up Santiparb Channgom and Songwut Kraikruan to replace Jonathan Khemdee and Jaroensak, who pulled out due to injuries after Thursday’s game.

Chonburi right wingback Santiparb and Muang Thong United centre-back Songwut will join the squad as the War Elephants prepare for the return fixture against Taiwan next Tuesday at Taipei Municipal Stadium.

Thailand began their campaign with a 1-0 win over Sri Lanka before falling 1-3 to Turkmenistan. Thursday’s victory takes them to six points from three matches, while Taiwan remain bottom of the group with three defeats.

In the other match on Thursday, Sri Lanka stunned Turkmenistan 1-0 with a second-half goal by Leon Manimeldura. The South Asian side moved up to six points while Turkmenistan lost their perfect record. Both teams will meet again in Arkadaq next Tuesday.

A woman was killed and seven others injured in an explosion caused by a cooking gas leak at a townhouse in Muang district of Pathum Thani province on Saturday morning.

The incident occurred at Phanason housing estate on Pathum Thani-Lat Lum Kaeo Road in tambon Ban Chang, said Pol Maj Chaiphat Areewong, investigation chief at Pathum Thani’s Muang police station, who was notified around 7am on Saturday.

Police, firemen, and rescue workers arrived at the scene of an explosion that originated from a two-storey townhouse, with flames engulfing the building. The blast also caused damage to two nearby row houses.

Firemen took about 40 minutes to control the fire. Officials from the Provincial Electricity Authority (PEA) cut power in the area.

Rescue workers found several people suffering from burns and blast injuries. Five injured were transported to Pathum Thani Hospital, while two others refused to leave, concerned about their property.

Phetkamon Bamrung, a 64-year-old townhouse owner, was killed in the explosion. She was found dead in the kitchen of the house.

The explosion also caused structural damage to walls and roofs and destroyed several vehicles, including a pickup truck, a car and seven to eight motorcycles.

Neighbour Somkuan Chatwong, 52, said he heard a loud explosion before his ceiling collapsed. His house, which was also damaged, operated as a beauty salon and was occupied by three people. Four people were in his house, while the adjacent house, also damaged, was unoccupied at the time.

Pol Capt Decha Chanthachart, deputy inspector of Pathum Thani’s Muang police station, said preliminary reports indicated a cooking gas cylinder exploded, triggering a fire that damaged the house and spread to nearby houses.

Authorities were investigating to determine the exact cause.

Scene sealed off

Police said the area had been sealed off to prevent unauthorised access, as the interior structure remains hot and at risk of collapsing. Due to the nature of the townhouse layout and the force of the explosion, neighbouring structures may also have sustained cracks or instability.

Once the inside temperature decreases to a safe level, the Department of Public Works and Town and Country Planning will inspect the building to assess structural safety and damages.

In addition ,the Tambon Ban Chang Administrative Organisation had set up a relief centre to register victims, provide temporary shelter and explore assistance options.

Japanese digital platform DLsite has rolled out its own payment system after facing restrictions from major credit card firms Visa and Mastercard over adult-themed content.

DLsite, a popular distributor of games and doujinshi in Japan, announced the launch of ‘Minna no Ginko Payment’, a new in-house payment service linked with Japan’s Minna no Ginko bank. The move comes after Visa and Mastercard suspended their services for the platform in July, citing violations of their service policies.

Back in July, both Visa and Mastercard pressured online platforms to remove adult-rated titles or face termination of payment services. Steam stores were forced to pull more than 100 titles from its catalogue, sparking criticism from gamers, LGBTQQIP2SA communities and game developers who accused the firms of censorship and financial interference.

Although Visa and Mastercard later denied direct involvement in the pressure campaign, the incident alarmed credit card users who feared financial institutions were intruding on personal transactions. The controversy grew so widespread that then United States President Donald Trump issued a White House statement prohibiting financial institutions from rejecting transactions based solely on ideological grounds.

During the period of restriction, only Japan’s JCB credit cards continued to work on DLsite’s platform. The company had earlier attempted to adjust its content categorisation and terminology to meet payment providers’ guidelines, but those measures were deemed insufficient.

The disruption eventually prompted DLsite’s parent companies, viviON and Eisys, to introduce their own alternative. With Minna no Ginko Payment, users can now link their Minna no Ginko bank account directly to their viviON account, bypassing third-party payment providers entirely.

DLsite has also rolled out discounts and special rewards to encourage users to adopt the new system. However, the service will initially be available only to customers within Japan, as Minna no Ginko does not currently allow account openings from abroad. The platform also warns that its banking app may not function properly outside Japan.

The launch marks a significant shift for DLsite as it seeks to reduce reliance on international financial networks and maintain control over transactions involving adult content.

Opposition MP Rangsiman Rome has urged the government to intensify its crackdown on scammers and their political connections in both Thailand and Cambodia, while outlining his party’s plans to track and expose foreign “grey” capital.

Mr Rangsiman, chair of the House Committee on National Security, Border Affairs, National Strategy, and National Reform, as well as a list MP and deputy leader of the People’s Party (PP), held a press conference yesterday to outline a roadmap for tracing illicit businesses. He said scams are becoming increasingly complex, with systematic money-laundering networks that are almost impossible to dismantle under the current government mechanisms.

Mr Rangsiman said scammers’ revenue is flowing into a neighbouring country and being absorbed by businesses and infrastructure there. “These grey capitals are now taking over Thailand,” he said, adding that in the absence of government progress on tackling the issue, the PP has put forward three proposals.

The first is to investigate companies that use iris scanning as part of their biometric data collection methods. According to Mr Rangsiman, as many as one to two million people have had their irises scanned. Many participants were unaware of the purpose of the scans, he said, receiving around 500 baht each.

The PP will also continue its investigation into foreign businessman Benjamin Mauerberger, also known as Ben Smith, and prominent Cambodian businessman Yim Leak, both of whom Mr Rangsiman alleged may be linked to the use of iris scans. He further called on Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul to comment on the alleged relationship between Mr Mauerberger and Agriculture Minister Thamanat Prompow.

Myanmar’s military leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who currently serves as both the army’s commander in chief and the country’s head of state, has reshuffled the government’s administrative structure in preparation for planned elections later this year.

But this merely masks the junta leader’s main strategic intention: strengthening his control of the country before the polls are held. In the meantime, Myanmar’s military, or Tatmadaw, has stepped up its aerial attacks on the revolutionary forces in an attempt to retake as much territory as possible before December’s elections.

Last month Min Aung Hlaing formed a new ten-member State Security and Peace Commission (SSPC) — which took over from the former State Administrative Council (SAC), which had been responsible for running the country since the military seized power was in February 2021 — while simultaneously extending the state of emergency; something he has done every six months since he seized power in a military coup four and a half years ago.

Despite these changes — which are effectively cosmetic — Myanmar’s military leader continues to have complete and absolute power, as the commander in chief and head of state. Crucially, he remains the chairman of the new military commission, which replaced the SAC, which had governed the country since February 2021.

To reinforce his control of the National Defence and Security Council (NDSC), Min Aung Hlaing appointed the former military general Aung Lin Dway as the NDSC’s chief executive officer and Lt-Gen Ye Win Oo as joint chief executive of the NDSC office, where he remains its secretary. In addition, a central advisory group of 15 members, including former SAC members and ex-ministers, was formed.

The use of the term “security” in the name of the newly formed military commission, and the strengthening of the National Defence and Security Council, can be interpreted as an essential part of Min Aung Hlaing’s intention to effectively expand military power in the lead-up to the elections.

In preparation for the forthcoming elections, the SSPC has declared 90-day-long local military administrations in 63 townships across nine states and regions.

This includes the following ethnic areas: 14 townships in Arakan, five townships in Kachin, three townships in Karenni (Kayah), two townships in Karen, seven townships in Chin, 14 townships in Rakhine and 15 townships in Shan; and in the Burma heartland — nine townships in Sagaing, five townships in Magway, and three townships in Mandalay.

In these states and regions, the regional commanders have been given full military administrative powers.

The junta has also suspended three key articles — 5, 7 and 8 — of the 2017 Privacy and Security Law, which had been enacted by the National League for Democracy (NLD) government under President Htin Kyaw in March 2017. The suspension of these three provisions — that previously protected the people’s privacy and security — is essentially another signal that the authorities can now unreservedly interfere with the people’s privacy and security at will.

All these administrative manoeuvres are part of the junta’s efforts to tighten its grip on power and increase its control of the country. To this end, the Tatmadaw has escalated the civil war, committing crimes against humanity, intensifying airstrikes and ground offensives, leading to increased massacres of civilians and committing human rights violations. The next five months — leading up to the sham elections — will only see this situation worsen.

On Aug 18, the junta’s election commission announced that the first phase of the elections would take place in 102 townships, including areas under the control of the National Unity Government (NUG) and ethnic resistance organisations (ERO) — the revolutionary forces fighting the Tatmadaw.

In most of the other areas, there is also fierce fighting. This effectively limits the credibility of Gen Min Aung Hlaing’s attempt to hold elections. The fact that the polls will only be held in 102 out of 330 townships already undermines the planned election’s legitimacy. On top of that, many of those 102 townships are under the control of the resistance forces, underlining the military’s inability to hold a genuine nationwide election.

That is why the junta is trying to stage fragmented or partial polls, while ramping up violence to seize increased territorial control. All this is being done with military aid from foreign allies and compulsory conscription programmes supplying its manpower. The junta is particularly targeting revolutionary-controlled territories within the declared election townships, launching massive military offensives, committing atrocities including burning villages, executing civilians, destroying property and looting.

According to data from the NUG’s Ministry of Human Rights in August alone, the Tatmadaw committed 605 violations — including arbitrary arrests and detention, forced conscription including child soldiers, extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, torture and the mass displacement of civilians. At least 225 civilians were killed in 22 separate massacres — the highest monthly toll recorded this year.

In Sagaing Region in February, soldiers are reported to have beheaded one civilian and dumped his body in a stream. In Kanbalu township, troops executed two displaced people and stole livestock. In Magway Region, Pauk Township, 33 homes were wrecked and torched.

Among the deadliest incidents recorded by the NUG included one on Aug 2 when a jet bombed a residential area in Myitnge (Mandalay) killing 12 civilians, including a monk and a child.

Then on Aug 8 a junta drone strike on a funeral in Thabeikkyin, Mandalay, killed at least 11 people and wounded 40 others; while on Aug 17 two consecutive airstrikes on a hospital in Mochi (Karenni State) killed 32 civilians, including five children; and on Aug 25 an airstrike on Aungdat Quarter in Mrauk-U (Rakhine State) killed 12 civilians, including children, and injured more than 21 people.

Data and analysis from the NUG’s Human Rights Ministry show that massacres and airstrikes increased sharply after the March 28 earthquake (7.7 magnitude) caused by the Sagaing Fault and intensified dramatically following the junta’s administrative structural changes in July. Sagaing and Mandalay remain the hardest-hit areas, as they are key resistance strongholds.

In August, the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) stated it had uncovered “systematic torture” in Myanmar’s military-run detention facilities — including beatings, electric shocks, strangulations and gang rape — a pattern of atrocities which is intensifying across the country.

What is clear is that in the next three months leading up to the planned Dec 28 election, the people of Myanmar face escalating war crimes and systematic repression. The junta’s so-called election is nothing more than an attempt to entrench its power and shield itself from accountability for its crimes.

Supporting such an election means enabling the junta’s violence against its people. The international community must not recognise these polls as legitimate in the vain hope that they could help resolve the ongoing civil war. That would be to completely ignore the junta’s reprehensible brutality.

The Department of Rural Roads (DRR) has been directed to accelerate the disbursement of its 53-billion-baht budget for the 2026 fiscal year, with priority given to two major bridge projects in the southern region aimed at reducing travel time, improving safety, and boosting the regional economy.

Transport Minister Phiphat Ratchakitprakarn said the acceleration follows Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul’s directive for all ministries to speed up budget spending over the next four months to stimulate economic activity.

He said the department aims to disburse at least 50% of its budget, or around 25 billion baht, by the second quarter of the fiscal year, focusing particularly on projects supporting the transport of agricultural goods from communities to urban markets.

According to Mr Phiphat, two key investment projects worth 6.5 billion baht are being prioritised this year — the 4.84 billion baht Songkhla Lake Bridge linking Krasae Sin district in Songkhla with Phatthalung’s Khao Chaison district and the Koh Lanta Bridge in Krabi province valued at 1.85 billion baht.

He said that funding for both projects will come from World Bank loans (70%) and state funds (30%), and four companies have submitted their proposals for each of the projects. Technical evaluations have been submitted for World Bank review and are expected to be completed next week, he added.

While waiting for the World Bank’s assessment, the department would submit information to the Public Debt Management Office to prepare for loan procedures, he said, adding contracts for both projects are expected to be signed by the end of this year.

On the Southern Economic Corridor (SEC) infrastructure project connecting the Gulf of Thailand and the Andaman Sea (Land Bridge mega-project), Mr Phiphat said the related SEC Bill is expected to be submitted to parliament when the new session opens on Dec 12.

A social media user has accused staff at a prominent Bangkok department store of refusing assistance after they fell and broke a bone on the slippery car park floor.

The individual shared video footage showing water on the floor of the indoor car park at the shopping centre in the Chidlom area. The user claimed the polished floor was dangerously slippery.

According to the user’s account, staff failed to provide aid despite being directly approached for help following the fall. “I asked the staff for help and they walked away, even though my bone was broken at that point,” the user wrote.

In follow-up comments, the user clarified their complaint was not about the slippery conditions but the lack of staff response. They alleged a staff member initially promised to coordinate help but then abandoned them to direct another customer’s vehicle instead.

Other social media users noted that shopping centres typically carry liability insurance for such incidents, with one commenting: “These department stores have insurance. Even if someone trips over uneven flooring, they can make a claim.”

One user familiar with the location confirmed the car park’s polished flooring is notoriously slippery, particularly when wet.

An entire hotel employee residence in Pattaya was awakened early on Friday by the cries of an infant found to have been abandoned on the premises.

Pattaya police and rescue workers were called to the three-storey building in tambon Nong Prue in Bang Lamung district of Chon Buri province around 7.50am on Friday following reports of an infant being left alone. Residents of the building reported hearing disturbing cries in the early hours.

A search party formed by tenants said they were shocked to find a baby boy in a second-floor hallway.

Rescuers have since revealed the child had likely only been born three to four hours prior to being discovered. The infant was found still covered in afterbirth with its umbilical cord not yet severed, lying upon a fertiliser bag and wrapped in a green shirt.

Residents of the building said they did not know of any of their neighbours being pregnant. Police quickly sent the child for care at Pattaya Hospital, noting he was only wrapped in a shirt. An unnamed 56-year-old tenant, who was the first to find the baby, said she began hearing loud cries around 7am and was startled by the sound, as no one in the building was known to have children.

Authorities initially believed the child’s parents did not live in the complex but will review surveillance footage to identify whoever abandoned him and take legal action.