Category: The Bangkok Post

After delivering a policy statement in parliament early this week, the Bhumjaithai-led (BJT) coalition is now in full gear. With both populism and nationalism at play in the Thai-Cambodian conflict, the party finds its popularity surging like never before.

BJT leader Anutin Charnvirakul has pledged to honour the memorandum of agreement (MOA) with the People’s Party (PP) that requires it to play an interim role, which means it has four months to run the country, in addition to a charter-rewriting commitment and maintaining the minority government status.

However, political pundits have already started discussing the possibility that the party could lead the next election with Mr Anutin forming another government and even completing a regular four-year term.

In fact, the BJT has every reason to aim high, having swept more than 120 MPs into its camp ahead of the next election, almost double its tally from the previous poll.

Such a scenario could play out, should the party enjoy massive success in the Northeast, the traditional stronghold of the embattled Pheu Thai Party, and the South, formerly the Democrats’ base. Besides, the BJT is busily rebranding itself to cater to new supporters, securing more places for its list-MPs.

The next election is set to take place amid a changed political landscape. The previous poll saw a struggle between the old and new guard as the ex-junta clique experienced its sunset moment.

Pheu Thai entered a deal with the conservatives to secure a chance for its former leader, Thaksin Shinawatra, to return home after nearly two decades of exile. Thaksin was to lead a political game against the then-Move Forward Party, which has effectively since been rebranded as the PP. But his attempts flopped.

So the “Thaksin factor” has now gone, and the ideological warfare between the left and right-minded camps is notable despite the various parties showing more flexibility in making decisions, as evidenced in the case of Pheu Thai and the old guard, as well as the PP aligning with the BJT to propel the latter to the top administrative position.

More importantly, it’s clear the public is paying scant attention to ideology, but is extremely obsessed with the Thai-Cambodian conflict and the need to solve economic difficulties.

This is the best time, the golden moment, for the BJT. Should it make the right decision on the two aforementioned issues, it’s not too hard for the party to amass political gains in the next election, expected around March or April next year.

In fact, now that the party is in power, and given its close affiliation with major institutions, the BJT already has an advantage over its political rivals. That said, Pheu Thai, the former ruling party, is aware of its fate.

The BJT’s rising popularity is attested in survey polls by Nida on Sept 19 and 24. The biggest group of respondents, 27.28%, remains undecided about who they should support as a suitable prime minister for the time being. About 22.8% chose PP leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut, followed by Mr Anutin (20.44%), Khunying Sudarat Keyuraphan of the Thai Sang Thai Party (7.16%), and Chaikasem Nitisiri of Pheu Thai (6.76%).

It should be noted that the PP still enjoys top rank in the survey polls, but its popularity has been dented significantly, from 46% in the previous polls to 33%. More than 21% of respondents said they have still not made a decision. While the BJT came fourth in the poll, with 13.24%, slightly lower than Pheu Thai, which gained 13.96%, such a narrow gap between the two parties — arch-rivals sharing the same political base — is unprecedented.

And while the BJT has never performed that well in previous opinion surveys, it came third in the 2024 election, given its extensive network and political resources.

Meanwhile, the outcome of the by-election in Si Sa Ket province confirms the rise in the BJT’s strength. Support for Pheu Thai, the incumbent, remains undiminished, as it gained some 30,000 votes. However, the BJT performed much better, sweeping over 40,000 votes — an increase of almost 10,000 votes from the previous election.

One additional seat from the Si Sa Ket by-election may not make much difference in terms of government stability, but the BJT’s victory has shaken Pheu Thai’s confidence.

Pheu Thai MPs in the northeastern region who are thinking about leaving the party will be able to make a decision more easily, either to join the BJT or the Klatham Party under Thamanat Prompow’s command.

Evidently, all major parties, such as the United Thai Nation (UTN) and Palang Pracharat (PPRP), are experiencing losses as several factions under their umbrella are approaching, or even joining, the BJT. For instance, Suchart Chomklin, who led his Group of 16 out of the PPRP, was appointed as a deputy prime minister as well as minister of natural resources and the environment. Several other factions, including those led by Ekanat Promphan, as well as Santi Prompat, are following suit.

Several factions approaching the BJT enjoy the so-called ban yai status, referring to politicians with extensive networks, influence and resources. This gives the BJT the chance to grow even larger in the near future.

The BJT has adopted a set of populist policies, such as the co-payment plus scheme, as well as cheaper train fares, among others, as part of its “Big Quick Win” formula, citing the need for economic stimuli. Such policies could easily translate into more support when voters cast their ballots in a few months’ time. Moreover, the party’s idea of holding a referendum for the cancellation of two MoUs with Cambodia is seen as a tactic for political gain through ultranationalism as well.

It’s very likely the BJT will polish its image, presenting itself as a high-quality party, not just a ban yai party with influential networks. It will have to take this opportunity to introduce a myriad of flagship policies, particularly a strong economic development package, for the next election in order to secure a bigger victory, thus fulfilling its political ambitions.

Meanwhile, Mr Anutin must maintain a balance and not overuse taxpayers’ money on unjustifiable populism. Rather, he must present himself as a politician with a sense of professionalism. Besides, he has to avoid interfering in the investigative process regarding the notorious Khao Kradong land seizure case and alleged fraud during the Senate election. If not, any missteps could become a deathtrap for him and his party.

The Bhumibol and Sirikit dams still have sufficient capacity to hold water, with assurance that there will be no repeat of the notorious 2011 floods, according to the National Water Resources Office (ONWR).

Paitoon Kengkarnchang, deputy secretary-general of the ONWR, said yesterday that water levels in the Ping and Nan river basins have pushed the Bhumibol, Sirikit, and Kwae Noi dams to over 90% capacity, with water discharge now relying on the cascade spillway to manage the flow.

While Bangkok and its surrounding provinces are still largely dry, the heavy rain caused by Typhoon Bualoi has led to severe flooding at the back of Sirikit Dam in Uttaradit’s Thong Saen Khan and Nam Pat districts. To prevent overflow, the dam is releasing an additional 25 million cubic metres daily.

Bhumibol Dam has cut down its release to 5 million m³ per day, sending about 2,800-2,900 m³ per second towards the Chao Phraya Dam. With excess water in Pak Nam Pho, water from both sides of the Chao Phraya River is being diverted via the Tha Chin, Noi and Pasak rivers to Ayutthaya to minimise impact.

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul has ordered urgent assistance for affected communities and requested that the Department of Disaster Prevention and Mitigation consider providing compensation. He stressed that, unlike in 2011, dams remain under control and Bangkok can still withstand water release of up to 3,500 m³ per second.

In Bangkok and its vicinity, officials said that during periods of high tides, some areas outside the flood barriers in Nonthaburi and Pathum Thani may be impacted, though only slightly, thanks to the Lat Pho Canal, which helps divert excess water.

In Ayutthaya, where the Chao Phraya Dam has already raised its rate to 2,400 m³/sec, 11 districts, 139 tambons, and 795 villages remain flooded, affecting 41,551 households, with three deaths reported.

Several weeks ago, a thoughtful Facebook post by renowned Thai author and thought leader Roundfinger went viral. His thoughts on “longevity” sparked engagement and discussion. He observed that achieving longevity is increasingly becoming costly, both in terms of money and time, and there’s an increasing pressure to spend on health and to showcase one’s healthiness through metrics and productive morning rituals.

The word longevity has somehow woven itself into Bangkok’s lifestyle currency, its own layer of “social credit”, so to speak. How we choose to live, spend and design our time is a reflection of who we are. Last year may have been all about the Loro Piana loafers, but this year, more people are looking up Whoop bands and investing in IV drips and ice bath sessions. These things cost money, and against the backdrop of a broader economic slowdown, these lifestyle costs can add up.

It’s interesting to consider how a term like longevity can spark such intense debate and online discourse, with some arguing that wellness courses and gadgets are something only the wealthy can afford to spend time on, while others argue that it’s simply a mindset and that it costs nothing to follow a disciplined diet and run every morning.

Our lives are increasingly quantified. We buy smartwatches to track our sleep and heart rate, go the extra mile to reach 10,000 steps, and stay attuned to our mental health through in-app check-ins and productivity platforms.

Is this the true meaning of urbanites? Constantly tracking and calculating each routine like a ritual? We’d be willing to bet that someone you sat across from at a dinner party this year has mentioned reading “ultra-processed” or “outlive” and is now determined to make changes to their diet.

The fact that this word sparked so much conversation is revealing. It shows that the social discourse for Thais is changing. From debates about the value of international schools to politics, longevity and wellness, these online conversations often offer a window into how Thais are spending their money, attention and time. They may explain how specific trends emerge under the F and B, retail and hospitality umbrellas.

The arrival of the highly anticipated Dusit Central Park complex speaks volumes about this wellness trend. Many people are equally excited about the expansive green space and sprawling urban park as they are about the retail and F and B concepts.

This brings us back to the foundation of this new weekly column under the concept of “The Good Life”.

It got me thinking about how this term varies for different groups, but the shared sensibilities of good air, time well spent, health and freedom are increasingly cited as the true markers of wealth. This concept has long been prevalent in developed Western capitals, but we are now seeing more of this discourse reflected in Thai society, a welcome shift in mindset.

While we cannot control PM2.5 levels or traffic, we can (in our own ways) explore what it means to pursue “The Good Life”. If you get a high from beating your sleep track score and it improves your health, keep doing it. If you enjoy living in moderation and still allow yourself the occasional yakiniku, then keep doing it. Today’s social media-centric world can make you feel like everything needs to be tracked and quantified, but living a good life sometimes is about finding that balance and going by your own terms, not by what the app tells you to do.

Each week, we’ll explore the vision of living “The Good Life” through a contemporary lens, leaning into the subtle (and sometimes loud) trends that are shaping Bangkok, whether through headlines, trending themes or social conversations. We hope that the very basis of taking care of oneself remains, regardless of how you choose to pursue it. Next week, we look forward to exploring how else Bangkok continues to strive and live well through emerging trends.

The southern insurgency has been a conundrum for all governments.

But currently, much of the kingdom’s attention has been on the Cambodian-Thai border, and so the violence in the deep South just blips on and off our radar.

The problem of this region won’t just fade away of its own accord. Silence and a lack of policy attention from the central government only goads insurgents to stage more violence.

It is therefore welcome news that the Anutin government approved the nomination of Gen Somsak Rungsita on Thursday to lead the peace negotiation team, paving the way for peace talks with the rebel group Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN).

However, Gen Somsak, a former secretary-general of the National Security Council (NSC), is the fifth negotiation leader who comes with a military background. Such a track record speaks volumes about the direction of our peace talks.

Among six negotiation leaders, only one, Chatchai Bangchuad, was a civil official. Yet, Mr Chatchai did not have much time to lead any peace talks, and he left over a year ago to lead the NSC. Since then, the Paetongtarn government left the position of negotiation leader vacant, resulting in peace talks with the BRN being put on hold. The lack of continuity and political commitment has stalled momentum, raising concerns about the sustainability of any future negotiations.

When Mr Chatchai was appointed chief of the negotiation team, there was fresh hope that with a civilian in the role, the direction of the peace talks would be changed or toned down from those pushed by the military.

Ideally, the head of the negotiation team should not come from the ranks of the security forces, so that they will at least offer some credibility as being impartial and serve as a bridge between the two sides.

The appointment of another military man as the negotiation team leader again raises questions about whether the future peace talks can produce a different outcome.

Despite government attempts to deal with the violence, my visits and interviews with local people over the past several years revealed to me that villagers have been living in fear. Every time they leave home, they must exercise caution and are subject to heightened scrutiny by police and military officers under special security laws still enforced in the area.

Indeed, governments have tried several means to reduce violence, such as approving more budget money for development and education, including scholarships.

Governments and security agencies have failed to win over the hearts and minds of local people. Special security laws, surveillance and executive decrees imposed by successive governments have pushed communities to the opposite side.

For over a decade, security management in the deep South — representing Yala, Pattani, Narathiwat and four provinces in Songkhla — has been governed by a combination of special security laws: martial law, the Emergency Decree and the Internal Security Act (ISA). Among them, the Emergency Decree allows officials to arrest and detain individuals for up to 30 days without charge, outside the standard criminal justice system, in locations such as military camps.

The problem is that security officials apply these security edicts in a ham-fisted manner.

There are routine reports of arbitrary detentions, prolonged custody without charges, and invasive surveillance, such as the collection of DNA from suspects. There are recent cases where individuals were detained after passing through road checkpoints in the region, only to be released without explanation.

Make no mistake, I always acknowledge the importance of law and order. But genuine and meaningful reconciliation will only come from mutual trust — never coercion.

To build trust, authorities must refrain from enforcing these special security laws excessively and should apply them proportionally, with prudence and discretion.

The presence of security laws and their blunt application only reflects the absence of effective political leadership. Politicians take a backseat and leave the army to create a security strategy and run the show. Naturally, the army is made to control and win battles and wars.

Yet, the policy for the deep South should not be about winning but co-existing in a plural society where all sides feel their voices and opinions are registered and valued.

Sustainable peace in Thailand’s southern border provinces cannot be achieved through military dominance alone. Thailand has attempted military approaches for years, but they haven’t been successful.

The question is: When will we ever learn?

The sudden decision by Thamanat Prompow, the patriarch of the Klatham Party, to defect from the Pheu Thai-led government and throw his support behind a new minority coalition with Anutin Charnvirakul as premier has jolted the already fragile Thai political landscape.

At face value, it is a significant coup for Mr Anutin and his Bhumjaithai Party, who need all the support they can get to cobble together parliamentary legitimacy.

Yet under the surface lies a deeper question: is Thamanat truly shifting allegiance, or is he positioning himself as a Trojan Horse, working covertly to safeguard the interests of Pheu Thai and its de facto leader, Thaksin Shinawatra?

Thamanat is no stranger to controversy, nor to the art of political manoeuvring. His career has been marked by both scandal and resilience.

Despite a criminal conviction in Australia decades ago, he rose steadily in Thai politics, leveraging local patronage networks in the North and with his ability to build and dismantle alliances. The Phayao MP once served as secretary-general of the Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP), which was the main party of the Prayut Chan-o-cha administration.

However, even at the height of his time in the PPRP, there were suspicions about his true political loyalties. During a no-confidence debate against Gen Prayut, Thamanat was accused of playing a pivotal role in attempts to orchestrate his downfall. Opponents say his actions were less about party loyalty than about engineering a pathway favourable to Pheu Thai, which has long sought to reassert itself as the dominant political force.

Those accusations cemented Thamanat’s reputation as a political operator whose public affiliations often concealed private allegiances.

Central to the speculation about Thamanat’s current move is his long-standing close relationship with Thaksin. While many politicians maintain pragmatic ties across party lines, Thamanat’s association with Thaksin has proven remarkably durable, surviving his years in the PPRP and now his defection from the Pheu Thai-led administration.

To many watchers, this connection is not merely social but strategic. Thaksin has historically relied on figures like Thamanat to act as intermediaries within hostile or uncertain political environments.

By cultivating leaders with strong regional networks and a reputation for pragmatism, Thaksin has been able to maintain influence even when Pheu Thai has been in opposition or constrained by coalition dynamics. Thus, Thamanat’s sudden embrace of Bhumjaithai raises the possibility that he is not abandoning Thaksin but instead positioning himself to monitor, influence or even undermine Mr Anutin’s fledgling coalition from within.

If Thamanat is indeed a Trojan Horse, the implications for Mr Anutin’s administration are serious.

Leading a minority coalition is already a precarious endeavour, reliant on fragile parliamentary arithmetic and a constant need to negotiate with smaller partners. The entry of a figure like Thamanat, whose loyalty is suspect, could exacerbate his fragility rather than strengthen it. The risks manifest in several ways.

First, Thamanat may act as a conduit of information, relaying internal coalition strategies back to Pheu Thai. Second, he could subtly steer policy debates or legislative votes in ways that weaken Bhumjaithai’s credibility while leaving Pheu Thai in a stronger position for a future election. Third, he could use his party’s bargaining power to destabilise Mr Anutin’s coalition at critical moments, such as during budget debates or no-confidence motions, echoing the tactics he reportedly deployed against Gen Prayut.

In short, while Mr Anutin may view Thamanat’s support as an immediate boost, it could prove a poisoned chalice.

To be sure, not all interpretations cast Thamanat as a covert operative. There are plausible reasons why he might genuinely have broken with Pheu Thai.

Pheu Thai’s internal power dynamics, especially the dominance of Thaksin’s family and close allies, have left limited space for ambitious secondary players. Thamanat, who sees himself as a kingmaker, may have concluded that his ambitions would be permanently capped by Pheu Thai.

Moreover, Mr Anutin offers an alternative platform. The Bhumjaithai’s reputation as a pragmatic, deal-oriented party aligns well with Thamanat’s own style. The promise of influence in shaping agricultural or regional development policies – areas central to Thamanat’s political base – could have persuaded him that his future lies outside Pheu Thai’s orbit.

The truth could be somewhere in between. Thamanat has built his career on calculated ambiguity – remaining close to Thaksin while aligning with governments that seem ideologically opposed to Pheu Thai. This dual positioning allows him to hedge against political volatility. If Mr Anutin’s minority government survives, Thamanat can claim a role in sustaining it. If it collapses, he can plausibly pivot back to Pheu Thai, citing his enduring ties with Thaksin.

Such ambiguity is not merely self-serving; it reflects the broader reality of Thai politics, where no alliance is ever fully stable and where political actors often prioritise survival over ideology.

Ultimately, whether Thamanat is a Trojan Horse or a genuine defector will be revealed in his actions over the coming months. Should he consistently vote in support of Mr Anutin’s initiatives and defend the coalition in moments of crisis, sceptics may rethink their suspicions. But should he waver at critical junctures, or should rumours emerge of clandestine coordination with Pheu Thai, the Trojan Horse theory will gain renewed credibility.

So far, so good for now

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul has seen his popularity rise sharply, with the latest Nida Poll showing his approval rating more than doubling in just three months.

In the third quarterly survey on political popularity, about 20.4% of respondents backed Mr Anutin as prime minister, up from just 9% in the second quarter before he took office.

He now trails only People’s Party (PP) leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut, whose support dropped from 31.4% to 22.8%. Another 27.2% of voters were undecided, a group, analysts say, the Bhumjaithai Party can win over if it does things right over the next four months.

According to Suvicha Pouaree, director of Nida Poll Centre, there are three reasons behind the surge in Mr Anutin’s popularity.

First, being prime minister gives him an aura of leadership. As prime minister, his profile is no longer that of a coalition partner but of the country’s leader, with every decision and public appearance carrying weight.

Second, his pledge to revive the popular spending-stimulus Khon La Khrueng co-payment scheme within his short government stint has resonated with low- and middle-income earners. Introduced during the Prayut Chan-o-cha administration, it subsidised 50% of the cost of food, beverages, and general goods for participants in a bid to support small vendors and street food operators.

The upcoming scheme, tentatively set for a launch late this month or early next month, is expected to benefit 13 million state welfare cardholders and 20 million members of the general public.

At the same time, patriotism has surged amid the border conflict with Cambodia, and people are looking for firm leadership to handle the situation. Many Thais also believe Mr Anutin is prepared to take a tough line, even keeping border checkpoints closed without hesitation, a stance that has further boosted his popularity.

Mr Suvicha said that this short period in office – a product of the agreement he struck with the main opposition People’s Party in return for backing him becoming prime minister – before a House dissolution, is a ‘golden window’ for Mr Anutin, unless there are serious blunders.

‘People will not criticise him harshly unless something goes badly wrong,’ Mr Suvicha said.

Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political science and law lecturer at Burapha University, said Bhumjaithai’s rising popularity is tied to disarray within the Pheu Thai Party, while conservative actors such as the United Thai Nation (UTN) Party led by Pirapan Salirathavibhaga and the Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP) led by Gen Prawit Wongsuwon have haemorrhaged members and are in no position to lead the bloc.

This void will most likely be filled by Bhumjaithai as conservative voters are expected to rally behind a party with the strength to win the next election and head the next government.

He said MPs and ban yai – powerful political families in the provinces – have been quick to defect to Bhumjaithai or signal their support, which enhances the party’s chances of becoming the main party in the next coalition government.

The latest is a faction known as the ‘Group of 16’ led by Natural Resources and Environment Minister Suchart Chomklin, who confirmed that he and his team of MPs will soon move from the UTN to Bhumjaithai.

On Wednesday, Mr Anutin offered a warm welcome to veteran politician Santi Promphat, who quit the PPRP for Bhumjaithai. Mr Santi tendered his resignation as PPRP secretary-general on Monday before obtaining membership of Bhumjaithai the following day.

Mr Santi, whose son, Pattana Promphat, currently serves as public health minister, controlled a faction in the PPRP, and it is unclear if the group will follow him to his new home.

As for the Group of 16, talks are reportedly under way to straighten out whether and how incumbent MPs in the group can retain their right to contest their constituencies in the next election. While Mr Suchart has resigned from the UTN to become a minister, the MPs in the group remain with the UTN.

‘Even if it is not the best option, Bhumjaithai is currently the only viable party for voters in the conservative camp,’ Mr Olarn said.

Nationalist sentiment has been particularly helpful to Mr Anutin, according to Mr Olarn.

A strong performance by newly appointed Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow at the United Nations General Assembly recently – where he firmly rebutted Cambodia’s allegations against Thailand – has reinforced the sense that Thailand is regaining dignity on the world stage.

However, the analyst noted that risks persist regarding the Khao Kradong land dispute and alleged Senate election collusion, which could damage Bhumjaithai’s credibility.

The Khao Kradong land dispute in Buri Ram involves the Chidchob family, who wields major influence over Bhumjaithai, whereas alleged vote rigging in the Senate elections last year represents the largest case of electoral fraud this country has ever seen, implicating 229 people, including 138 current senators and individuals linked to Bhumjaithai.

If the government can effectively implement crucial policies and keep dealmakers and old-style politicians from dominating the party, it can maintain public confidence and political momentum.

Mr Olarn said Bhumjaithai will need to recruit a new generation of candidates with clean images, balancing its reliance on ban yai networks with fresh faces that can appeal to younger voters and the undecided 27%.

‘The government has made an impressive start. Mr Sihasak did a remarkable job at the UN General Assembly, boosting public confidence and enhancing the country’s standing on the global stage. This has been a huge boost for the government,’ he said.

A change in government can create a sense of renewal and excitement. New faces in the cabinet and new policies give the public hope for improved public administration and service.

Amid this, old policies are often put on ice, despite some of them already consuming a significant amount of tax revenue.

The previous Pheu Thai government had a “soft power” project, which focused on commodifying creativity, culture, and human potential, including sports and the arts. Former prime minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra was a champion of such soft power initiatives.

Indeed, the Pheu Thai government established the National Soft Power Strategy Committee to promote 13 key industries: tourism, food, films, fashion, festivals, sports, music, art, design, gaming, literature, wellness, and the performing arts.

National committees, such as the Thailand Creative Culture Agency and its related subcommittees, were established to drive these initiatives.

And last year, the soft power scheme got a 5-billion-baht budget.

One of the flagship projects is One Family One Soft Power (Ofos), which sought to create 20 million jobs with a minimum annual salary of 200,000 baht.

The past government also allocated a budget to develop festivals and events, such as the Maha Songkran Water Festival, as part of its soft power initiative to attract tourists.

There were also promising initiatives, such as grants given to artists and filmmakers, as well as proposals to implement tax incentives for art collectors.

The big question is what successive governments will do with these schemes.

Last week, lawmakers also raised the question about soft power in a parliamentary session, with a list-MP from the People’s Party, Apisit Laistrooglai, even asking the government to inspect soft power budgets. He also claimed that some of the projects, such as Ofos, failed to meet their targets.

So far, the Auntin government has not revealed a clear policy about these soft power schemes.

The new tourism minister, Artthakorn Sirilatthayakorn, has not included soft power ideas such as local cuisines, Muay Thai, or Thai crafts as instruments to attract and promote tourism.

Sabeeda Thaised, the new culture minister, has yet to outline her policy on promoting Thai culture or what she will do with the numerous projects that her predecessor, Ms Paetongtarn, who was also the cultural minister, had initiated.

Needless to say, the parliament must review the budget spending.

Yet, such reviews must be fair and not driven by politics.

After all, soft power, initially known as the creative economy, if handled efficiently, can indeed create a new economy and a source of income and economic opportunities for Thais.

Of course, there are a number of concerns regarding the redundancy of these soft power schemes.

There are complaints about irregularities in bidding, and questions arise about whether these projects, financed by taxpayers’ money, have met their goals.

What government and lawmakers need to do is investigate irregularities and improve these schemes, rather than abandoning them simply because they belonged to a past government.

Cinema has always been more than just entertainment. It is a mirror of national culture, a powerful channel of dialogue and a bridge that connects people across continents. In the 21st century, when international relations are often seen through the prism of politics and economics, cultural diplomacy — and especially cinema — offers a unique opportunity to speak directly to hearts and minds.

It is in this context that I am delighted to introduce a new Russian film award — The Diamond Butterfly. Launched this year, the prize aims to celebrate outstanding achievements in art of cinema that combine creative excellence with a strong humanistic message. The name itself — delicate yet precious — reflects the essence of cinema: fragile emotions turned into lasting works of art, carrying beauty and meaning across borders.

What makes The Diamond Butterfly special is its ambition to go beyond national recognition. While firmly rooted in Russia’s rich cinematic tradition, the award is conceived as an international platform. It will highlight films that not only showcase artistic mastery but also encourage dialogue between cultures, promote mutual understanding and inspire a sense of shared humanity.

For Thailand, where cinema enjoys immense popularity and where audiences are increasingly open to diverse cultural influences, The Diamond Butterfly offers a new avenue of connection. Russian cinema has long combined deep storytelling with a universal human appeal. From classic directors to contemporary voices exploring modern realities, our films resonate far beyond Russia’s borders. Through this award, we hope to create new opportunities for Thai filmmakers and audiences to engage with Russian and global cinema in fresh and meaningful ways.

Film diplomacy is not a new concept for Russia in Thailand. Over the years, the embassy has organised Russian film festivals in Bangkok and other cities, showcasing both timeless classics and contemporary productions. These events have always attracted large and enthusiastic audiences, proving that cinema speaks a universal language. The Thai audience has had opportunities to enjoy Russian films such as The Challenge, 110, Tzaddik and The Four Seasons, as well as fantasy cartoon Flying Ship and many others. Discussions after screenings often reveal how much viewers in Thailand find in common with Russian stories — from family bonds and personal dreams to social challenges and national pride.

Looking ahead, we see The Diamond Butterfly award as a natural extension of this tradition of cinematic dialogue. By recognising films that embody creativity and humanity, it invites new partnerships and exchanges. It is our belief that culture, and especially cinema, remains one of the most effective ways to build bridges between nations.

As Russia and Thailand continue to strengthen their cultural ties, cinema will remain at the forefront of this effort — a shared space where beauty, thought and emotion transcend political and geographical boundaries. And perhaps, like a butterfly’s wings, a single film can stir the air and bring people closer together. I would like to invite Thai filmmakers to nominee their works for this promising award at eurasianfilmacademy.com.

Now that the dust has settled on the dramatic events at Bethpage last weekend, it is time to reflect on what was a most extraordinary Ryder Cup tournament that will long be remembered for both good and bad reasons.

We should not allow the poor behaviour of sections of the crowd to detract from the terrific golf that was played throughout the tournament. It should also not be forgotten that on those first two days the American team didn’t play that badly but the Europeans were simply outstanding. It was teamwork at its best under the inspirational leadership of captain Luke Donald.

The American golfers produced a brave fightback in the singles. It made the last day much more gripping than had been expected and the final 15-13 score more acceptable for the hosts. However, the damage had been done on the opening two days.

The sad thing is that the brilliant golf from both teams at times became secondary to the unsavoury incidents sparked by some of the crowd. You know something is not quite right when mistakes by players are greeted by louder cheers than any fine shots. It’s a bit like tennis fans applauding double faults.

At most regular stroke-play golf tournaments around the world, the galleries are very respectful, knowing when to clap and when to keep quiet. But in the Ryder Cup it is a different story, brought on by the admittedly exciting match-play format in which every hole counts and the fans know it. As a result the galleries have become increasingly boisterous, sounding more like football crowds.

At Bethpage the raucous crowd was to be expected, but the vitriolic nature of the insults aimed at the Europeans was over-the-top. It didn’t do the American players any favours either, as it must have been uncomfortable for them hearing the slurs directed at their opponents. All credit to Justin Thomas who repeatedly gestured to the crowd to calm down when the Europeans were putting.

The great American golfer Tom Watson was so upset that he apologised for the “rude and mean-spirited behaviour” of the fans.

Unfortunately the event will always attract those who think it is clever to shout out something stupid when a player tees off. We should be thankful there were very few water hazards at Bethpage so at least we didn’t get those idiotic cries of: “in the water”. However, this time it was “in the bunker”. And of course the tiresome “get in the hole” accompanied virtually every shot.

Fortunately there were many things to admire on the playing side. US “rookie” Cameron Young performed well throughout the tournament, highlighted by a dramatic win over Justin Rose in the singles.

Despite the loss to Young, Rose epitomised the commitment of the European squad. Some of his putting was absolutely brilliant. Rory McIlroy played well considering the crowd hostility, which clearly affected him. Tommy Fleetwood was also outstanding and displayed an amazingly cool demeanour despite the pressure.

Shane Lowry will always be remembered for his Irish jig as he celebrated sinking the putt that guaranteed Europe would retain the trophy. His reaction reflected the tension the players were experiencing.

Arguably the best shot of the tournament came from Spaniard Jon Rahm when he chipped in from an almost impossible lie on the eighth hole on the second day. Rahm was a truly inspirational figure on those first two days.

Let’s hope that in the 2027 tournament at Adare Manor in Ireland we will return to fans cheering the good shots and not the mistakes.

The Bangkok Post’s Flashcard education campaign has won the second place for Best Publisher, Broadcasting Influencer Campaign in the Thailand Influencer Awards 2025 organised by influencer platform Tellscore.

The 2025 award held under the concept ‘Creators of Change – Changing the World, Path to Survival’ highlighted the roles of creators who leverage story telling and creativity to drive positive impact, whether on individuals, the economy, society or even during periods of political uncertainty and natural disasters, Suvita Charanwong, Chief Executive Officer and Co-founder of the Tellscore, said at the event held at ICONSIAM in Bangkok on Friday.

‘Creators are no longer merely producers of entertainment content, but have become sources of inspiration and knowledge, as well as key drivers of economic and social progress, enabling people to discover new opportunities,’ Ms Suvita said, noting that a key trend this year in responding to the rise of artificial intelligence (AI) is creator-led branding.

‘This approach goes beyond simple differentiation, focusing instead on ‘telling stories with a human connection,’ she said. ‘It communicates what the brand represents, the value it delivers to consumers, and highlights the influencers and creators involved and how they engage with their communities.’

The Flashcard education campaign, created and launched by the Bangkok Post in February 2025, was given the second-prize award in the category Best Publisher, Broadcasting Influencer Campaign.

Chiratas Nivatpumin, Chief Operating Officer of the Bangkok Post, received the award on stage at the event held on Friday evening.

The Post flashcards in the Learning section feature more than 60 vocabulary categories, with Sustainability being the winner for the award.

The campaign used mother and teacher influencers to stimulate its exposure to the society.

‘Speaking for the Post Digital team, the Bangkok Post has been Thailand’s trusted companion for over 79 years-a cornerstone for building English proficiency. As AI and digital learning reshape how we grow, we’re evolving with the times,’ Sutthimas Roongwitoo, First Vice President of the Post Digital Media, said.

‘Through Bangkok Post Learning and our thoughtfully crafted flashcards, we’re here to remain your go-to English learning resource. We’re excited to collaborate with brands who share our vision-because together, we can keep this learning community thriving for generations to come.’

Thailand Influencer Awards 2025 by Tellscore, supported by its major partners, including Thai Life Insurance and ICONSIAM, aims to be the country’s leading platform honouring outstanding influencers, creators and innovative brand-agency campaigns.

The first-place winner in the Best Publisher, Broadcasting Influencer Campaign category was BrandThink x Glow Story.

Thailand’s new foreign affairs minister, Sihasak Phuangketkeow, said on Thursday that Thailand will be back on the “global radar” while he serves in office.

Speaking to the media at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Bangkok, Mr Sihasak outlined his plans to execute diplomacy during the current administration’s four-month tenure.

Mr Sihasak said that after a long absence, Thailand deserves to make a global comeback, adding that it is necessary to restore its international image by presenting itself as a dynamic country of economic significance.

“Foreign countries often refer to Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, and Vietnam when they talk about Southeast Asia,” he said. “Thailand is only known for having good food, good people, and tourist spots, but we need to portray our economic dimensions as well.”

Mr Sihasak’s schedule is busy over the coming months with international meetings planned, including those related to the Thailand-Cambodia conflict, the general election in Myanmar slated for December, the Asean Summit in Malaysia’s Putrajaya in November, and the Apec Summit in South Korea at the end of October.

“We need to head in directions where Thailand’s benefits could be taking place,” he said.

Mr Sihasak said his ministry will aim to improve communication efficiency in its diplomatic efforts. During the border conflict, Thailand’s communication was perceived as limited and slow compared to that of the Cambodian side, he said.

It is necessary to respond more quickly while creating understanding among the Thai public, he said.

Thailand’s unstable politics have also been a factor limiting the country’s presence on the world stage, Mr Sihasak added.