Category: The Citizen

Mbeya. More than Sh100 billion is expected to be raised from four strategic crops in Kyela District, Mbeya Region, as farmers are set to overcome longstanding challenges related to market access following measures put in place by the Kyela District Cooperative Union (Kyecu).

The crops cocoa, sesame, pigeon peas and cashew nuts–have been integrated into the warehouse receipt system under the Tanzania Mercantile Exchange (TMX), a strategic move aimed at enhancing farmers’ returns. Speaking yesterday, Kyecu general manager Aman Hankungwa said the union was strengthening good agricultural practices to ensure production meets both domestic and international market demand and competition.

He said that over a one-year period ending March 31, 2027, the union expects to raise more than Sh100 billion, a target anchored on safeguarding farmers’ interests through assured markets and profitable prices. “For cocoa, we expect to harvest nine million kilogrammes.

At a reference price of Sh10,000 per kilo, this translates into Sh90 billion. For sesame, we are targeting 1,000 tonnes, equivalent to one million kilogrammes, with projected earnings of Sh1.5 billion.

Cashew nuts are expected to reach 300 tonnes at Sh1,800 per kilo, amounting to Sh540 million,” he said. “On pigeon peas, we expect a harvest of 300 tonnes.

To achieve these targets, we want production to increase in both quantity and quality in line with market demand and competition locally and internationally,” Mr Hankungwa added. He said Kyecu plans to distribute 8,000 improved cashew seedlings in early April this year, prepared in collaboration with the Cashew Board of Tanzania, while also addressing farmers’ challenges in accessing agrochemicals.

Mr Hankungwa noted that the initiative would directly benefit farmers, as prices were previously unfavourable and markets uncertain before the crops were brought under the warehouse receipt system. “In this regard, all farmers will be reached with training on good agricultural practices that respond to consumer needs and the market at large.

We are also preparing to offer competitive prices, as is the case with cocoa, because in the next two years we will have processing factories in place,” he said. A sesame farmer, Mr Benson Edson, said high production costs remained a major challenge, calling on the union and the government to review fertiliser prices.

“We incur high costs in preparing and running this crop. We are asking for prices that reflect the effort farmers put in.

We are encouraged by Kyecu’s leadership and the hope they are giving us,” he said. Meanwhile, pigeon pea farmer Ms Selina Mwansasu said Kyecu’s decision to include the crop in the TMX system would be transformative by guaranteeing both market access and fair prices, as is the case with other crops.

“Even last season, as a starting point, we saw some relief. Essentially, these efforts should continue so that we can sell at higher prices and improve the livelihoods of farmers who largely depend on this crop,” she said.

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Mara. Human rights activists and gender stakeholders have urged the government to adopt a well-resourced, solution-driven strategy to eradicate female genital mutilation (FGM) and dismantle clandestine networks involved in the illegal trade of genital parts derived from the practice.

They argue that stronger enforcement of existing laws, increased funding and in-depth research are crucial to breaking the cycle of abuse that continues to harm girls across the country. The calls come amid concerns over weak supervision and poor enforcement of Sections 94 to 96 of the Law of the Child Act, which protect children from harmful cultural practices.

Despite clear legal provisions, an investigation by The Citizen has revealed escalating incidents of FGM, particularly in Butiama, Tarime, Musoma Urban and Serengeti districts of Mara Region. The investigation also uncovered a clandestine trade in body parts derived from FGM.

Weak enforcement The persistence of the practice is largely attributed to weak enforcement of regulations, including Section 118 of the Law of the Child Act, Cap 13 of 2019 and Sections 21, 22 and 169A of the Penal Code, Cap 16. Section 118 explicitly prohibits the exploitation of children for any purpose, including the illegal trade in organs and body parts, while Section 169A, as amended in 2022, criminalises FGM against girls of any age. Sections 21 and 22 of the Penal Code stipulate that remaining silent, failing to report, or neglecting to act against such offences constitutes participation in the crime.

Under the Local Government Acts, Cap 287 and 288, local authorities, village executive officers and neighbourhood leaders are legally mandated to protect children’s rights within their jurisdictions, as outlined in Sections 142 and 143. As a result of these continued violations, girls subjected to FGM face life-threatening risks, including severe physical injury, psychological trauma and, in extreme cases, death. Speaking separately to this newspaper, activists said gaps in implementation have allowed FGM to persist, giving rise to clandestine networks and an illicit trade linked to the practice.

They added that these failures enable perpetrators to operate with relative impunity, exploiting cultural silence, fear and economic vulnerability within affected communities. They insist that a solution-based approach, centred on prevention, protection and prosecution, offers the most effective path towards ending both FGM and the criminal enterprises it fuels.

Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC) Advocacy and Reforms director Fulgence Massawe said Tanzania has sufficient laws to tackle the problem, but enforcement remains a major challenge. He cited the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act of 2008, which criminalises human trafficking and the trade in human body parts, as well as provisions in the Penal Code that explicitly prohibit FGM.

“These activities are occurring despite the law, yet they constitute serious criminal offences. The government needs to ensure that every leader and responsible authority discharges their duties in line with legal requirements,” he said.

Drawing parallels with past cases involving people with albinism, Mr Massawe noted that anti-trafficking legislation was among the most violated laws at the time, addressing both human trafficking and the illegal trade in human body parts. He warned that similar enforcement failures are now evident in FGM-related cases.

Tanzania Women Lawyers Association (Tawla) executive director Tike Mwambipile expressed alarm over reports that genital parts are being traded, describing the practice as “shocking and criminal”. “I am surprised that there are claims of genital parts being traded.

FGM is harmful and prohibited under our Penal Code. It is illegal, which is why such trade is a criminal offence and why these acts are carried out in secrecy,” she said.

Ms Mwambipile noted that while some incidents may occur openly in areas such as the Mara Region, FGM remains unlawful. Existing legislation She urged law enforcement agencies, security organs and relevant institutions to ensure existing legislation is fully enforced to prevent the practice.

“FGM is deeply rooted in customs and traditions and is seen as a cultural value by some. Therefore, alongside enforcement, public education and awareness must be intensified,” she said.

She acknowledged the Ministry of Constitutional and Legal Affairs’ legal aid programme, calling for its expansion to regions where FGM persists. Ms Mwambipile also emphasised the need to train police and community development officers to educate and intervene, stressing that “when we receive information about FGM, we have a duty to act because it is against the law.

” Hope for Girls and Women in Tanzania executive director Rhobi Samwelly argued that addressing FGM requires a multi-faceted strategy that goes beyond arrests. She stressed the importance of community engagement, education, survivor support and consistent legal action to challenge deeply rooted beliefs that sustain the practice.

“By transforming harmful social norms and empowering communities with knowledge, we can make significant strides towards protecting the rights and well-being of women and girls. Law enforcement alone is not enough if communities are not part of the solution,” she said.

Stakeholders also called for stronger collaboration between human rights organisations, gender-focused groups and law enforcement agencies, particularly in hotspot areas such as the Mara Region. They said coordinated investigations and intelligence-sharing are essential to dismantle underground criminal networks that thrive on secrecy and intimidation.

Human rights defenders warned that entrenched cultural beliefs surrounding FGM continue to legitimise the practice in some communities, compounding the suffering of young girls whose lives are permanently altered. “Without adequate funding for prevention programmes and sustained engagement at the grassroots level, the clandestine trade linked to FGM will remain deeply rooted and difficult to eradicate,” said Ms Samwelly.

She noted that the hidden nature of these networks allows perpetrators to evade detection, often involving intermediaries who connect cutters, traders and buyers. The secrecy surrounding such operations makes it difficult for victims and witnesses to come forward, particularly in communities where FGM is viewed as a rite of passage.

Long-term consequences Another source, who preferred not to be named, said many survivors live with long-term physical and psychological consequences, yet access to specialised care remains limited, particularly in rural areas. The Ministry of Community Development, Gender, Women and Special Groups has previously reaffirmed the government’s commitment to ending FGM, citing national action plans and awareness campaigns.

However, activists insist these efforts must be matched with sufficient budget allocations, regular monitoring and accountability mechanisms at all levels of government. Legal experts further recommend investing in in-depth research to map the scale and dynamics of clandestine FGM networks.

Evidence-based interventions, they argue, would enable authorities to target key actors, disrupt supply chains and strengthen prosecutions. “Only a comprehensive and well-resourced strategy, one that combines strong law enforcement with prevention, education and survivor protection, will safeguard at-risk girls and bring an end to both FGM and the illegal trade that thrives on it,” said a legal expert on condition of anonymity.

Head of the Gender Desk in Mara Region Charles Ezekiel said police will conduct investigations to uncover clandestine networks involved in the trade. The Director of the Child Development Department at the Ministry of Community Development, Gender, Women and Special Groups, Mr Sebastian Kitiku, said that last year the government amended the Law of the Child, Chapter 13. Stricter penalties He said the amendment has strengthened measures against FGM, making penalties stricter than before.

He emphasised that while the government prefers education and dialogue, the law will be applied when individuals refuse to change. “We understand that cultural issues are sensitive and deeply rooted, so we do not rush to use the law.

But when education fails and someone deliberately refuses to change, the law becomes necessary,” he said. Furthermore, Mr Kitiku said combining education with firm enforcement remains the most effective solution.

“Our approach is to use both education and the law, targeting all groups involved in subjecting children to FGM. Communities must ultimately understand the harm caused by this practice and accept that it has no place in modern society,” he stressed.

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Dar es Salaam. For years, the Dar es Salaam wards of Kigamboni, Kurasini, and Mchafukoge have faced mounting pressure from rapid urbanisation, resulting in persistent gaps in water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) services.

In response, WaterAid Tanzania’s project, “Strengthening WASH in Communities and Healthcare Facilities”, addresses both infrastructure challenges and the behaviours that determine service use. At the heart of this transformation are Community Health Workers (CHWs).

Dar es Salaam Regional Health Communication Officer Richard Shabani said on Thursday, January 15, 2026, that CHWs serve as trusted frontline ambassadors for health and hygiene. He said while the project rehabilitates WASH infrastructure, CHWs ensure communities adopt and sustain healthy practices.

“Formative research shows that although hygiene practices often improved during emergencies such as COVID-19 or cholera outbreaks, these behaviours tended to fade once the crisis ended,” said Mr Shabani. Furthermore, he said CHWs are now working to convert these short-term responses into long-lasting social norms.

He said through community meetings, household visits, and existing local communication channels, they are tackling entrenched issues such as open urination and the belief that hygiene is solely a government responsibility. “With refresher training and improved resources, CHWs deliver age-appropriate, gender-sensitive hygiene education directly to households and schools, helping communities take ownership of their health,” he said.

According to him, the project’s impact extends beyond households into healthcare facilities, where safe WASH services are critical for quality care. Interventions are underway at Mnazi Mmoja Hospital, Kigamboni Health Centre, and Kurasini Dispensary, following assessments that identified urgent gaps.

At the Kigamboni Health Centre, damaged infrastructure forced staff to fetch water in buckets for the Reproductive and Child Health (RCH) unit, but the project is restoring reliable water access to end this practice. At the Mnazi Mmoja Hospital, water supply interruptions previously threatened surgeries and the dignity of maternity wards, but the project is ensuring uninterrupted services.

For the Kurasini Dispensary, sanitation standards are strong, but waste management systems are being improved to reduce reliance on external facilities and ensure consistent safety. “A core pillar of the project is integrating WASH into Reproductive, Maternal, Newborn, Child, and Adolescent Health (RMNCAH) services.

By ensuring consistent access to soap, running water, and personal protective equipment in Kigamboni, Kurasini, and Mnazi Mmoja health facilities. The project is reducing maternal and neonatal infection risks,” he said.

Mr Shabani added that the initiative emphasises Gender and Social Inclusion with the new and rehabilitated facilities are designed to be climate-resilient and accessible to persons with disabilities (PWDs), while addressing the needs of women and adolescent girls through improved menstrual hygiene materials and private disposal systems. As CHWs continue to inspire behaviour change and healthcare facilities become models of safe, dignified care, the project is on track to reach 65,000 residents.

By combining community empowerment with institutional strengthening, Dar es Salaam is not only improving WASH infrastructure but also building a resilient culture of health that will endure for generations. .

Dodoma. Prime Minister Mwigulu Nchemba has urged civil servants to abandon a “business as usual” approach in implementing the Development and Investment Roadmap for 2050 (Dira 2050), saying bold and results-oriented leadership is required to transform Tanzania into a $1 trillion economy by mid-century.

Dr Nchemba made the call yesterday during a meeting with ministers, deputy ministers, permanent and deputy secretaries, chief executive officers, the National Planning Commission (NPC) executive secretary and the Treasury Registrar, convened to discuss the roadmap for implementing Dira 2050. Addressing about 300 senior officials, the Premier said those present represented the government’s decision-making machinery and were expected to lead their ministries and institutions in a manner that delivers tangible results for citizens, rather than focusing on procedures. “When people talk about the government, they are referring to all of us here.

Let us go out and implement the direction provided by Dira 2050,” he said. “Keeping quiet does not demonstrate good leadership.

It is better to make decisions and even make mistakes than to remain silent while thinking you are being clever.” Dr Nchemba added that significant progress had been made under Vision 2025, which ends on June 30, 2025, and that this had laid a solid foundation for the rollout of Dira 2050. Minister of State for Planning and Investment, Prof Kitila Mkumbo, told participants that DIRA 2050 is the most comprehensive long-term vision the country has ever prepared and clearly recognises the private sector as the engine of Tanzania’s economic transformation.

On financing, Prof Mkumbo said the private sector is expected to contribute about 70 percent of the required investment, while 22 percent will come from the government and eight percent from direct investment by public corporations. He stressed that the private sector would not merely be a participant but would be fully engaged through deliberate government efforts to create an enabling business and investment environment.

As part of the shift away from business as usual, Prof Mkumbo said all chief executive officers and board members of public enterprises will now be subjected to competitive recruitment through interviews, with the appointment of board chairpersons reserved for the highest authority. The NPC executive secretary, Dr Fred Msemwa, presented a roadmap for implementing Dira 2050, saying the commission had finalised the preparation and approval of the roadmap, the Long-Term Perspective Plan and the Five-Year Development Plan.

He said work was under way on proposals for the Annual Development Plan to align it with the 2026/27 government budget cycle, which will mark the first year of Dira 2050 implementation. Dr Msemwa added that the NPC has prepared National Planning Guidelines and Development Projects Management Guidelines to guide ministries, independent departments, public corporations and agencies in developing plans aligned with Dira 2050. Treasury Registrar Nehemia Mchechu said the government was taking steps to strengthen state enterprises in terms of leadership and financial independence, with the aim of reducing or ending reliance on government subsidies and enhancing their contribution to national development.

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Dar es Salaam. As Ugandans head to the polls today, the election is being closely watched not only in Kampala but also in Dar es Salaam.

For Tanzania, Uganda’s vote is more than a domestic political exercise; it is a critical moment with direct implications for trade, regional stability and flagship bilateral projects that bind the two neighbours within the East African Community (EAC). Uganda is currently Tanzania’s largest export destination within the EAC, a position it has maintained in recent years.

Official trade data show that Tanzania exports goods worth over Sh1.5 trillion annually to Uganda, ranging from manufactured products and cement to food items, fuel and construction materials. Thousands of Tanzanian traders, transporters and small businesses depend on smooth cross-border movement through Mutukula and other entry points.

“Any instability in Uganda immediately affects Tanzania’s economy,” said a trade economist at Mzumbe University, Dr Godbertha Kalokola. “Uganda absorbs a significant share of Tanzanian exports in the region.

Disruptions during elections translate into delays, higher transport costs and losses for traders on both sides.” Beyond trade figures, Uganda is a vital transit partner.

Tanzania ports, especially Dar es Salaam Port, handle a large volume of Ugandan imports and exports. A peaceful election ensures continuity in logistics, customs clearance and transport corridors linking the coast to Kampala.

Several ongoing bilateral projects hinge on stability in Uganda. The most prominent is the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), running from Uganda’s oil fields in Hoima to Tanzania’s port of Tanga.

The multibillion-dollar project, jointly backed by the two governments and international investors, requires a stable political and security environment in both countries to stay on schedule. “Investors are extremely sensitive to political risk,” noted a regional governance analyst based in Dar es Salaam, Abdalla Otieno.

“Any prolonged unrest in Uganda would raise red flags, potentially slowing projects like EACOP and affecting Tanzania’s long-term energy and revenue expectations.” Analysts also warn that election-related chaos has historically come at a high cost elsewhere in Africa.

Countries that have slipped into post-election violence often experience capital flight, tourism decline and stalled development programmes. “Look at the economic scars left by disputed elections in parts of West and Southern Africa,” said Mr Otieno.

“Growth slows, jobs are lost, and it takes years to rebuild confidence. Uganda and Tanzania cannot afford that, especially at a time when the EAC is pushing for deeper integration.

” Some commentators draw cautious parallels with tensions witnessed in parts of Tanzania during last year’s general election cycle, where isolated unrest disrupted business and public services. While the contexts differ, the lesson, they argue, is the same: political competition must not be allowed to undermine economic stability.

“We have seen how even limited political tension can scare investors and affect livelihoods,” said a Dar es Salaam-based policy analyst, Ms Rehema Mushi. “Uganda’s leaders and institutions have a responsibility to ensure the process is peaceful, transparent and accepted.

” Campaigns, controversy and regional concern The Ugandan election has been marked by a highly charged campaign, pitting long-serving President Yoweri Museveni, in power since 1986, against opposition figure Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, known as Bobi Wine. The race has attracted attention for its sharp rhetoric.

According to the local reports, heavy security presence and controversy over possible internet restrictions ahead of polling today, made headlines. For Tanzania, such controversies matter because information flows, digital trade and cross-border business increasingly depend on connectivity.

“An internet shutdown, even temporary, disrupts payments, logistics and communication for traders operating across borders,” Dr Kalokola explained. “This is no longer just a political issue; it is an economic one.

We also experienced this in Tanzania and we witnessed the cost.” Civil society groups in the region have urged Ugandan authorities to safeguard freedoms and ensure transparency, warning that mistrust during elections can spill over borders through refugee movements, trade disruptions and diplomatic strain.

Some Tanzanian commentators emphasise that Uganda’s election outcome is less important than how the process is managed. “For neighbours, predictability matters,” said economist, Mr Charles Mbuke.

“A credible, peaceful election reassures partners that policies, contracts and cooperation frameworks will be respected.” As Uganda votes, the stakes extend beyond its borders.

Peaceful polls would reinforce confidence in the EAC’s vision of economic integration, free movement and shared prosperity. Turmoil, by contrast, would test not only Uganda’s institutions but also the resilience of regional cooperation.

For Tanzania, a stable Uganda is a strategic partner, a major market and a neighbour whose political health directly affects livelihoods at home. As analysts put it, Uganda’s election is Uganda’s choice, but its consequences will be felt across East Africa.

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When Donald Trump declared that the United States “wants Greenland” and wouldn’t rule out military force to get it, I thought it was a bad joke. It sounded like one of those Trumpian lines designed to dominate the news cycle for a day or two before collapsing under its own absurdity.

But the joke hasn’t gone away. And now it feels like the stuff of nightmares.

Let’s be clear about what we’re talking about. Despite its name, Greenland isn’t green.

It is a land of ice and rock, the planet’s largest island, three times the size of Texas. Its heart is a glacial desert: 87 percent of it is encased in an ice sheet that can go up to 3,000 metres high.

This is a land defined not by life, but by its scale and barrenness. No wonder it is one of the least inhabited places on Earth.

Roughly 56,000 people call it home, nearly half in the capital, Nuuk. For centuries, colonisers–including the Vikings–came and ultimately left, defeated by the brutal climate.

Only the Inuit, who perfected survival in this frozen realm, have endured, comprising nearly 90 percent of the population. Theirs is an economy built on the stark arithmetic of nature: fishing, sealing, sheep rearing, and, recently, hosting a trickle of tourists (about 140,000 a year).

Since the 1700s, Greenland has been under Danish sovereignty. Copenhagen provides a subsidy covering about half its annual budget, roughly $500-600 million.

For Denmark, it has been a responsibility, not a revenue stream. So why would Trump covet this barren outpost? Three forces have converged to turn this icy island into the hottest geopolitical property on Earth: climate change, resources, and greatpower rivalry.

A warming planet is rewriting Greenland’s destiny. Summers now linger three weeks longer.

As the ice sheet melts, it’s exposing the bedrock, which geologists believe holds a treasure trove of rare earth elements estimated at over $200 billion. These are essential for everything from smartphones to missile guidance systems.

Here, the plot thickens. At present, China dominates this sector, accounting for roughly 70 percent of global rare earth mining and close to 90 percent of processing capacity.

The US, long asleep at the wheel, sees a potential answer in Greenland’s thawing ground. Simultaneously, the Arctic itself has become a contested arena.

Russia and China are already expanding their Arctic footprints–submarines patrol beneath the ice, research stations double as surveillance posts, and military infrastructure creeps northward. For Washington, ceding influence here is unthinkable.

To be fair to Trump, US interest in Greenland isn’t new. In 1867, right after buying Alaska, the US proposed a deal to acquire Greenland.

In 1946, President Truman offered Denmark $100 million during early Cold War tensions. Informal inquiries resurfaced in the 1950s.

American strategists have long seen Greenland as a gigantic, unsinkable aircraft carrier guarding the northern approach to North America. This view is compounded by the Monroe Doctrine, that two-centuries-old principle declaring the Western Hemisphere an American sphere of influence.

Greenland, though tied to Europe, sits in that hemisphere. In the eyes of certain Washington strategists, that makes its ultimate alignment a matter of national destiny.

But here’s the rub: wanting something doesn’t make it yours. I’ve always been a bitter critic of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

I have been accused of siding with imperialists–but I stood firm. Russia’s demand to annex the Donbas regions isn’t negotiation.

It is conquest disguised as security. Now, watching Trump flirt with a similar logic toward Denmark shakes me to my core.

I do not place Russia and the US on the same moral plane–but what Trump is proposing dangerously blurs the line between the two. And the irony is this: the US already has what it needs.

Under longstanding defence agreements dating back to 1951, the US maintains military access on the island, most notably the Thule Air Base. Denmark is a NATO ally, deeply invested in European security and one of Ukraine’s strongest supporters relative to its GDP.

If Washington wants greater military cooperation, Copenhagen is not the obstacle. If the issue is rare earth elements, mining rights, and partnerships already exist–and more could be negotiated.

That is how civilised states behave. Threats are not a strategy but sabotage.

If the US were to succeed in taking Greenland by coercion, the consequences would be catastrophic. It would signal the end of the rules-based order.

It would fracture NATO. It would legitimise the idea that might is right.

And for those of us who still believe–perhaps stubbornly–that democracy restrains the worst instincts of power, it would be a devastating lesson. We’ve seen this movie before: Trump is not dragging us into the future; he is pulling us back into the 19th century.

For all our sakes–the Americans must rein in Trump. Not because he is wrong about Greenland’s importance, but because he is wrong in how he is pursuing his agenda.

For once the rules collapse, no one will be safe from those who decide they want more land and more power–and are willing to take it. Charles Makakala is a Technology and Management Consultant based in Dar es Salaam .

Dar es Salaam. A youth-driven environmental initiative has been launched with the aim of promoting Tanzania’s tourism potential in global markets, including China.

The second season of the initiative dubbed Guardians of the Peak places strong emphasis on the promotion of clean energy use on Mount Kilimanjaro as part of efforts to reduce environmental degradation caused by the use of firewood and charcoal. The initiative also seeks to empower communities living around the mountain by encouraging the adoption of sustainable energy alternatives.

Under the programme, students will take part in a Mount Kilimanjaro expedition scheduled for January 2031, 2026, during which they will participate in conservation activities such as tree planting and climate change advocacy. A student for the Tanzania Institute of Accountancy, Ms Gladness Eumbe who is part of the Guardians of the Peak campaign, they will utilise the opportunity to ensure they contribute to the economic development of the country.

“The initiative is inclusive therefore, we call for collective action, adding all stakeholders to unite under the theme “Embrace Clean Energy, Protect Tomorrow,” she said. The General Secretary of the Tanzania China Friendship Promotion Association (TCFPA), Mr Joseph Kahama underscored the indispensable role of the media, not only in informing the public about national and global developments, but also in shaping and sustaining social and economic progress.

Mr Kahama said TCFPA has been a key stakeholder since the project’s first season, describing it as a strong pillar in strengthening long-standing ties between Tanzania and China, with support from partners in both countries and the Chinese Embassy in Tanzania. He outlined TCFPA’s core objectives, which include enhancing diplomatic, economic and cultural cooperation between Tanzania and China; promoting Tanzania’s tourism–particularly Mount Kilimanjaro in the Chinese and global markets; fostering youth cultural exchange; safeguarding Tanzania’s image as a peaceful and stable nation; and attracting responsible investment that benefits communities while protecting the environment.

Mr Kahama praised the project’s focus on clean energy use on Mount Kilimanjaro, noting that reliance on firewood and charcoal has negatively affected forests, ecosystems and surrounding communities. He said the adoption of clean energy aligns with both national and global climate change goals while improving local livelihoods.

He urged young people and stakeholders across the country to support Guardians of the Peak Season II, describing it as a project that serves national interests while empowering both present and future generations. The Tanzania Film Board (TFB) also reaffirmed its commitment to environmental protection and tourism promotion through the use of film as a tool for public education and cultural diplomacy.

Speaking during the launch of the documentary project, TFB Director Mr Emmanuel Ndumukwa said the Board’s mandate is to oversee, develop and promote the country’s film industry, while ensuring Tanzanian films are used as effective communication tools for education, preservation of cultural heritage and the promotion of cultural diplomacy globally. “This project is a clear example of how environmental conservation can be integrated with national development, particularly for young people,” he said.

“It focuses on the protection of Mount Kilimanjaro, which is not only a national heritage site but also a symbol of Tanzania.” .

Dar es Salaam. Public transporter UDA Rapid Transport (Udart), is seeking to increase passenger carriage fivefold in the Phase One of the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) after purchasing new buses that are expected to boost its capacity.

The company in which the government is the major shareholder, operates the Phase One route since 2016 but its capacity deteriorated due to frequent breakdowns that severely affected service delivery. BRT Phase One is a 21km route, also known as the Kimara to Kivukoni Corridor, running along Morogoro Road, Sokoine Drive, and Kivukoni Front, with branches via Msimbazi Street (to Gerezani) and Kawawa Road (to Magomeni/Morocco), featuring 29 stations.

When it was launched in 2016, it had a daily capacity to carry 150,000 passengers but such deteriorated the current 30,000 commuters a day. However, with the purchase of 100 new buses, the company seeks to revive the capacity to 150,000 passengers a day, according to Udart Public Relations Officer Mr Gabriel Katanga.

He said Phase One initially began operations with 210 buses, but the number severely declined. “When Phase One started, we had 210 buses.

However, as many of them broke down over time and floods occurred sometime in 2018, the number of operational buses dropped significantly, reducing our capacity to serve passengers,” he said. Mr Katanga explained that between 2023 and 2025, daily ridership fell sharply to about 30,000 passengers as bus breakdowns became more common, discouraging commuters from relying on the BRT due to persistent operational challenges.

“Because of these challenges, many passengers stopped using the BRT regularly,” he said. He noted that the situation is now improving, with the arrival of new buses expected to restore capacity to its respective levels.

According to him, 49 new buses arrived on January 8, while another 50 are expected later this month, bringing the total fleet to 310 buses, including those currently under repair. “The government provided funds to purchase spare parts to repair damaged buses, and so far 30 buses have already been fixed,” he said.

All Phase One buses, he added, are manufactured in China by Golden Dragon, the original supplier of the fleet. Mr Katanga noted that Udart will provide two articulated buses to transport students during peak hours, with one bus running in the morning from 05:00am to 08:00am and another in the evening 5:00pm to 8:00pm.

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By Katare Mbashiru Dodoma. Tanzania is poised for a landmark launch of the Universal Health Coverage (UHC) scheme at a groundbreaking ceremony expected any time soon, a move that marks a major milestone in the country’s historic journey towards the realisation of affordable healthcare for all.

The announcement was made on Wednesday evening, January 14, 2025, by the Minister for Health, Mr Mohamed Mchengerwa, during a high-level working meeting at Benjamin Mkapa Hospital (BMH) in Dodoma. The meeting brought together the chief executives of institutions under the Ministry of Health and health sector personnel from the Dodoma Region.

Speaking during the event, Mr Mchengerwa said the UHC programme will be officially unveiled before the end of the first 100 days of President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s second term in office. The President was sworn in on November 3, 2025, leaving fewer than 30 days to meet the self-imposed deadline, an indication of the administration’s urgency to translate policy commitments into action.

What is evident is that the coming weeks will mark a defining moment for Tanzania’s health sector and could potentially reshape how millions of citizens access healthcare services. The timing of the launch carries strong political and symbolic significance.

“This is not business as usual,” Mr Mchengerwa told the meeting, underscoring what he described as a decisive shift in how healthcare is financed and accessed in Tanzania. He said preparations were at an advanced stage, with government institutions working to align systems, financing arrangements, and stakeholders ahead of the launch.

At the heart of the reform is the Universal Health Insurance (UHI) Act of 2023, which mandates health insurance coverage for all citizens. Once launched, the UHC scheme will be rolled out nationwide, with particular emphasis on easing the burden of healthcare costs for low-income and vulnerable groups that have long depended on out-of-pocket payments.

Tanzania has, for years, grappled with low health insurance coverage rates, a challenge that has exposed millions of people to financial hardship when seeking medical care. The new framework, therefore, seeks to reverse that trend by making health insurance mandatory, pooling risks at the national level, and reducing direct payments at the point of service.

Mr Mchengerwa said the National Health Insurance Fund (NHIF) will spearhead the implementation process, assuring stakeholders that the fund is both institutionally and financially prepared to manage the expanded mandate. He noted that recent government efforts have focused on stabilising health financing systems, strengthening institutional capacity, and introducing affordable insurance schemes tailored to private-sector and informal workers’ groups that have traditionally been excluded from formal insurance arrangements.

Analysts view the integration of all UHI systems into a single interoperable pool, from grassroots health facilities to the national level, as one of the most significant structural reforms in the sector. If effectively implemented, the move could reduce fragmentation, improve efficiency, and ensure more equitable access to health services nationwide.

The UHC initiative also brings Tanzania closer into line with global health commitments, particularly Sustainable Development Goal 3, which calls for ensuring healthy lives and promoting well-being for all at all ages. By anchoring UHC within broader health sector reforms, Mr Mchengerwa told participants, the government is positioning healthcare not only as a social service but also as a foundational pillar of national development.

However, the programme’s success will depend heavily on public understanding and institutional readiness. Acknowledging this, Mr Mchengerwa said that the first three to six months of implementation will focus on intensive nationwide training and sensitization programs to ensure that health workers, administrators, and citizens fully understand how the new system operates .

Kampala. Ugandans voted in a tense national election on Thursday after an often violent campaign and internet shutdown, with President Yoweri Museveni seeking to extend his rule into a fifth decade.

Museveni told reporters after casting his ballot in western Uganda that he expected to win 80% of the vote “if there’s no cheating”, dismissing the prospect of an upset victory by popular singer Bobi Wine. The election is widely seen as a test of the 81-year-old leader’s political strength and ability to avoid the kind of unrest that has rocked neighbours Tanzania and Kenya as speculation mounts about his eventual succession.

He has campaigned on a slogan of “protecting the gains”, vowing to maintain peace and lift Uganda into middle-income status. Wine, who is 43 and nicknamed the “Ghetto President” for his humble origins, has appealed to young people angry about scarce economic opportunities in a country where the average age is just over 16. Voting took place in the capital Kampala amid a heavy police presence.

Some polling stations did not open on time because biometric voter verification machines were not working. Museveni said the cause of this was being looked into.

Casting his ballot in the Kasangati township, Ronald Tenywa, a 45-year-old university researcher, complained that political leaders “cling on for a long time”. “If we vote for someone who cares, things will be better for Uganda,” he said, without specifying for whom he was voting.

The authorities cut internet access across the country on Tuesday to curb what they called misinformation about the election. Many Ugandans turned to an offline messaging app launched by Twitter co-founder Jack Dorsey.

Hundreds arrested, at least one killed during campaign Security forces have repeatedly opened fire at Wine’s campaign events, killing at least one person and arresting hundreds of his supporters. Museveni’s government has said the security forces’ actions were a justified response to what it called lawless conduct by opposition supporters.

Wine, whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi, said while voting that Ugandans should protest non-violently if the election is rigged. There were no signs of unrest through the morning.

The United States denounced Museveni’s last election victory in 2021 – when he defeated Wine with 58% of the vote – as neither free nor fair. Similar criticism from U.

S. President Donald Trump’s administration is unlikely after U.

S. diplomats were instructed last July not to comment on the integrity of foreign elections.

Museveni is a strategic partner of the west Besides Wine, six other opposition candidates are challenging Museveni – Africa’s third-longest-ruling head of state. Voters will also choose more than 500 members of parliament.

Polls are due to close at 4:00 p.m.

with results expected to be announced within 48 hours. Museveni came to power at the head of a rebellion in 1986 and has changed the constitution twice to remove age and term limits.

As president, he has positioned Uganda as a strategic partner of Western nations, sending troops to regional hotspots such as Somalia and taking in millions of refugees. Economic growth, traditionally reliant on agriculture and tourism, is widely expected to surge into double digits when crude oil production from fields run by France’s TotalEnergies (TTEF.

PA), opens new tab and China’s CNOOC (600938.SS), opens new tab begins this year. Museveni is widely believed to favour his son, military chief Muhoozi Kainerugaba, as his successor, but the president has denied grooming him for the role and his status as heir apparent is opposed by some within the ruling party, analysts say.

Juliet Zawedde, an 18-year-old first-time voter in Kampala, said any succession should happen democratically. “In Africa, too many people in government promote their family members,” she said.

“They need to give chances to others.” .