Category: The Nation – Nigeria

In delivering the keynote address at the just concluded 2025 National Summit of the Local Government Service Commissions (LGSCs), I was compelled to observe the significance of the Summit coming on the heels of the 2024 reconvened National Council of the Civil Service Commissions of the federation as well as the Biennial Assembly and Conference of the African Association of Public Service Commissions (AAPSCOMMSs) which held in Nairobi, Kenya, also in 2024. These meetings and events signal the possibility that the public administration communities of service and practice in Nigeria might be waking up to their gatekeeping responsibilities in a collective bid to strengthen the profession of public administration in Nigeria and on the continent. This is a very good signal. And it is one that the Federal Civil Service Commission is ever ready to extend and partner with the Association of the LGSCs in concretizing.

This emerging awareness is crucial given that all across the globe, there is consensus regarding the significance of local governance and the strengthening of democratic governance through the devolution of powers to local authorities. This growing awareness is even more important for developing contexts like Nigeria where democratic governance must necessarily constitute the means for activating development. This immediately reveals the ideological dimension of the ongoing discussion in Nigeria around the necessity of reforming the local government as the formidable third-tier of democratic government as well as grant it autonomy to deliver on local and grassroots governance. Successfully reforming the local government is therefore the way to go in placing the grassroots and its potentials at the center of democratic governance in Nigeria. There is no doubt whatsoever that the grassroots, aside its democratic potentials, also possess the natural resources and the requisite capabilities that could be harnessed to lift millions of Nigerians out of crippling multidimensional poverty. The grassroots possess the social capital that enables the people in the various rural communities to organize themselves around the available resources that could facilitate inclusive growth and development. This could therefore enable the government to mobilize local governance as a complement for achieving democratic governance, as well as consolidating, for example, the sustainable development goals (SDGs). The implication of all this, and especially of the government’s reform that grants financial autonomy to local government, is that there is now a larger imperative -involving the LGSCs-that focuses on the significance of local governance and its capability readiness for the national development and democratic projects in Nigeria.

The idea of the civil service commission (CSC) came out of the Northcote-Trevelyan civil service reform of the British civil service in 1885. It was meant to serve as the gatekeeping mechanism for preserving and protecting the merit system, professionalism and the vocation of the civil service. Its responsibility is to ensure that the system only recruit, train and absorb those who have the public spiritedness which insists on deferred gratification in the service of the public. In the Nigerian case, and beyond the emergence of the FCSC and CSCs of States, the LGSC came out of the 1976 local government reforms with the constitutional mandate to standardize the administrative and personnel practices, maintain professional standards conducive for efficiency at the local authority level, as well as overseeing manpower planning, assessment of staffing requirements, career management, training and capacity development, and so on. And the most fundamental criterion for evaluating the efficiency and the capacity of the LGSC to not only manage the affairs of the local government is now to also monitor and guarantee the degree of local autonomy enjoyed by the LGAs.

The Local Autonomy Index, for example, provides a barometer that speaks to the level of autonomy enjoyed by any local authority: Is the leadership of local councils locally and freely elected? Is local revenue available for the use of the local governments? Do LGs generate and implement their own budget? Can LGs seek legal redress if any other tier of government breaches its enabling law? Do LGs enjoy administrative autonomy to control their management systems, in terms of the recruitment and appointment of own staff, etc.?

The autonomy issue intersects the deepening of democratic governance in Nigeria because granting the third tier its governance autonomy implies allowing it to deploy its resources and national revenue accruing to it towards catalysing poverty reduction, wealth creation, and economic development. All these in turn become the bedrock for the transformation of the economic basis of the Nigerian state itself. Indeed, the Ojetunji Aboyade Committee on Revenue Allocation of 1977, by assigning a share of revenue allocation from the Federation Account to local governments and like the other two tiers, had set it in good governance stead to become a focal point of significant development activities that require high-calibre professional personnel to manage. And given the recent Supreme Court judgment on local government fiscal autonomy, there is the serious possibility that an era of robust and vibrant local governance is about to dawn in ways that takes the local governments away from its low fiscal responsibility towards a model of developmental efficiency.

Even putting the autonomy issue in this optimistic frame must anticipate serious issues that intersect with the current problems attending the nature and status of the local government as the third-tier of government in Nigeria. One reality is that many of these local government areas were created not because of any concern for administrative viability, but more importantly to service political patronages and necessities. In coming to terms with the realization of local government autonomy in Nigeria, therefore, the LGSC has to first confront structural, systemic and constitutional issues that complicate the possibility of bringing it to pass. First, there is the acute politicization of the local government autonomy that hinges on the overlordship of the state government. In other words, there is a constitutional and legal conflict arising between, on the one hand, the guarantee of section 7 of the 1999 Constitution legislating the existence of democratically elected local governments, and on the other hand, the legal capacity of the state government to create laws and policies that regulate the local government system. Second, there is a constitutional ambiguity with regard to the status and role of the local government as the third tier of the federal government which has been hitherto exploited to facilitate the politicization mentioned earlier.

Third, and based on the many years of neglect, political patronage and bureaucratic and political corruption, the local government authority has developed a deep-rooted institutional capability and capacity deficit that manifest in the form of poor pay and compensation structure, non-competency-based human resource management standards and procedures, weak or even virtually non-existent internal management control, degraded rating, and more, that together have reduced the local government to the lowest bottom of public perception. Lastly, there is also the conflict of interest and loyalty that result from local government staff who pay allegiance to the state government rather than to the local councils that employ them. This has implications for the possibility of designing and implementing local policies.

The LGSC therefore confronts the urgency of supervising the emergence of Nigeria’s own indigenous model of local governance that will in turn supervise and harness the grassroots and community-based structures of social capital, networks and subsidiarity as the nodal service delivery points in terms of, for example, community policing, waste management, etc. This will require that the LGSC will also be prepared to service the high-end capacity, capability and professional competence that local autonomy will demand in terms of the management of the local government councils. This now brings us full cycle back to the LGSC and its fundamental role in gatekeeping the reform of the local government councils and authorities.

In facilitating its gatekeeping constitutional responsibility, the LGSC first has to manage its own existence and authority placed under the watchful control of the state governments. It is therefore centrally situated at the eye of the storm to mediate the challenge of achieving autonomy.

This situation concretizes the significance of the LGSC as the structural and administrative node for connecting local governance to democratic governance in Nigeria’s political context. This only then means that for the institution to succeed in its gatekeeping mandate, it demands a deep-seated reconceptualization of its objectives, mandates and modus operandi. Reconstituting and reforming the LGSC demands a lot in terms of constitutional enabling and structural capability. This will affect the leadership and stakeholder composition as well as the dynamics of its operations. For instance, the LGSC would have to operate not only with a renewed and redesigned manifest of delegated powers and functions involving local government chairmen and councillors, it will also need new schedules of duties and responsibilities that connect the local government to the citizens as end users.

What then are the key reform requirements that will facilitate this reconceptualization of the LGSC as a key institution in the transformation of local governance in Nigeria? Aside the imperative of restructuring the LGSC to facilitate the emergence of new stakeholder and a robust mandate and modus operandi, the administrative autonomy of the institution must be ensured. This is the crucial first step in the responsibility of enabling it to work towards the re-professionalization of the local government councils in ways that ensure its efficient productivity. This administrative independence allows it to streamline recruitment, appointment and personnel administration without undue and distracting interference from the state and from the local government leadership.

The second most significant reform issue concerns funding. This is where administrative autonomy connects with fiscal responsibility of the LGSC. A crucial dimension of its personnel administrative responsibility is manpower training and development. Without these, then the entire gatekeeping architecture collapses. The imperative, confronted by the LGSC, of gatekeeping personnel and human resource function, managing performance improvement and capacity reprofiling demands that the funding necessity must go beyond the meagre allocation that would hitherto accrue from the erstwhile State-Local Government Joint Account. Without a consistent source of significant funding, then the significance of the LGSC is crippled.

The importance of the LGSC in the public administration dynamics of local government and local governance in Nigeria cannot be underestimated. In constitutional and political terms, it is caught in a dilemma between what the Constitution mandates, and what the reality of state legal capacities demand. It requires a formidable reconceptualization in ways that will enable it give birth to a developmental model of local governance that Nigeria urgently needs to capacitate its democratic governance and national development. A good starting point is for the federal government to revisit the constitutional measures for inter-governmental relationship and partnership that make the state government a key stakeholder in local governance without in any way undermining the crucial local government autonomy as the third tier of government. This constitutional vigilance of the federal government, armed with constitutional safeguard, will ensure that the LGSC become the structural negotiation of a win-win relationship between the state and the local government to facilitate the emergence of the grassroots as a formidable site for progressive development that empowers the citizens and strengthens Nigeria’s democracy.

A Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court has granted Abia State Governor, Dr Alex Otti, permission to serve court processes in his N100 billion defamation suit against former Commissioner for Information, Hon. Eze Chikamnayo, through social media platforms – Facebook and WhatsApp.

Justice J.E. Obanor, in a ruling delivered on October 16, 2025, approved the governor’s application for substituted service, allowing the court bailiff to serve the writ of summons and other processes on Chikamnayo via his Facebook account, ‘Iyierioba Chikamnayo,’ and his registered phone and WhatsApp number.

The case has been adjourned to January 19, 2026, for hearing.

In the motion ex parte filed by Otti’s counsel, Dr Sonny Ajala (SAN), the governor prayed the court to permit substituted service, citing the defendant’s previous use of the same channels to receive a solicitor’s demand letter.

The letter, dated October 2, 2025, had requested a retraction of several allegedly defamatory online publications.

The suit, filed on October 8, 2025 (Suit No. FCT/HC/CV/3921/2025) followed Chikamnayo’s alleged failure to honour the demand for a public apology and retraction of the posts.

Otti, through his counsel, is seeking a declaration that his reputation, goodwill, and standing as a person, husband, father, and political leader were gravely damaged by the defendant’s ‘persistent, false and malicious online publications’ on Facebook.

The court documents referenced several Facebook posts made between July and September 2025, including posts captioned ‘Alex Otthief is a confirmed criminal and disaster’ (September 22, 2025), ‘Fighting Promax’ (September 21, 2025), ‘Old or New Abia?’ (September 14, 2025), ‘Sabbath Message’ (September 13, 2025), ‘Still on the matter’ (September 9, 2025), ‘Alex Otthief is a confirmed criminal and congenital liar = Looting Governor’ (August 15, 2025) and ‘Government of Alex Otthief for Zignature Bank = Ruin Abia” (July 21, 2025).

Otti is seeking N100 billion in general damages for alleged loss of reputation, psychological distress, and emotional trauma caused by the publications. He is also asking the court to compel Chikamnayo to tender an unreserved apology for each of the posts, to be published on his Facebook page and in ThisDay, The Nation, The Punch and National Ambassador newspapers.

In addition, the governor is praying for a perpetual injunction restraining Chikamnayo from ‘writing, authoring, sharing, broadcasting, forwarding, or syndicating any content defamatory of the claimant’ across all media platforms, including social media and traditional media outlets, and is demanding N250 million as the cost of prosecuting the suit.

Justice Obanor ordered that Chikamnayo must enter an appearance within 30 days of being served or risk judgment being entered against him in default.

In the earlier demand letter, Dr.Ajala stated that Governor Otti was ‘the only sitting governor in Nigeria bearing the name Alex Chioma Otti,’ leaving no ambiguity about whom the online posts referred to, and described Chikamnayo’s publications as ‘false, malicious, and calculated to instigate public hatred.’

Ajala, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, noted that Otti’s ‘integrity has remained stainless’ throughout his distinguished banking career, during which he rose to become Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of Diamond Bank Plc before joining politics.

The letter accused Chikamnayo’s posts of causing ‘unquantifiable mental torture, depression, denigration, and brutal destruction of reputation built over the decades,’ warning that failure to retract them within seven days would lead to legal action, a warning that has now resulted in court proceedings.

There is little doubt that the most important commodity within Nigeria’s economy today, is petrol followed by diesel, kerosene and lately, cooking gas. A long time ago, kerosene would have been at the head of that list, at the time when it was used to lighten the darkness which descended each day at dusk. That is talking about a very long time ago, long before independence. By the sixties, kerosene was in highest demand when kerosene stoves became available and practically all urbanites depended on it for cooking their food, in favour of using wood or charcoal. Now that more convinient and efficient gas cookers are in vogue, kerosene has taken a back seat to the other fuels. At the height of its popularity, every neighbourhood had someone who sold kerosene in bottles and could be roused at any time of day or night to take care of any emergency caused by the shortage of kerosene at some critical juncture. Later on, kerosene became available in petrol stations which from time to time were decorated with long lines of plastic containers waiting to be filled with the precious fluid in distressingly too many times of inevitable scarcity.

Now, petrol is deservedly at the top of this fuel queue because it is used as the major propellant on which the country is run. Whenever there was a shortage of petrol, the country was grounded, with long vehicle queues at any petrol station dispensing the precious fuel, usually at mercilessly inflated prices. This was the situation for a little over fifty uncomfortable years. Petrol is by far the preferred fuel for shifting all kinds of vehicles in Nigeria, with the exception of the long distance, usually articulated trucks used in the delivery of goods all around the country. The sale of the diesel used in these vehicles was deregulated many years ago and even under the notorious subsidy regime, diesel was always terribly expensive and perhaps therefore, also always available. In any case, it would have been ridiculous to have long queues of articulated lorries at petrol stations.

Taking everything into consideration, it can be concluded that there is a high usage of petrol per capita in Nigeria. This is why the cost of living is so neatly tied to the cost of petrol per litre. Any increase in the price of petrol is reflected instantly in the cost of practically all commodities and everyone feels the pinch instantly. There is no reason why this is not so. An illustration will prove this point as it was proved to me by observation many years ago. In that instance, I saw an old lady coming from the farm with a small load of wrapping leaves. She was trying to move her leaves to a nearby urban market at a time immediately after a steep increase in the price of petrol. Transport fares had also been increased to reflect the new price of petrol. Whatever profit the poor lady was entitled to, was immediately wiped out and the only way that she could keep her head above water was to increase the price of her leaves in equal measure. This increase was in turn, passed on to the moi-moi seller who also passed it on to her customers and by so doing, put some fire under the figures for inflation, causing them to soar destructively. The converse is of course also true. A reduction in the cost of petrol will douse the flames of the inflation which at this time is devouring our collective happiness and well being.

I have no doubt in my mind that a substantial drop in the price of fuel, especially petrol, will give us the slack we sorely need, in order to breathe. The only way to get this done at this material time, is to cut the Dangote refinery the slack that it needs to bring down the cost of petrol and maybe, as an afterthought, the price of cooking gas as well. The first point that must be noted in this regard is that the Dangote refinery has the capacity to do this and more. All that needs to be done is to climb down from his back. Given the extant circumstances however, this is easier said than done. But, it has to be done all the same. This is why the signals and threats now coming out of many quarters are so worrisome. Dangote is now in this pivotal position because, more than ten years ago, he took the decísion of investing in a refinery. An identical decision could have been taken by any number of well heeled Nigerians, before and after then. But nobody had neither the foresight nor perhaps the audacity to do so, leaving Dangote in his current position of profitability and massive authority. That position is not only visible but it is also above any challenge in the near future.

We are told that Alhaji Dangote is now worth close to 30 billion dollars. That is a humongous sum of money by anybody’s accounting. Were he to spend a million dollars everyday on whatever caught his fancy, he cannot live long enough to spend more than a small fraction of this sum. That is how big it is. It would therefore be a sad negation of his privileged existence if he decided to put sheer profit before principle at this time. The only way for his life to show any purpose is to stake his huge personal fortune on the future of Nigeria. Were he to fail in that purpose, it would be a heroic failure, worthy of being told and retold all down the ages and that in itself is grace and significant historical significance. Given the trajectory of his life up till now however, it is inconceivable that he would not be successful in this respect. To what purpose would it be if he continued to pile up the dollars which can be ascribed to his name? None is the simple, straightforward answer. From this admittedly rosy position, it is ridiculous to think that his primary objective is to build up a monopolistlc control of the fuel market. It will not work anyway if only because even as we speak, there are other local refineries under construction and it is only a matter of time, possibly a number of months before at least one other refinery comes on tap to give him some real competition. It is laughable for those who do no more than import, store and then distribute fuel of whatever quality to claim that they are genuine competitors. They may be so in their heads but in reality, they are only so in their dreams. It is a waste of time to advise them to come out of their dream and set up their own refinery. They simply are totally incapable of doing other than what they are doing now, that is to collect rent on their depots and shift petrol around the country in expired trucks, many of which are incapable of passing any decent road worthiness test. Even from that point of view, they cannot be regarded as being capable of offering any competition to the gas powered trucks mobilized for fuel distribution by Dangote. We can say that with those trucks, Nigeria is moving into a modern and safer mode of fuel distribution. Even then, until fuel is sent round the country in underground pipes, Nigeria will not be classed as a country with a modern fuel distribution system. In the meantime, the use of Dangote trucks for fuel distribution must be regarded as non-negotiable both from the point of safety as well as accountability. Without due accountability, there is no guarantee that considerable volumes of petrol will not stray across our notoriously porous borders.

The past week showed how people can easily misconstrue well-intentioned actions of the government. After the presidential pardon and clemency were handed down to some Nigerians and a few foreigners, intense controversy had erupted. Indeed, some commentators and analysts have been so vocal against the clemency, particularly as it relates to drug trafficking and capital offence convicts.

Following the consultation with the Council of State on Thursday, October 11, President Bola Tinubu granted some reprieve to 175 persons. The reprieve was based on the recommendations of the Presidential Committee on the Prerogative of Mercy, headed by the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi.

Pardoned posthumously by President Tinubu were foremost nationalist Sir Herbert Macaulay; poet and soldier Major-General Mamman Vatsa; the writer and environmentalist, Ken Saro-Wiwa and his eight fellow Ogoni activists, as well as the four Ogoni leaders considered his antagonists. Also pardoned were some jailed illegal miners, public officials found guilty of corruption, remorseful drug offenders and capital offence convicts, including Maryam Sanda, who is on death row for killing her husband in 2017 in a matrimonial row. The last two categories are the most controversial. I will dwell on them shortly.

The list of beneficiaries of the presidential reprieve is long and comprehensive. The committee went as far back as what transpired during the pre-independence era. For instance, the pardon granted to Macaulay corrected the historic injustice done to him by the British Colonialists. The case of the Ogoni 4 and Ogoni 9 killings that occurred in November 1995 during the military dictatorship of late General Sani Abacha was to engender complete reconciliation in Ogoniland. This presidential gesture has been widely applauded in Ogoniland and the entire South-South geopolitical zone.

Presidential Spokesman Bayo Onanuga had explained in the statement announcing the pardon that President Tinubu granted the clemency because most of the convicts had shown sufficient remorse and good conduct. Others were due to old age, acute medical conditions, acquisition of new vocational skills or enrolment in the National Open University.

It must be pointed out that the presidency fully disclosed the pardon as a matter of full disclosure and transparency. Some other governments will typically mask the complete list, knowing it would generate controversy. This open gesture signifies that the Tinubu government has nothing to hide. Contrary to the erroneous suggestions by some people, there was no ulterior or political motive to the pardon.

However, whether in Nigeria or other jurisdictions where presidents have the power to exercise the prerogative of mercy, the exercise is always controversial.

A similar storm was ignited during the Second Republic when President Shehu Shagari pardoned former warlord Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu for his role in the country’s 30-month civil war. Public outrage also greeted the full and unconditional pardon granted in 2013 by former President Goodluck Jonathan to his former boss and ally, the late Bayelsa governor Diepreye Alamieyesiegha, who was convicted of stealing millions of dollars.

The presidential pardon and the response it usually elicits are no different internationally, particularly in the United States. President Bill Clinton reportedly signed 140 pardons on January 20, 2001, his last day in office. This included one for his younger half-brother, Roger Clinton, who was convicted in 1985 for cocaine possession and drug trafficking.

According to Newsweek, such was Roger Clinton’s notoriety that the US Secret Service codenamed him ‘Headache’ because of the constant trouble he gave President Clinton in office.

Former US President Biden pardoned his son, Hunter Biden, after he had publicly pledged not to do so. Hunter Biden was convicted between January 1, 2014, and December 1, 2024, of offences, including gun running. President Biden also reportedly pardoned his other relatives who were convicted of sundry offences.

In his first term, President Donald Trump, in December 2020, pardoned Charles Kushner, the father of Jared Kushner, who is married to his daughter, Ivanka Trump. Jared Kushner was convicted of illegal campaign funding, tax evasion and witness tampering. All the pardons were intensely controversial.

Back home, the present clemency for some drug offenders, along with that of Maryam Sanda, has emerged as the most contentious. For instance, in his seeming desperation to nail the government over Maryam Sanda’s pardon, last Tuesday, October 14, a columnist in Leadership newspaper, Abdulrauf Aliyu, went overboard in an article centred on Sanda’s pardon. It was titled ‘The Theatre of Presidential Pardon.’ The columnist lied that the pardon was granted to Sanda before the final determination of the case, claiming that the case was still pending before the Supreme Court.

He proceeded on that wrong premise and argued that the government tempered the law for mercy. Nothing can be further from the truth! This is a rather sad commentary for a columnist who should know better. The Supreme Court has since affirmed the judgment of the Appeal Court confirming Sanda’s conviction.

Sanda’s pardon is well-intentioned. Apart from the reports that Sanda had shown remorse in prison, it has also emerged that her father-in-law, Alhaji Ahmed Bello Isa, the father of the late Bilyaminu Bello, sought clemency for her. Alhaji Isa has disclosed that he personally appealed to both Presidents Muhammadu Buhari and Tinubu to grant her pardon so she can take care of the two children left behind by his son. He said the continued stay of her daughter-in-law or indeed her death would not bring back Bilyaminu.

Also, the convicted drug offenders have spent time in jail. Some of them have even enrolled in the Open University or learned a new trade. It would be unfair to argue that former drug trafficking offenders who have shown remorse and turned a new leaf do not deserve mercy or forgiveness. Clemency for them, in my view, does not mean the war against drug trafficking has been compromised.

The law remains that anyone indulging in illicit drugs will have a date with the law. The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) under General Buba Marwa (rtd) is doing a yeoman’s job trying to ensure drug traffickers are brought to book and the country is free of hard drugs and their menace.

Instructively, the AGF and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, whose committee recommended the pardon, has affirmed that the list is still subject to review. None of the pardoned inmates has been released. He said the process is undergoing the final administrative review to satisfy the required legal and procedural standards before the release instruments are signed and issued. The list of those pardoned has to be gazetted by the government. Until that is done, there is still ample room for review. President Tinubu will not be averse to any required review

The President was moved by compassion and his legendary kind-heartedness in approving the pardon. There is no evidence that he has an offspring, blood relation, or known associate on the pardon or clemency list. The opposition politicians, who have also been very strident in criticising President Tinubu over the pardon, will continue to do so even when confronted with the fundamental justification for the action. However, those who benefited from the pardon and their families will continue to appreciate the President’s humane gesture.

Foremost African industrialist, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, has urged Nigerians to patronise only Nigerian-made products to strengthen the nation’s economy for their own benefit.

He spoke yesterday during a courtesy call on him in Lagos by former presidential aide, Mr Reno Omokri.

‘I want to encourage all Nigerians to buy only made-in-Nigeria goods,’ he told the former presidential aide, stating, ‘When you purchase anything made in Nigeria, you are helping to generate jobs.’

Dangote, owner of the $20 billion indigenous Dangote Refinery located in the Lekki Free Trade Zone in Lagos, has been a strong supporter of the President Bola Tinubu administration’s Nigeria First policy, which encourages Nigerians to patronise made-in-Nigeria products to strengthen the economy.

The industrialist argued that Nigeria can only become a stronger nation if Nigerians support and buy only made-in-Nigeria goods, enabling the creation of jobs and prosperity.

Omokri thanked Dangote for endorsing the Nigeria First policy, stating it is the most effective way to enhance the Naira’s value and bolster the national economy.

The former presidential aide visited the Dangote Refinery on Friday, commending Dangote’s entrepreneurial spirit and patriotism that led to the significant investment, which has made Nigeria the largest exporter of petroleum products in Africa.

He also praised President Tinubu for his foresight in conceptualising the Lekki Free Trade Zone in Lagos State many years ago, when he was the state governor.

He urged Nigerians to support the refinery because it is by patronising made-in-Nigeria products that the value of the national currency can appreciate.

‘Nigerians should be proud of what is happening here. All of us have a role to play. The citizens, the unions, and the government must support the refinery because its export will bolster the value of the Naira,’ he stated.

He warned that any actions to undermine the facility will lead to a decline in the value of the Naira, emphasising that it is in the interest of Nigerians, not just Dangote, to ensure the investment succeeds.

As the festive season approaches, Edo-born singer and social crusader Sunday Ajakaiye, better known by his stage name Zunday, has voiced the frustration of thousands of Edo North residents who have been cut off by the crumbling Auchi Igarra Ibillo Okene Road.

For Zunday, the pain is personal. Despite his growing success as a musician, he says he cannot even travel home to visit his mother because the road, riddled with gullies and insecurity, has become a death trap and a symbol of government failure.

‘I want to go home to see my mother, to feel the village vibe, to enjoy that Christmas atmosphere,’ he said with emotion. ‘But how can I? The road is bad, people are being kidnapped, and I do not have money for a chopper or a private jet. I am angry, not just for myself, but for everyone who cannot go home to their loved ones this season.’

Zunday, who describes himself as the voice of the voiceless, said his anger is not about politics but about the continuous neglect of a major federal highway that connects Edo to Kogi and serves as a vital lifeline for traders, farmers, and commuters across the North Central corridor.

‘The people of Edo North are suffering in silence,’ he said. ‘Every day, people lose vehicles, goods, and even their lives. The Auchi Ibillo road is no longer just a bad road; it has become a graveyard of promises.’

Road of pain and broken promises

Earlier this year, Governor Monday Okpebholo announced the rehabilitation of more than 45 failed sections of the federal road, promising that lasting repairs would be delivered. But months later, residents say not much has changed.

Only about 9.6 kilometres have received temporary palliative work, which has already begun to deteriorate under heavy rainfall and poor drainage.

The full stretch of the Auchi Ibillo road estimated at about 51 kilometres remains in dire condition, riddled with craters that turn into ponds when it rains and dry into dust bowls under the sun.

The road, once a busy commercial link between Edo, Kogi, and parts of Ondo, has now become notorious for armed robbery, kidnapping, and fatal accidents, as drivers are forced to crawl through dangerous portions.

Where are our Representatives?

In his statement, Zunday did not hold back his criticism of the political class, from the state government to lawmakers at both the state and federal levels, accusing them of being silent while their people suffer.

‘Where are our representatives?’ he asked. ‘What are they doing in Abuja and Benin City while our mothers, traders, and transporters risk their lives daily on this road? We elected leaders to speak for us, not to keep quiet in comfort.’

He called on both the Edo State Government and the Federal Ministry of Works to act decisively, urging transparency in project handling.

‘Publish the contract details, who got it, how much was paid, and when it will be completed. We deserve to know where the money is going.’

A plea before Christmas

With Christmas only weeks away, the artiste warned that thousands of families hoping to return home for the holidays may have to cancel their plans because of the road danger.

‘This is the time families should be coming home with joy, not fear,’ he said. ‘How can people celebrate Christmas when every trip feels like a gamble between life and death? The government must fix this road before December so people can travel safely.’

Let Edo North breathe again

Zunday’s advocacy blends the energy of his music with the urgency of activism. His songs often carry messages of unity, courage, and justice, and he says this campaign will be no different.

‘This is not politics,’ he emphasized. ‘It is about people. It is about life. It is about giving hope back to those who have been forgotten. Fix this road now and let Edo North breathe again.’

The Renewed Hope Student Housing Project, an initiative of Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration is set to deliver over 38, 400 world class student hostel bed spaces in 24 locations, including 12 universities, six polytechnics and six colleges of education before the end of next year.

The project, a Public, Private Partnership initiative of Tinubu is intended to improve the living standards and revitalize infrastructure across tertiary institutions in the country.

According to a statement by the promoters of the project, the Renewed Hope Student Hostel Project in each of the 24 locations will boast 1,600 bed spaces, 400 ensuite rooms with study table and chairs, four reading rooms, common room, cafeteria and restaurants, laundromat, grocery shops, salons as well as public toilets.

Put together by Family Homes Funds Limited (FHFL), in partnership with the Federal Government of Nigeria, the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund) and Africa Plus Partners Nigeria Limited, it is set to deliver on Mr. President’s promise to transform student accommodation nationwide.

Currently, the project has commenced in a total of six locations across the country with distribution of three locations in Northern Nigeria – Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, Federal Polytechnic Bauchi and FCT College of Education, Zuba.

Gunmen on Friday evening attacked a police station in Zonkwa, headquarters of Zangon Kataf Local Government Area of Kaduna State, killing at least two officers.

The incident, which occurred around 8 pm, threw the usually quiet town into confusion as residents scampered for safety amid heavy gunshots

Eyewitnesses said the assailants stormed the police station located a few metres from Kamyim Hotel in Kurmin-Bi area of Zonkwa, and opened fire on arrival.

It was learnt that the attackers were trying to free some suspected vandals earlier arrested in Kachia town, believing they were being held at the Zonkwa Police Station.

A resident, who pleaded anonymity, said: ‘They came shooting sporadically. It was later discovered that the suspects they came for were not even detained in Zonkwa. But before that became clear, the damage had already been done.’

A security source confirmed the attack but declined to give details, saying investigations were ongoing.

In a video sighted by The Nation, two police officers were seen lying motionless in uniform, while a crowd gathered around the scene discussing the assault.

The attack, residents said, has heightened fears over the deteriorating security situation in the area despite recent peace efforts by authorities.

Security operatives were later deployed to restore normalcy in the town.

As at press time, the Kaduna State Police Command had yet to issue an official statement on the incident.

The Senate of League of Imams in Osogbo has advocated for all political parties in Osun State to zone their 2026 governorship tickets to Osogbo, the state capital.

The group known as Alasaro of Osogbo through its President, Sheikh Ilyas Afolabi Alawe in a statement over the weekend said all Osogbo indigenes are united in the demand that its the turn of Osogbo to produce Governor of Osun State.

He stated that Osogbo being a historic town in old Western Nigeria, formerly part of old Oyo State and now the capital of Osun, has played a decisive role in determining who occupies the Bola Ige Government House.

According to him: ‘No son or daughter of Osogbo has ever been elected Governor since the state’s creation 34 years ago. The elders, community leaders, and stakeholders are determined to change this in 2026.

‘We can start with the forthcoming governorship election by rallying behind our competent sons and daughters from various political parties vying for the seat.’

Also, the Chairman of the Osogbo Elders Council, Prince Adeleke Ibiloye, backed the zoning of the 2026 governorship seat to Osogbo.

He said: ‘We have, over time, stood firmly behind other towns that sought our support for their own in various political capacities. It is now time to extend that same hand of fellowship and support to our very own. It is our turn to produce the next governor of this state in 2026, and we believe those we have supported in the past will now repay our good gestures.’

Amid the hustle of campus life, sleepless study nights and an unending competition for seats in lecture halls brimming with sweaty faces, an unspoken rule quietly shapes how students see themselves and others.

Conversations about sexual purity often linger in the shadows, yet when they surface, they are almost always tied to female gender-treated either as a fragile virtue to guard or a heavy burden to bear.

At Adekunle Ajasin University in Akungba-Akoko, Ondo State, Sunday Excellence, a 400-level Public Administration student shared a story that runs deeper than her academic pursuit. From an early age, she observed how society often weighed heavier expectations of sexual discipline on the female child than the male.

Rather than rebel against this pressure, Excellence made a deliberate choice that she would walk the path of chastity, not out of fear, but as a conviction she chose to live by.

Being the firstborn, she understood the responsibility of setting a positive example not only for her younger siblings but also for those who looked up to her.

‘Definitely, Yes. I know if I have a pregnancy out of wedlock, that’ll be the end of my education -at least for that moment. Aside from this, as a first born daughter, I have to set an example for my younger siblings – both male and female; even other young ones that look up to me,’ Excellence said.

‘Sexual purity to me means no sexual immorality. It also means that if I’m abstaining from sexual activities, my mind and my thoughts must be clean and not dirty. Even with what I watch or download online.

‘My faith balanced the foundation on how my upbringing shaped my perspective about sexual purity. Upbringing warned me about the dangers of pre-marital sex while my faith expounded better on why I should be sexually pure.’

She explained that this double standard (of prescribing different rules for the different sexes) gives many young men a sense of unchecked freedom, allowing them to act without restraint, while women continue to bear the heavier judgment when it comes to premarital sexual expectations.

‘Because of the inequality that’s already embedded in our culture, institutions and minds, guys grow wings and even do worse,’ Excellence said.

‘Society passes more warnings to the female gender, excluding the fact that sexual behaviour is between both the male and female genders.

‘The male gender is excluded from the standards laid down by the society. Even when there’s a repercussion, the female gender faces more shame and stigmatisation than the male gender.’

Responsibility should be on both genders

Excellence emphasises that sexual discipline should be seen as a responsibility for both male and female genders, not a burden only on females.

‘Young men should understand that the pressure is overwhelming and even depressing. And the responsibility or pressure should be on both genders, not majorly on the female,’ she argued.

‘Nobody should be more pressured than the other.. Let the pressure reach everybody. Society must see both genders as equal entities, especially when it comes to sexual purity. Everybody must be included in sex education, disadvantages of sexual immorality, etc.’

More balanced approach to sexual discipline advocated

Folorunsho Sunday, a corps member and graduate of the Polytechnic of Ibadan, Oyo State, echoes Excellence’s view, calling for a fairer approach where men and women alike bear equal responsibility for their sexual behaviour.

‘I will want men to be held accountable for their actions. Also, men should be able to have a role model who is worth emulating that can transform their sexual behaviour or reasoning. And promoting equal responsibility for sexual discipline requires a determined approach that involves education, culture, and individual accountability or transparency.

‘A balanced relationship will bring about a lot of positive things to take-off in such a relationship, because it will give room to open communication; it will also increase trust and reduce pressure on the two partners, while bringing about equitable dynamics, where both parties share responsibilities and understand the circumstances,’ Sunday said.

You can’t impose sexual equality

Sunday is of the belief that while sexual purity is a universal expectation, it is not something that can be imposed or shaped by a collective societal standard.

‘Sexual purity is actually expected of everyone. It is the process of being faithful or abstinence from sexual activities before marriage.

‘Equality can’t be shaped in our society because it has never been so ordained. Besides, equality, though necessary, is mostly abused and/or misused by the female gender, in terms of power and freedom. These opportunities, in most cases, are always misused. So, if they (females) are not able to manage these, then the idea of equality between the genders will continue to be a mirage,’ Sunday said.

Lasisi Romoke, a second-year Sociology student at the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), shares the view that society applies unequal standards to men and women when it comes to pre-marital sexual behaviour.

‘Society often stigmatizes a lady that engages in pre-marital sexual behaviour because the expectation is for women to hold themselves till marriage, to be modest and undefiled,’ Romoke said.

‘However, the expectations on men are less stringent, because men are known to be dominant and freer in their choices. And this, clearly, is an inequality.

For Ekeke Samuel, a 300-level Pharmacy student at Osun State University, however, true equality in matters of sexual discipline can only be achieved if men, too, commit to abstinence.

‘Abstinence is what would make men take equal responsibility for sexual discipline -a situation where boys and unmarried young men abstain from sex until they’re married,’ Samuel said.

Embarrassed on behalf of the men

Michael Charity, a final-year Mass Communication student at Adekunle ajasin university Akungba-Akoko (AAUA), emphasises that sexual purity goes beyond physical actions, describing it as both a matter of the heart and a deliberate choice.

‘Sexual purity is not just by physical action,’ Charity said. ‘It also has to do with the heart because there’s a way you can actually not engage with physical fornication or adultery without the heart or a premeditation of such a thing.

Charity remarked that she would feel embarrassed for any man applauded for actions that would earn her condemnation, viewing such praise as a clear sign of society’s harmful double standards.

‘I just feel ashamed for them since they don’t have shame,’ she said.

‘I’m always angry and like ‘what’s happening here’? And I’ve seen different cases on social media where guys will come online to make videos that ‘sexual purity is an old school thing, that a man should at least have sex with a lady before getting married to them’ and I’d be like ‘I’m ashamed for you people.”

Organise sexual purity programmes for men too

For Charity, the way to address the issue of sexual discipline is by making it a shared effort. She believes that instead of targeting only women, programmes and discussions about sexual purity should also include men.

‘The positive approach is that focus shouldn’t be on females alone. I’ve noticed that programmes on sexual purity are always organised for ladies; and you hardly see any male there. That is not the way to go. I would like programmes on sexual purity to be organised for brothers as well,’ she stated.

‘I’ve seen cases whereby members of the male gender openly express the belief that if anyone should worry about sexual disciplined, it should be the female. They feel they have the right to do whatever they like and have sex with different ladies. ‘It’s normal for a guy to cheat but a sin for a lady to cheat,’ one even said.’

However, the students’ remarks reflect the message of Hebrews 13:4, which uphold marriage as honorable and the marital bed as pure, while warning that God will judge those who practice immorality or adultery.

Historical context of sexual purity

Sexual purity is an idea with deep roots in religious and social traditions. Historically, it was tied to a woman’s worth and marriage prospects, later expanding into Christian ideals of premarital chastity and marital fidelity.

Today, society unfairly burdens female gender with the responsibility for sexual purity while excusing the male, creating a double standard that shames women but spares or even praises men for the same behaviour.

Expert’s view

Pastor Adewuyi Adegbite, a Computing Sciences lecturer at AAUA, linked harsher judgment of female sexual impurity to societal perceptions of gender and purity.

He said: ‘It is about the physiological composition of male and females. The female body most times gets easier attention and they have more body parts that get attention of the opposite gender than the male.

‘When females dress wrongly or showcase impurity, most of the time it is the opposite gender that most evaluates them, because men are moved by what they see more while females are moved by words.

‘That is why you will notice that society condemns men saying immoral things more because females are moved more by that, while the same society condemns females dressing in a revealing way because it attracts the male more.’

Psychological impacts of shaming women while sparing men

Adegbite noted that the unfairness of shaming women for sexual impurity while excusing men ‘is very bad because it’s a two-party thing,’ citing the biblical story of the adulterous woman, where the crowd sought her condemnation but spared the equally guilty man.

‘Shaming a woman makes a woman feel the right to do it, which is not right. If any have to be brought to book, it should be both of them (male and female) because both of them are involved,’Adegbite explained.

Fostering equitable and healthier approach to sexual discipline for both genders

To foster equitable and healthier approach to sexual discipline, Adegbite called on religious and community leaders to provide proper sex education for both genders, stressing it should not be treated as taboo.

‘We just keep telling people the need to be sexually pure. There should be proper orientation. Sex education is necessary at different levels and people should have the right knowledge due to different ideologies that promote impurities.

‘The best is for the religious community and the community to educate people. People should be educated properly on sex education. We shouldn’t put sex as something bad. Sex should not be talked about as a taboo,’ Adegbite urged.